Memoirs of Aaron Burr, Complete (2024)

Produced by Marvin Hodges, Stan Goodman

and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team

[Frontispiece: A. Burr]

MEMOIRS OF AARON BURR.

WITH MISCELLANEOUS SELECTIONS

FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE.

BY MATTHEW L. DAVIS.

"I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him."

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

* * * * *

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1836, by

MATTHEW L. DAVIS,

in the Clerk's Office of the Southern District of New-York.

* * * * *

PREFACE.

During a period of forty years I was intimately acquainted withColonel Burr, and have reason to suppose that I possessed his entireconfidence. Some time after his return from Europe in 1812, ondifferent occasions, he suggested casually a wish that I would makenotes of his political life. When the Memoirs and Correspondence ofMr. Jefferson were published, he was much excited at the statementswhich were made in his Ana respecting the presidential contest inCongress in 1801.

He procured and sent me a copy of the work, with a request that Iwould peruse the parts designated by him. From this time forward heevinced an anxiety that I would prepare his Memoirs, offering me theuse of all his private papers, and expressing a willingness to explainany doubtful points, and to dictate such parts of his early history asI might require. These propositions led to frequent and fullconversations. I soon discovered that Colonel Burr was far moretenacious of his military, than of his professional, political, ormoral character. His prejudices against General Washington wereimmoveable. They were formed in the summer of 1776, while he residedat headquarters; and they were confirmed unchangeably by the injusticewhich he said he had experienced at the hands of thecommander-in-chief immediately after the battle of Long Island, andthe retreat of the American army from the city of New-York. Thesegrievances he wished to mingle with his own history; and he wasparticularly anxious to examine the military movements of GeneralWashington on different occasions, but more especially at the battleof Monmouth, in which battle Colonel Burr commanded a brigade in LordStirling's division. I peremptorily refused entering upon any suchdiscussion; and, for some time, all communication on the subjectceased.

Colonel Burr, however, renewed the conversation relative to hisMemoirs, and agreed that any thing which might be written should beconfined to himself. With this understanding I frequently visited him,and made notes under his dictation. I never asked him a question onany subject, or in relation to any man or measure, that he did notpromptly and willingly answer. On his part there was no desire ofconcealment; nor did he ever express to me a wish to suppress anaccount of any act of his whole life. So far as I could judge, hisonly apprehensions were that "kind friends," as he sometimes termedthem, by attempts at explanation, might unintentionally misrepresentacts which they did not understand.

I devoted the summer of 1835 to an examination of his letters andpapers, of which there is an immense quantity. The whole of them wereplaced in my hands, to be used at my discretion. I was authorized totake from among them whatever I supposed would aid me in preparing thecontemplated book.

I have undertaken the work, aware of the delicacy and responsibilityof the task. But, if I know myself, it has been performed with themost scrupulous regard to my own reputation for correctness. I haveaimed to state facts, and the fair deductions from them, without theslightest intermixture of personal feeling. I am very desirous that aknowledge of Mr. Burr's character and conduct should be derived fromhis miscellaneous correspondence, and not from what his biographermight write, unsupported by documentary testimony. With this view manyof his private letters are selected for publication.

I entertain a hope that I shall escape the charge of egotism. I haveendeavoured to avoid that ground of offence, whatever may have beenmy literary sins in other respects. It is proper for me, however, inthis place, and for a single purpose, to depart from the coursepursued in the body of the work. It is a matter of perfect notoriety,that among the papers left in my possession by the late Colonel Burr,there was a mass of letters and copies of letters written or receivedby him, from time to time, during a long life, indicating no verystrict morality in some of his female correspondents. These letterscontained matter that would have wounded the feelings of families moreextensively than could be imagined. Their publication would have had amost injurious tendency, and created heartburnings that nothing buttime could have cured.

As soon as they came under my control I mentioned the subject toColonel Burr; but he prohibited the destruction of any part of themduring his lifetime. I separated them, however, from other letters inmy possession, and placed them in a situation that made theirpublication next to impossible, whatever might have been my own fate.As soon as Colonel Burr's decease was known, with my own hands Icommitted to the fire all such correspondence, and not a vestige of itnow remains.

It is with unaffected reluctance that this statement of facts is made;and it never would have been made but for circ*mstances which havetranspired since the decease of Colonel Burr. A mere allusion to thesecirc*mstances will, it is trusted, furnish ample justification. Nosooner had the newspapers announced the fact that the Memoirs ofColonel Burr were to be written by me, than I received letters fromvarious quarters of the country, inquiring into the nature of therevelations that the book would make, and deprecating the introductionof individual cases. These letters came to hand both anonymously andunder known signatures, expressing intense solicitude for suppression.

Under such circ*mstances, am I not only warranted in these remarks,but imperiously called upon to make them? What other mode remained toset the public mind at ease? I have now stated what must for everhereafter preclude all possibility for cavil on one part, or anxietyon the other. I alone have possessed the private and importantpapers of Colonel Burr; and I pledge my honour that every one of them,so far as I know and believe, that could have injured the feelings ofa female or those of her friends, is destroyed. In order to leave nochance for distrust, I will add, that I never took, or permitted to betaken, a single copy of any of these letters; and, of course, it isquite impossible that any publication hereafter, if any should be madeof such papers or letters, can have even the pretence of authenticity.

THE AUTHOR.

New-York, November 15th, 1836.

* * * * *

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

Ancestors of Burr; his father's birth; preparations for the ministry;the Rev. Aaron Burr visits Boston; his account of the celebratedpreacher Whitefield; is married in 1752; Nassau Hall built inPrinceton in 1757; the Rev. Aaron Burr its first president; letterfrom a lady to Colonel Burr; from his mother to her father; death ofhis parents; sent to Philadelphia, under the care of Dr. Shippen; runsaway when only four years of age

CHAPTER II.

Burr is removed to Stockbridge, and placed under the care of TimothyEdwards, his uncle and guardian; Edwards removes to Elizabethtown,New-Jersey; Judge Tappan Reeve is employed in the family as a privatetutor to Burr; runs away to New-York at ten years of age; entersPrinceton College in 1769, in the thirteenth year of his age; hishabits there; an awakening in college in 1771-72; his conversationwith Dr. Witherspoon on the subject; selections from his compositionswhile a student

CHAPTER III.

Burr's college friends; letters of William Paterson to Burr; hegraduates in 1772, when sixteen years of age; remains in college toreview his studies; amusing anecdote relative to Professor S. S.Smith, in the Cliosophic Society, while Burr was acting as president;letter from Timothy Dwight; from Samuel Spring; correspondence withMatthias Ogden and others, in cipher; anecdote respecting visit to abilliard-table; enters the family of Joseph Bellamy, D. D. for thepurpose of pursuing a course of reading on religious topics; in 1774determines to study the law; letter from Timothy Edwards

CHAPTER IV.

Removes to the family of Judge Reeve; amusing letter from MatthiasOgden; to Ogden; from Jonathan Bellamy; from Ogden; from Lyman Hall tothe Rev. James Caldwell

CHAPTER V.

Battles of Lexington and Bunker's Hill; Burr visits Elizabethtown,and, in company with his friend Ogden, joins the army under Washingtonbefore Cambridge; great disappointment and mortification at witnessingthe irregularities in the camp, and the want of a police; letter fromRoger Sherman to General David Wooster; from James Duane to GeneralMontgomery, announcing his appointment as a brigadier-general in thecontinental army; General Montgomery's answer; Burr sickens in camp;hears of General Arnold's intended expedition against Quebec;volunteers as a private; forms a mess, and marches from Cambridge toNewburyport with knapsack and musket; letters from Dr. James Cogswell,Peter Colt, &c. to dissuade him from proceeding with the expedition;efforts of his guardian to prevent him from marching; sufferings onthe march through the wilderness; escape from drowning in passing therapids; on arriving at the Chaudiere, is despatched by Arnold toMontgomery with information; places himself under the protection of aCatholic priest, who furnishes him with a guide; the guide becomesalarmed; Burr is secreted for some days in a convent; arrives insafety at Montgomery's headquarters; is appointed one of hisaid-de-camps; the plan of attack upon Quebec changed; Judge Marshall'sexplanation of the reasons for the change; Burr's opinion on the samesubject; the attack made on the night of the 31st of December, 1775;General Montgomery, Captains McPherson and Cheeseman, and all infront, except Burr and a French guide, killed; Colonel Campbell ordersa retreat.

CHAPTER VI.

Resolve of Congress to erect a monument to the memory of GeneralMontgomery; procured by, and executed under the superintendence of Dr.Franklin in Paris; erected in front of St. Paul's Church, in the cityof New-York, in 1789; Arnold takes command; Burr acts as brigademajor; Arnold resolves on demanding a surrender of Quebec, and thatBurr shall be the bearer of a sealed message; refuses, without firstreading its contents; after reading, considers it unbecoming anAmerican officer, and declines delivering it; receives complimentaryletters for his intrepidity in the attack; letter from Ogden; armymoves to the mouth of the Sorel; Burr determines on leaving it, whichArnold forbids, but he persists; in Albany is notified that GeneralWashington wishes him to come to New-York; reports himself to thecommander-in-chief, who invites him to join his family; letter fromOgden informing him that General Washington wishes him to take up hisresidence at headquarters; joins Washington's family, but soon becomesdiscontented; on the suggestion of Governor Hanco*ck, accepts theappointment of aid-de-camp to Major-general Putnam; letter to Ogden;reasons for quitting Washington's family; letter from Paterson toBurr; to Paterson

CHAPTER VII.

Some account of Mrs. Coghlan, daughter of Major Moncrieffe of theBritish army; her residence in General Putnam's family; her removal tothe family of General Mifflin; her allusions, in her memoirs, to ayoung American officer (Colonel Burr) with whom she had becomeenamoured; letter of General Putnam to Miss Moncrieffe; Burr'scharacter for intrigue; destruction of confidential papers, improperfor public inspection; letter from Theodore Sedgwick to Burr; fromOgden; to T. Edwards; from Ogden; General Putnam ordered to takecommand on Long Island in the place of General Green; Burr reports toPutnam unfavourably of the state of the army, but proposes to beat upthe enemy's quarters; is opposed to an action, considering it likelyto prove disastrous; battle on the 27th of August, 1776; Burr pressesupon Putnam and Mifflin the necessity of an immediate retreat; councilof war, and retreat ordered; General McDOUGALL has charge of theembarcation of the troops from Brooklyn on the night of the 29th; Burrassists him; his conduct this night inspires General McDOUGALL with aconfidence in him for vigilance and intrepidity which was neverafterward diminished; the retreat effected in good order; Burr is infavour of an immediate evacuation of the city of New-York; on the 15thof September the British land on Manhattan Island; General Washingtonorders a retreat, which the enemy endeavour to intercept; in theconfusion, General Silliman's brigade is left behind, and General Knoxconducts it to a small fort (Bunker's Hill) in the suburbs of thecity; Burr discovers the perilous situation of the brigade, andrecommends Knox to retreat; Knox refuses, and denies thepracticability; Burr induces the officers and men of the brigade toplace themselves under his command, and, after some skirmishes, heconducts them with trifling loss to the main army; Samuel Rowland toCommodore Morris on this subject; certificate of the Rev. HezekiahRipley, chaplain of General Silliman's brigade, respecting theirretreat under the command of Colonel Burr; also of Isaac Jennings andAndrew Wakeman, and a letter from Nathaniel Judson, in relation to thesame affair

CHAPTER VIII.

Letter from Colonel Burr to Mrs. Edwards; the British army move fromBrunswick to Princeton; General Washington crosses the Delaware;letter to Ogden; Burr ordered by General Washington, through Putnam,to proceed to Norwalk, Fairfield, and other places on the Sound, to"settle a line of intelligence," &c.; on his return to camp, July21st, 1777, is appointed by Washington a lieutenant-colonel inMalcolm's regiment; Burr to Washington; joins his regiment in theClove, Orange county; the British come out from New-York, 2000 strong,on a marauding party; Burr marches his regiment thirty miles in theafternoon and evening to attack them; before morning captures theirpicket-guards by surprise; the enemy retreat, leaving their plunderbehind them; statement of this affair by Judge George Gardner andLieutenant Hunter, with other details respecting Burr; Putnam ordershim to join Parsons's brigade with his regiment, for the purpose ofre-enforcing Washington; on the second day of his march, is ordered byGeneral Varnum to halt and defend the bridge at Pompton against theBritish; in November, is stationed with his regiment, in advance ofthe main army, at White Marsh, in Pennsylvania; goes into winterquarters at Valley Forge; by the advice of General McDOUGALL, he isordered by Washington to take command of a strong body of militia,posted to defend the Gulf near Valley Forge, all his senior officershaving been withdrawn for the purpose of giving him the command; anintended mutiny suppressed by his promptitude and intrepidity; is ofthe Lee and Gates party, opposed to Washington; misunderstanding withLord Stirling; letter from Lord Stirling; letter to him

CHAPTER IX.

Letter from Malcolm to Burr; battle of Monmouth, June 28t; arrest andtrial of General Lee; Burr dissatisfied with Washington's orders tohim during the action, in which he commanded a brigade;Lieutenant-colonel Dummer, under his immediate command, killed; Burr'shorse shot under him; his health greatly impaired by fatigue andexposure previous to and during the action; ordered by Washington, theday after the battle, to proceed to Elizabethtown to watch themovements of the enemy; several notes of Lord Stirling to him on thesubject; joins his regiment; ordered by the Baron de Kalb to WestPoint; the legislature of New-York adopt rigid measures in regard tothe tories; Governor Clinton applies to the commander-in-chief toappoint a confidential continental officer to take charge of them,&c.; General Washington designates Colonel Burr; letter from RobertBenson to Burr on the subject; proceedings of the Board ofCommissioners for defeating Conspiracies, transmitted in their letterto Burr; letter from Theodore Sedgwick; from General Lee; Burr toWashington, asking a furlough on account of ill health, without pay;from Washington, granting the furlough, but ordering the pay; Burrdeclines accepting it on these conditions, and joins his regiment atWest Point; letter from Mrs. Montgomery to Burr; ordered by GeneralMcDOUGALL to take command of a brigade at Haverstraw, his seniorshaving been withdrawn for the purpose; ordered by McDOUGALL to takecommand of the lines in Westchester; letter to McDOUGALL, detailingthe arrangement of his pickets, outposts, &c.; to McDOUGALL; fromMajor Platt; from McDOUGALL

CHAPTER X.

Letter from Burr to McDOUGALL; from Paterson; from Major Platt; to
McDOUGALL; from McDOUGALL; from Platt; from McDOUGALL; from General
Putnam; from McDOUGALL; from Samuel Young, Esq., of Westchester, to
Commodore Morris, detailing Burr's military career on the lines

CHAPTER XI.

Letter from Burr to General Washington resigning his command; fromWashington; from Mrs. General Montgomery; from Paterson; fromMcDOUGALL; at the request of General McDOUGALL, Burr consents, atgreat hazard, to be the bearer of a verbal confidential communicationto General Washington; amusing incident at Townsend's iron-works, inOrange county, on this expedition; in July, 1779, the British underTryon land at East Haven; Burr, although confined to a sick-bed,arises, sallies forth, takes command of the students in the collegegreen, and checks for a time the advance of the enemy; Colonel Platt'saccount of Burr's military life

CHAPTER XII.

Description of Burr's person and manner; anecdote illustrative of histact at correcting an ill-timed expression to a lady; his firstacquaintance with Mrs. Prevost, subsequently his wife; letter from Mr.Monroe, late President of the United States, to Mrs. Prevost; GeneralWashington to Mrs. Prevost; from Paterson; from Colonel Troup; thesame; from Paterson; to Paterson; from Troup; from Major Alden; fromPaterson; from Troup; to Troup; from Troup; the same; the same; fromPeter Colt; the same; from Troup; the same

CHAPTER XIII.

Letter from Paterson to Burr; the same; from Troup; Burr commences thestudy of the law with Paterson, on the Rariton; removes to Haverstrawto study with Thomas Smith; capture of Andre; Mrs. Arnold's confessionto Mrs. Prevost of her own guilt; scene with Mrs. Arnold at the houseof Colonel Morris in 1779-80; Burr leaves Haverstraw, and goes toAlbany to prepare for admission to the bar; letter to Major Alden;from Thomas Smith; from Mrs. Prevost; the same; the same; from MajorAlden; to Mrs. Prevost; to Chief Justice Morris; to Mrs. Prevost;Character of Philip Van Rensselear

CHAPTER XIV.

Burr applies to the Supreme Court for admission; the bar objects tohis examination; objections overruled; admitted as an attorney on the19th January, 1782, and as counsellor on the 17th of April, 1782;commences the practice of law in Albany; letter from Major Popham; toMrs. Prevost; Burr married to Mrs. Prevost, July, 1782; letter fromMrs. Burr; from Judge Hobart; from Mrs. Burr; the same; Burr removesto New-York; elected a member of the legislature; his opposition inthat body to what was termed the Mechanics' Bill, produces greatexcitement; threatened riot on the subject, Series of letters betweenMr. and Mrs. Burr

CHAPTER XV.

Series of letters between Mr. and Mrs. Burr continued from pages275-285—Federal Constitution adopted; Burr nominated and defeated onthe Assembly ticket of "the Sons of Liberty," in opposition to theFederal ticket; he supports Judge Yates in opposition to GeorgeClinton for the office of governor; Clinton elected; soon aftertenders Burr the office of attorney-general; he takes time todeliberate; his letter to Governor Clinton, agreeing to serve; isappointed attorney-general, September, 1789; commissioners appointedby the legislature to report on revolutionary claims against thestate; Burr one of them; letters to and from Mrs. Burr; letter to hisdaughter Theodosia; from Dr. Benjamin Rush; to Theodosia

CHAPTER XVI.

Report of the commissioners, in pursuance of the act entitled An actto receive and state accounts against the state, drawn by Burr;appointed senator of the United States, 1791; caution incorrespondence; sales of the public lands by "the commissioners of theland office," of which board Burr was a member; great dissatisfactionas to those sales; subject brought before the Assembly with a view tothe impeachment of the board; Burr exonerated from censure; assemblyapprove the conduct of the commissioners; anecdote of Melancton Smithand General Hamilton; Burr, during his first session in the UnitedStates Senate, with the sanction of the secretary of state (Mr.Jefferson), is employed in examining the records of the department; isprevented from proceeding, by order of President Washington; Mr.Jefferson to Burr on the subject; contested election between Clintonand Jay for governor; canvassers differ as to the legality of certainvotes; apply to Rufus King and Burr for advice; King and Burr differin opinion; Burr proposes to decline giving advice; Mr. King objects;in consequence, they give separate and conflicting opinions; Burrbecomes zealous in support of that which he has given; seven of thecanvassers decide on destroying the votes of Otsego, Clinton, andTioga counties; four object; statement of the case; opinion of Mr.King; opinion of Mr. Burr; letter from Jonathan D. Sargeant; subjectof the canvassers taken up by the legislature; protest of theminority; reasons assigned to the legislature by the majority invindication of their conduct, drawn by Burr; Assembly approve theconduct of the majority; letter from Burr to Jacob De Lamater,explaining his own course in the contested election between Clintonand Jay

CHAPTER XVII.

Burr appointed a judge of the Supreme Court; declines, but GovernorClinton does not report the fact until called upon by a resolution ofthe legislature; chairman of the Senate Committee to answer thepresident's speech, the first session of his membership; reports theanswer next day, which is adopted without opposition; defeats a billto increase the standing army by his single objection; letters to Mrs.Burr; series of letters to his daughter Theodosia; teaches his slavesto read and write; letters from one of them

CHAPTER XVIII.

Burr's manner of speaking; Albert Gallatin appointed a senator of theUnited States; objections to the legality of his appointment; Burrardent in support of Gallatin; note of John Taylor, of Virginia, toBurr, on the subject of replying to Rufus King; Senate decide againstGallatin; Burr offers resolutions against sending an envoyextraordinary to England, in 1794, and against selecting a judge forthe station; votes against John Jay; discontents of the Democraticparty with General Washington for continuing Gouverneur Morris inFrance; certain members of Congress recommend Colonel Burr to fill thestation; appoint Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe to notify the president oftheir wishes; General Washington refuses to make the appointment, butagrees to nominate Mr. Monroe; Burr's opposition to Jay's treaty;proposes amendments, which are rejected; letter to Thomas Morris;detail of legislative proceedings in procuring the charter of theManhattan Company; Burr's conduct on the occasion; his duel with JohnB. Church, Esq.; letter of Burr to ——-, giving a history of histransactions with the Holland Land Company; his daughter married; MissBurr to Joseph Alston; letter from Alston to Miss Burr on earlymarriages; contested election in New-York in 1800; Burr a candidatefor the office of Vice President; a tie vote with Mr. Jefferson

CHAPTER I.

The grandfather of Colonel Aaron Burr, the subject of these memoirs,was a German by birth, and of noble parentage. Shortly after hisarrival in North America, he settled in Fairfield, Connecticut, wherehe purchased a large tract of land, and reared a numerous family. Apart of this landed estate remained in the possession of his linealdescendants until long after the revolutionary war. During ColonelBurr's travels in Germany, in the year 1809, various communicationswere made to him, orally and in writing, by different branches of theBurr family, some of whom were then filling high and distinguishedscientific and literary stations.

His father, the Rev. Aaron Burr, was born in Fairfield, on the 4th dayof January, 1715, and was educated at Yale College. In a manuscriptjournal which he kept, and which has been preserved, he says, "InSeptember, 1736, with many fears and doubts about my qualifications(being under clouds with respect to my spiritual state), I offeredmyself to trials, and was approved as a candidate for the ministry. Myfirst sermon was preached at Greenfield, and immediately after I cameinto the Jerseys. I can hardly give any account why I came here. AfterI had preached for some time at Hanover, I had a call by the people ofNewark; but there was scarce any probability that I should suit theircirc*mstances, being young in standing and trials. I accepted of theirinvitation, with a reserve, that I did not come with any views ofsettling. My labours were universally acceptable among them, and theymanifested such great regard and love for me, that I consented toaccept of the charge of their souls.

"A.D. 1738-39, January the 25th, I was set apart to the work of theministry, by fasting, prayer, and imposition of hands. God grant thatI may ever keep fresh upon my mind the solemn charge that was thengiven me; and never indulge trifling thoughts of what then appeared tome of such awful importance. The ministers who joined in this solemntransaction were Mr. Dickinson, who gave the charge, and Mr. Pierson,who preached. Mr. Dickinson, who presided at this work, has been ofgreat service to me by his advice and instruction, both before andsince my ordination.

"In November, 1739, I made a visit to my friends in New-England, andagain in March, 1740. In the following August gust I was in adeclining state of health, and by the advice of my physicians visitedRhode Island. From thence I proceeded to Boston. On the 19th ofSeptember I heard Mr. Whitefield preach in Dr. Colman's church. I ammore and more pleased with the man. On the 21st, heard him preach inthe Commons to about ten thousand people. On Monday, visited him, andhad some conversation to my great satisfaction. On the 23d, went tohear him preach in Mr. Webb's church, but the house was crowded beforeMr. Whitefield came. The people, especially the women, were put into afright, under a mistaken notion that the galleries were falling, whichcaused them to hurry out in such a violent manner, that many wereseriously injured and five killed. The same day, Mr. Whitefieldpreached at Mr. Gee's church. In the evening he preached at Dr.Sewall's church. On Saturday I went to hear him in the Commons; therewere about eight thousand hearers. He expounded the parable of theprodigal son in a very moving manner. Many melted into tears. On the4th of October, being on my return to New-Jersey, I arrived atFairfield, where I remained two days with my friends."

In the year 1748, Governor Belcher, of New-Jersey, by and with theapprobation of his Majesty's Council, granted a charter to the collegeof New-Jersey, subsequently known as Nassau Hall. This college wasopened in Newark, the students living in private families. The Rev.Aaron Burr was appointed the first president. In the year 1754 or1755, the trustees commenced erecting the college in Princeton; and in1757 it was so far completed that the students, about seventy innumber, were removed to the building.

In, June, 1752, President Burr, being then in his 38th year, wasmarried to Esther Edwards, the daughter of Jonathan Edwards, adistinguished metaphysician and divine. He was the second president ofPrinceton College, being called to that station on the decease of hisson-in-law, President Burr. Thus, the father of Colonel Aaron Burr,and the grandfather on his mother's side, were, in succession, at thehead of that seminary of learning.

President Burr was alike celebrated for his eloquence and piety; but,withal, he possessed no inconsiderable degree of eccentricity. Hiscourtship and marriage partook of it. Miss Edwards, after thepreliminaries were arranged, was brought to New-Jersey to be married.The occurrence created much conversation, and gave rise to somenewspaper commentary. The following is extracted from the New-YorkGazette of the 20th of July, 1752.

"A letter to a gentleman from his friend, dated

"July 7th, 1752

"Sir,

"As you are a known and peculiar votary to the state of celibacy, Ijudged it would do you no disservice to acquaint you of a lateoccurrence, which sufficiently evidences, that after the most matureconsideration, some of our wisest and best men do prefer theendearment of the nuptial bed.

"About eight days since, the Rev. Aaron Burr, president of the Collegeof New-Jersey, was married to a daughter of the renowned Mr. JonathanEdwards, late of Northampton. She is a young lady of about twenty-one.Her person may be called agreeable; her natural genius seems to besprightly, and, no doubt, is greatly improved by a very virtuouseducation. In short, she appears to be one every way qualified to makea man of sense and piety happy in the conjugal relation. As to thecourtship or marriage, I shall not descend to particulars; but onlyobserve, in general, that, for some centuries, I suppose there has notbeen one more in the patriarchal mode.

"I hope, sir, that this instance, both as to matter and form, willhave its genuine influence upon you, and as well bear a part inconvincing you that wedlock is incomparably preferable to the rovinguneasiness of the single state, as to direct you, when you arechoosing your mate, that, instead of acting the modern gallant, wiselyto imitate this example, and endeavour to restore courtship andmarriage to their original simplicity and design.

"PHILOGAMUS."

At different times Colonel Burr received friendly anonymous and othercommunications, recommending to him the practice of a religious life.It is a remarkable fact, that in almost every such instance he isreferred to the letters of his mother. From a communication to him,written by a lady, the following is extracted. If it should meet hereye, as it probably will, it is hoped that she will pardon thisfreedom. Her name is suppressed, and will not be known, unless throughher own instrumentality.

"My Dear Sir,

"I trust the purity of the motives by which I am actuated will find anapology in your bosom for the liberty I assume in addressing you on asubject which involves your eternal interest.

"Here, in the wilds of ——-, I have found an extract of a letter,written by your inestimable mother nearly sixty years ago, of whichyou are the principal subject; and a transcript of which I shallenclose for your perusal. Perhaps you will think me a weak,presumptuous being; but permit me, dear sir, to assure you, this doesnot proceed from a whim of the moment. It is not a mere transient gustof enthusiasm. The subject has long been heavy on my mind. I have morethan once resolved to converse with you freely; to tell you how my ownfeelings were affected relative to your situation; but my falteringtongue refused to obey the impulse of my soul, and I have withdrawnabruptly, to conceal that which I had not confidence to communicate.But meeting (I believe providentially) with this precious relic hasdetermined me. I will write, and transmit it to you. I am too wellconvinced of the liberality of your sentiments; but I still believeyou retain an inherent respect for the religion of your forefathers.

"I have often reflected on your trials, and the fortitude with whichyou have sustained them, with astonishment. Yours has been no commonlot. But you seem to have forgotten the right use of adversity.Afflictions from Heaven 'are angels sent on embassies of love.' Wemust improve, and not abuse them, to obtain the blessing. They arecommissioned to stem the tide of impetuous passion; to checkinordinate ambition; to show us the insignificance of earthlygreatness; to wean our affections from transitory things, and elevatethem to those realities which are ever blooming at the right hand ofGod. When affliction is thus sanctified, 'the heart at once it humblesand exalts.'

"Was it philosophy that supported you in your trials? There is an hourapproaching when philosophy will fail, and all human science willdesert you. What then will be your substitute? Tell me, Colonel Burr,or rather answer it to your own heart, when the pale messengerappears, how will you meet him—'undamped by doubts, undarkened bydespair?'

"The enclosed is calculated to excite mingled sensations both of amelancholy and pleasing nature. The hand that penned it is now among'the just made perfect.' Your mother had given you up by faith. Haveyou ever ratified the vows she made in your behalf? When she bade youa long farewell, she commended you to the protection of Him who hadpromised to be a father to the fatherless." The great Augustine, inhis early years, was an infidel in his principles, and a libertine inhis conduct, which his pious mother deplored with bitter weeping. Butshe was told by her friends that 'the child of so many prayers, andtears could not be lost;' and it was verified to her happy experience,for he afterward became one of the grand luminaries of the church ofChrist. This remark has often been applied to you; and I trust youwill yet have the happiness to find that 'the prayers of therighteous' have 'availed much.'

"One favour I would ask: when you have done with this, destroy it,that it may never meet the eye of any third person. In the presence ofthat God, before whom the inmost recesses of the heart are open, Ihave written. I consulted him, and him only, respecting the proprietyof addressing it to you; and the answer he gave was, freedom inwriting, with a feeling of the deepest interest impressed upon myheart.

"Z. Y"

"To Col. A. BURR."

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MRS. BURR TO HER FATHER, PRESIDENT EDWARDS.

"Princeton, Nov. 2, 1757.

"Honoured Sir,

"Your most affectionate, comforting letter, by my brother, wasexceedingly refreshing to me, although I was somewhat damped that Ishould not see you until spring. But it is my comfort in thisdisappointment, as well as under all my afflictions, that God knowswhat is best for me and for his own glory. Perhaps I depended too muchon the company and conversation of such a near, and dear, andaffectionate father and guide. I cannot doubt but all is for the best,and I am satisfied that God should order the affair of your removal asshall be for his glory, whatever comes of me. Since I wrote mymother's letter, God has carried me through new trials, and given menew supports. My little son [1] has been sick with the slow fever eversince my brother left us, and has been brought to the brink of thegrave. But I hope, in mercy, God is bringing him up again. I wasenabled to resign the child (after a severe struggle with nature) withthe greatest freedom. God showed me that the child was not my own, buthis, and that he had a right to recall what he had lent whenever hethought fit; and I had no reason to complain, or say God dealt hardwith me. This silenced me. But how good is God! He hath not only keptme from complaining, but comforted me, by enabling me to offer up thechild by faith. I think, if ever I acted faith, I saw the fullnessthere was in Christ for little infants, and his willingness to acceptof such as were offered to him. 'Suffer little children to come untome, and forbid them not, for of such is the kingdom of God,' werecomforting words. God also showed me, in such a lively manner, thefullness that was in himself of all spiritual blessings, that I said,Although all streams were cut off, yet, so long as my God lives, Ihave enough. He enabled me to say—'Although thou slay me, yet will Itrust in thee.' In this time of trial I was led to enter into arenewed and explicit covenant with God, in a more solemn manner thanever before, and with the greatest freedom and delight. After muchself-examination and prayer, I did give up myself and children to Godwith my whole heart. Never, until now, had I a sense of the privilegewe are allowed in covenanting with God! This act of my soul left mymind in a quiet and steady trust in God. A few days after this, oneevening, in talking of the glorious state my dear departed must be in,my soul was carried out in such longing desires after this gloriousstate, that I was forced to retire from the family to conceal my joy.When alone, I was so transported, and my soul carried out in sucheager desires after perfection, and the full enjoyment of God, and toserve him uninterruptedly, that I think my nature would not have bornemuch more. I think I had that night a foretaste of Heaven. This framecontinued, in some good degree, the whole night. I slept but little;and when I did, my dreams were all of heavenly and divine things.Frequently since I have felt the same in kind, though not in degree.Thus a kind and gracious God has been with me in six troubles, and inseven. But, oh! Sir, what cause of deep humiliation and abasem*nt ofsoul have I, on account of remaining corruption which I see working,especially pride! Oh, how many shapes does pride cloak itself in!Satan is also busy shooting his darts; but, blessed be God, thosetemptations of his that used to overthrow me, as yet, have not touchedme. Oh to be delivered from the power of Satan as well as sin! Icannot help hoping the time is near. God is certainly fitting me forhimself; and when I think it will be soon that I shall be calledhence, the thought is transporting.

"Your dutiful and affectionate daughter,

"Esther Burr."

Such were the parents of Colonel Aaron Burr. Of the naturalguardianship and protection of both he was deprived before he hadreached the third year of his age. He was born on the 6th of February,1756, in Newark, State of New-Jersey. His father died in August, 1757,and his mother the year following, leaving two children, Aaron, andhis sister Sarah. She subsequently became the wife of Judge TappanReeve, of Connecticut. On the decease of his father, Colonel Burrinherited a handsome estate.

In the year 1760 Aaron was sent to Philadelphia, under the care of anaunt and Dr. Shippen. For the family of the doctor he entertained ahigh degree of respect. He frequently spoke of them in the kindestterms, and recurred to this early period of his history with emotionsof gratitude for their care and protection.

Boswell, in his Life of Johnson, remarks that, "In following so veryeminent a man from his cradle to his grave, every minute particularwhich can throw light on the progress of his mind, is interesting."Johnson himself, in the Life of Sydenham, says "There is no instanceof any man, whose history has been minutely related, that did not, inevery part of life, discover the same proportion of intellectualvigour."

These high authorities are now quoted in justification of some of thedetails which will be given in the progress of this work, and which,in themselves, may appear trifling and unimportant. When Aaron wasabout four years old, he had some misunderstanding with his preceptor,in consequence of which he ran away, and was not found until the thirdor fourth day after his departure from home; thus indicating, at atender age, that fearlessness of mind, and determination to rely uponhimself, which were characteristics stamped upon every subsequent actof his life.

Footnotes:

1. Col. Burr, at that time about twenty months old.

CHAPTER II.

In 1761 he was removed to Stockbridge, in Massachusetts, and placed inthe family of Timothy Edwards, his mother's eldest brother. In 1762his maternal uncle, Timothy, removed to Elizabethtown, New-Jersey.Aaron and his sister Sarah remained in the family until the formerentered college, and the latter became the wife of Judge Reeve. Aprivate tutor was employed for them in the house of Mr. Edwards. For aconsiderable portion of the time, Judge Reeve was engaged in thatcapacity.

When about ten years old, Aaron evinced a desire to make a voyage tosea; and, with this object in view, ran away from his uncle Edwards,and came to the city of New-York. He entered on board an outward-boundvessel as cabin-boy. He was, however, pursued by his guardian, and hisplace of retreat discovered. Young Burr, one day, while busilyemployed, perceived his uncle coming down the wharf, and immediatelyran up the shrouds, and clambered to the topgallant-mast head. Here heremained, and peremptorily refused to come down, or be taken down,until all the preliminaries of a treaty of peace were agreed upon. Tothe doctrine of unconditional submission he never gave his assent.

In 1769 Burr entered Princeton College; where, owing to his extremeyouth and smallness of stature, he was forced to commence with thesophom*ore, although, upon examination, he was found qualified to enterthe junior class. This was a source of extreme mortification to him,and especially as he had been prepared, and was every way qualified,to enter the preceding year. From his infancy Burr was of a slenderframe, and appeared to be delicately formed; but exhibited greatmuscular strength, and was able to endure excessive fatigue of bodyand mind.

Previous to entering college, young Burr had formed extraordinarynotions of the acquirements of collegiates; and felt greatapprehension lest he should be found inferior to his classmates. Hewas therefore, at first, indefatigable as well as systematic in hisstudies. He soon discovered that he could not pursue them after dinnerwith the same advantage that he could before. He suspected that thiswas owing to his eating too abundantly. He made the experiment, andthe result convinced him that his apprehensions were well founded. Heimmediately adopted a system of regimen, to which, in some degree, headhered through life. So abstemious was he during the greater part ofthe first year after his entrance into college, that it operatedpowerfully upon him, and he was supposed to be in bad health. He wasin the habit of studying sixteen or eighteen hours of the twenty-four,until the period of examination arrived, when he discovered that theprogress he had made was so much beyond his associates, that he formedan opinion as contemptuous as it had been exalted of his collegefriends. The effect of this was ultimately very injurious upon hishabits.

During the last year that he remained in college, he passed a life ofidleness, negligence, and, in some measure, of dissipation. He appliedhimself but little to his studies, and was in the constant pursuit ofpleasure. He graduated, however, when only sixteen years of age, witha reputation for talents, and receiving the highest academic honoursthe faculty could bestow.

In the year 1771-72, there was in the college what was termed, inreligious phraseology, "an awakening." A large portion of thecollegians became converted. It was only a short time before Burrgraduated, and in the midst of his hilarity and amusem*nts. He wasfrequently appealed to by his associates, and threatened with the mostterrific consequences if there was not an inward as well as an outwardchange. From his infancy Burr's education had been strictly moral; andstrong impressions had been made upon his mind as to the existence ofa Deity, and the accountability of man. Yet this awakening did notseem to him right in all its parts. He determined, therefore, to havea free and full conversation with Dr. Witherspoon, the then presidentof the college, on the subject. The result of that conversation insome measure tranquillized young Burr. The Rev. Dr. assured him thatit was not true and rational religion, but fanaticism, that wasoperating upon his friends.

Among the papers preserved by Colonel Burr are the originals of anumber of essays or orations, written and read by him, in conformitywith the regulations of the college, while yet a student. They arewithout dates; but, as he graduated in 1772, they must have beencomposed when he was of an age between thirteen and sixteen. A few ofthem are here inserted, as exhibiting his manner of writing, and thematurity and tone of his mind. The opinions which he formed, while yetin college, as to public speaking and the selection of language, heappears never to have changed. The style which he then recommendedseems ever after to have been his model.

* * * * *

Read in College, by Aaron Burr.—On Style.

"I have often observed, that it is very common for those who areambitious of excelling in composition, to study swelling words,pompous epithets, and laboured periods. This is often practised,especially by young writers. It is, however, generally condemned as afault, and sometimes too by those who practise it themselves. Anelegant simplicity of language is what every one should strive toobtain. Besides the arguments which are usually offered on this head,there is one very important one, which is commonly not much attendedto.

"It is the business of every writer to acquire command of language, inorder that he may be able to write with ease and readiness, and, uponany occasion, to form extempore discourses. Unless he can do this, hewill never shine as a speaker, nor will he ever make a figure inprivate conversation. But to do this, it is necessary to studysimplicity of style. There never was a ready speaker, whose languagewas not, generally, plain and simple; for it is absolutely impossibleto carry the laboured ornaments of language, the round period, or thestudied epithet, into extempore discourses; and, were it possible, itwould be ridiculous. We have learned, indeed, partly from readingpoetry, and partly from reading vicious compositions, to endure, andtoo often to admire, such stiff and laboured discourses in writing;but if it were even possible for a man to speak in the same pompousdiction in which Browne has written his vulgar errors, he wouldcertainly be very disagreeable. This reason, among others, may beassigned for it; that however such false ornaments may please for atime, yet, when a long and steady attention is required, we are tiredand disgusted with every thing which increases our labour, and divertsthe attention from the subject before us. A laboured style is a laboureven to the hearer. A simple style, like simple food, preserves theappetite. But a profusion of ornament, like a profusion of sweets,palls the appetite and becomes disgusting. A man might as soon thinkof filling his stomach with sweetmeats, as going through a long debatefilled with pompous epithets and sounding language. If we have anydoubt of its being ridiculous, let us only suppose a man arguing anabstruse subject in metaphysics, in the blank verse of Milton, or theexact rhymes of Pope. The absurdity is the same, only different indegree. I would not be understood to cut off an extempore speaker fromsublime expressions; because I do not suppose these to be inconsistentwith simplicity of style. I really doubt if there be any such thing assublimity of style, strictly speaking. But, indeed, rather believethat the sublime depends upon the thoughts, which are the more sublimeby being clearly and simply expressed, This, however, is not materialat present. It is certainly impossible for a speaker to carry labouredperiods into his extempore discourses: it is no less certain, that ingeneral, a simple style is to be preferred, and that he would beridiculous and disagreeable if he could do it; and as extemporespeaking is a great object, which we ought to have in view in theformation of our style, this may be used as one argument why we shouldstudy a simple style."

The Passions.

"Amid the variety of literary pieces which have in all ages beenushered into the world, few, if any, afford greater satisfaction thanthose that treat of man. To persons of a speculative nature andelegant taste, whose bosoms glow with benevolence, such disquisitionsare peculiarly delightful. The reason, indeed, is obvious; for whatmore necessary to be learned and accurately understood? what more nearand interesting? and, therefore, what more proper to engage theattention? Well may I say, with our ethic poet,

"'The proper study of mankind is man.'

"If we take a view of the body only, which may be called the shell orexternal crust, we shall perceive it to be formed with amazing nicetyand art. How are we lost in wonder when we behold all its componentparts; when we behold them, although various and minute, and blendedtogether almost beyond conception, discharging their peculiarfunctions without the least confusion. All harmoniously conspiring toone grand end.

"But when we take a survey of the more sublime parts of the humanframe; when we behold man's internal make and structure; his mentalfaculties; his social propensions, and those active powers which setall in motion—the passions,—what an illustrious display ofconsummate wisdom is presented to our admiring view! What brightermark—what stronger evidence need we of a God? The scanty limits of afew minutes, to which I am confined, would not permit me, were I equalto the task, to enter into a particular examination of all man'sinternal powers. I shall therefore throw out a few thoughts on thepassions only.

"Man's mental powers, being in their nature sluggish and inactive,cannot put themselves in motion. The grand design then of the passionsis, to rouse them to action. These lively and vigorous principles makeus eager in the pursuit of those things that are approved by thejudgment; keep the mind intent upon proper objects, and at once awaketo action all the powers of the soul. The passions give vivacity toall our operations, and render the enjoyments of life pleasing andagreeable. Without them, the scenes of the world would affect us nomore than the shadowy pictures of a morning dream.

"Who can view the works of nature, and the productions of art, withoutthe most sublime and rapturous emotions? Who can view the miseries ofothers, without being dissolved into compassion? Who can read humannature, as represented in the histories of the world, without burningto chastise the perpetrators of tyranny, or glowing to imitate theassertors of freedom? But, were we of a sudden stripped of ourpassions, we should survey the works of nature and the productions ofart with indifference and neglect. We should be unaffected with thecalamities of others, deaf to the calls of pity, and dead to all thefeelings of humanity. Without generosity, benevolence, or charity, manwould be a groveling, despicable creature. Without the passions, manwould hardly rank above the beasts.

"It is a trite truth, that the passions have too much influence overour sentiments and opinions. It is the remark of a late author, thatthe actions and sentiments of men do as naturally follow the lead ofthe passions, as the effect does the cause. Hence they are, by some,aptly enough, termed the principles of action. Vicious desires willproduce vicious practices; and men, by permitting themselves to thinkof indulging irregular passions, corrupt the understanding, which isthe source of all virtue and morality. The passions, then, if properlyregulated, are the gentle gales which keep life from stagnating; but,if let loose, the tempests which tear every thing before them. Toofatal observation will evince the truth of this.

"Do we not frequently behold men of the most sprightly genius, bygiving the reins to their passions, lost to society, and reduced tothe lowest ebb of misery and despair? Do we not frequently beholdpersons of the most penetrating discernment and happy turn for politeliterature, by mingling with the sons of sensuality and riot, blastedin the bloom of life? Such was the fate of the late celebrated Duke ofWharton, Wilmot, earl of Rochester, and Villers, duke of Buckingham,three noblemen, as eminently distinguished by their wit, taste, andknowledge, as for their extravagance, revelry, and lawless passions.In such cases, the most charming elocution, the finest fancy, thebrightest blaze of genius, and the noblest burst of thoughts, call forlouder vengeance, and damn them to lasting infamy and shame.

"A greater curse cannot, indeed, befall community, than for princesand men in eminent departments to be under the influence ofill-directed passions. Lo Alexander and Cesar, the fabled heroes ofantiquity, to what lengths did passion hurry them? Ambition, with looksublime, bade them on, bade them grasp at universal dominion, and wadeto empire through seas of blood! But why need I confine myself tothese? Do not provinces, plundered and laid waste with fire and sword;do not nations, massacred and slaughtered by the bloody hand of war;do not all these dreadful and astonishing revolutions, recorded in thepages of history, show the fatal effects of lawless passions?

"If the happiness of others could not, yet surely our own happinessshould induce us to keep our passions within the bounds of reason; forthe passions, when unduly elevated, destroy the health, impair themental faculties, sour the disposition, embitter life, and make usequally disagreeable to others and uneasy to ourselves. Is it not,then, of moment, that our passions be duly balanced, their salliesconfined within proper limits, and in no case suffered to transgressthe bounds of reason? Will any one deny the importance of regulatingthe passions, when he considers how powerful they are, and that hisown happiness, and perhaps the happiness of thousands, depends uponit? The regulation of the passions is a matter of moment, andtherefore we should be careful to fix them upon right objects, toconfine them within proper bounds, and never permit them to exceed thelimits assigned by nature. It is the part of reason to sooth thepassions, and to keep the soul in a pleasing serenity and calm: ifreason rules, all is quiet, composed, and benign: if reason rules, allthe passions, like a musical concert, are in unison. In short, ourpassions, when moderate, are accompanied with a sense of fitness andrectitude; but, when excessive, inflame the mind, and hurry us on toaction without due distinction of objects.

"Among uncivilized nations, the passions do, in general, exceed allrational bounds. Need we a proof of this? Let us cast our eyes on thedifferent savage tribes in the world, and we shall be immediatelyconvinced that the passions rule without control. Happy it is, that inpolished society, the passions, by early discipline, are so moderatedas to be made subservient to the most important services. In thisrespect, seminaries of learning are of the utmost advantage, andattended with the most happy effects. Moreover, the passions areattended with correspondent commotions in animal nature, and,therefore, the real temper will, of course, be discovered by thecountenance, the gesture, and the voice. Here I might run into apleasing enumeration of many instances of this; but, fearing that Ihave already trespassed upon your patience, shall desist. Permit me,however unusual, to close with a wish. May none of those unrulypassions ever captivate any of my audience."

An Attempt to search the Origin of Idolatry.

"It is altogether impossible to fix exactly the period when idolatrytook its rise. Adam, coming immediately from the hands of God, hadexperienced too many manifestations of his power and goodness to beunacquainted with him, and must have preserved the purest idea of himin his own family, which, most probably, continued in the branch ofSeth till the deluge. The posterity of Cain, on the contrary (the pureidea of God gradually wearing away, and by loose men being connectedwith sense), fell into idolatry, and every other crime, which broughton the deluge; a period about which Moses has said but little, andfrom what he has said we can draw no just conclusion with respect tothe idolatry of those times.

"A certain author, being persuaded that idolatry did not take its risetill after the deluge, gives a very singular account of its origin.According to him, atheism had spread itself over the world. Thisdisposition of mind, says he, is the capital crime. Atheists are muchmore odious to the Divinity than idolaters. Besides, this principle ismuch more capable of leading men into that excessive corruption theworld fell into before the deluge. The knowledge of a God, of whatevernature he is conceived, and the worship of a Deity, are apt, ofthemselves, to be a restraint upon men. So that idolatry was of someuse to bear down the corruption of the world. It is thereforeprobable, that the horrid vices men were fallen into before thedeluge, proceeded only from their not knowing nor serving a God. I ameven of opinion (continues he) that the idolatry and polytheism afterthe deluge derived their origin from the atheism and impiety thatreigned before it. Such is the temper of men, when they have beenseverely punished for any crime, they run into the opposite extreme. Iconjecture (concludes the same author) this was the case with menafter the deluge. As they reckoned that this terrible judgment, whichcarried such indications of Divine wrath, was sent for the punishmentof atheism, they ran into the opposite extreme. They adored whateverseemed to deserve their worship.

"It is true, indeed, that idolatry is capable of furnishing a curbagainst irregularity of manners; but this author has conjectured,without foundation, that atheism reigned universally before thedeluge. He ought, at least, to have excepted the posterity of Seth.

"However idolatry might have reigned before the deluge, it is certainthat the knowledge and worship of the true God were again united inthe family of Noah; and as long as the children and grandchildren ofthat patriarch made but one family, in all probability, the worship ofthe true God was little altered in its purity. Noah being at the headof the people, and Shem, Ham, and Japheth witnesses of God's vengeanceon their contemporaries, is it probable that they, living in the midstof their families, would suffer them to depart from the truth? We readof nothing that can incline us to this belief. Various have been theconjectures concerning the authors of idolatry. Some believe it wasSerug, the grandfather of Terah, who first introduced idolatry afterthe deluge. Others maintain it was Nimrod, and that he instituted theworship of fire among his subjects, which continues even to this dayin some places in Persia. Others assert that Ham was the author of it,and then his son Canaan; and it is most probable that the unfortunatesons of an accursed father were the first who, following thepropensity of their own heart, sought out sensible objects to whichthey might offer a superstitious worship. As the two sons of Ham,Canaan and Mizraim, settled, the one in Phoenicia, and the other inEgypt, it is probable that these were the first nurseries of idolatry;and the sun, being looked upon as the purest image of the Creator, wasthe first object of it. It is not probable that men would choosebeings like themselves for the first objects of their adoration.Nothing could be more capable of seducing than the beauty andusefulness of the sun, dispensing light and fertility all around. But,to conclude, we must not imagine that all idolatry sprang from thesame country. It came by slow degrees, and those who made the firstadvances towards this impiety, did by no means carry it to thatextravagant height to which it afterwards arrived."

CHAPTER III.

In college, young Burr formed intimacies which ripened into lastingfriendship. The attachment between him and Colonel Matthias Ogden, ofNew-Jersey, was both ardent and mutual; and, it is believed, continuedduring the life of the latter. Colonel Knapp says, "Samuel Spring, D.D., late of Newburyport, was in college with Colonel Burr, and part oftheir college life was his chum. The doctor was a student of matureage, and had a provisitorial power over Burr in his daily duties. Hehas often spoken of his young friend with more than ordinary feeling.He, in fact, prophesied his future genius, from the early proofs hegave of intellectual power in the course of his college life."

At Princeton, Burr enjoyed the counsel and advice of the late WilliamPaterson, subsequently one of the judges of the Supreme Court of theUnited States. To be thus early in life honoured with the respect andesteem of such a man as Judge Paterson, was highly flattering. Theircorrespondence commenced in 1772, and continued until the decease ofthe judge. Extracts from his letters to Colonel Burr will be givenoccasionally. He says, in a letter dated

"Princeton, January 17th, 1772.

"Dear Burr,

"I am just ready to take horse, and therefore cannot have the pleasureof waiting on you in person. Be pleased to accept of the enclosednotes on dancing. If you pitch upon it as the subject of your nextdiscourse, they may, perhaps, furnish you with a few hints, and enableyou to compose with the greater facility and despatch. To do you anylittle services in my power will afford me great satisfaction, and Ihope you will take the liberty (it is nothing more, my dear Burr, thanthe freedom of a friend) to call upon me whenever you think I can.

"When I shall be here again is uncertain—perhaps not before vacation.Forbear with me while I say that you cannot speak too slow. Yourgood judgment generally leads you to lay the emphasis on the mostforcible word in the sentence; so far you act very right. But themisfortune is, that you lay too great stress upon the emphatical word.Every word should be distinctly pronounced; one should not be sohighly sounded as to drown another. To see you shine as a speakerwould give great pleasure to your friends in general, and to me inparticular. I say nothing of your own honour. The desire of makingothers happy will, to a generous mind, be the strongest incentive. Iam much mistaken if such a desire has not great influence over you.You are certainly capable of making a good speaker. Exert yourself. Iam in haste.

"Dear Burr, adieu.

"WM. PATERSON"

Another letter, dated

"Princeton, October 26th, 1772.

"Dear Burr,

"Our mutual friend, Stewart, with whom I spent part of the evening,informed me you were still in Elizabethtown. You are much fonder ofthat place than I am, otherwise you would hardly be prevailed upon tomake so long a stay. But, perhaps, the reason that I fear it, makesyou like it. There is certainly something amorous in its very air. Noris this a case any way extraordinary or beyond belief. I have read(and it was in point, too) that a flock of birds, being on the wing,and bending their flight towards a certain town in Connecticut,dropped down dead just as they were over it. The people were at firstfairly at a loss to account for this phenomenon in any natural way.However, it was at length agreed on all hands that it was owing to thenoisomeness of the atmosphere, the smallpox at that time being veryrife in the place. I should never have given credit to the report, hadit not come from so good a quarter as that of New-England. For mypart, I always drive through Elizabethtown as quickly as possible,lest the soft infection should steal upon me, or I should take it inwith the very air I breathe.

"Yesterday I went to hear Mr. Halsey, and there, too, I saw his youngand blooming wife. The old gentleman seems very fond of his rib, and,in good sooth, leers very wistfully at her as she trips along by hisside. Some allowance, however, must be made; he is in the vale oflife; love is a new thing to him, and the honey-moon is not yet over. 'They are amorous, and fond, and billing, Like Philip and Mary on a shilling.'I have promised to pay him a visit; Stewart, or some of the tutors, Ibelieve, will accompany me, and I hope you will too.

"Since commencement I have been at a Dutch wedding, and expect to beat one or two more very shortly. There was drinking, and singing, andfiddling, and dancing. I was pleased extremely. Every one seemed to bein good-humour with himself, and this naturally led them all to be ingood-humour with one another.

"When the itch of scribbling seizes me, I hardly know when to stop.The fit, indeed, seldom comes upon me; but when it does, though I sitdown with a design to be short, yet my letter insensibly slides intolength, and swells perhaps into an enormous size. I know not how ithappens, but on such occasions I have a knack of throwing myself outon paper that I cannot readily get the better of. It is a sign,however, that I more than barely esteem the person I write to, as Ihave constantly experienced that my hand but illy performs its officeunless my heart concurs. I confess I cannot conceive how I got into soscribbling a vein at present. It is now past eleven o'clock at night,and besides being on horse the greater part of the day, I intend tostart early to-morrow for Philadelphia. There I shall see the races,and the play, and, what is of more value far than all, there, too, Ishall see Miss ——-, you know who.

"The enclosed letter to Spring I commit to your care. I should havesent it before, as I wrote it immediately after you left this place,but I really thought you were in New-England long ere now. I know nothis address; perhaps he is at Newport, perhaps he is not. If, oninquiry, you find that the letter is wrongly directed, pray give it anenvelope, and superscribe it anew. If he is still at Newport, itwould, perhaps, more readily reach him from New-York than from anypart of New-England that you maybe at. I have said that if I ammistaken in directing the within letter, you should cover it and giveit the proper address. Do, dear Burr, get somebody who can write atleast a passable hand to back it, for you give your letters such asharp, slender, and lady-like cast, that almost every one, on seeingthem, would conclude there was a correspondence kept up between myhonest friend Spring and some of the female tribe, which might,perhaps, affect him extremely in point of reputation, as many peoplesuppose that nothing of this kind can be carried on between unmarriedpersons of the two sexes without being tinged with love; and therather so, since the notion of Platonic love is, at the present day,pretty generally, and I believe justly too, exploded. Platonic love isarrant nonsense, and rarely, if ever, takes place until the partieshave at least passed their grand climacteric. Besides, the New-Englandpeople, I am told, are odd, inquisitive kind of beings, and, whenpricked on by foolish curiosity, may perhaps open the letter, which Ido not choose should be common to every eye.

"You gave me some hopes that you would see my good friend Reeve beforeyou returned. If you do, make him my respectful compliments, and tellhim that I fully designed to write him, but that business prevented,that laziness hindered, that—in short, tell him any thing, so it doesnot impeach my affection, or lead him to think I have entirelyforgotten him. I am,

"Dear Burr yours sincerely,

"WM. PATERSON."

In a letter to Dr. Spring, dated October 5, 1772, speaking of thecommencement, Judge Paterson says:—"The young gentlemen went throughtheir exercises in a manner passable enough. The speakers were alltolerable—none of them very bad nor very good. Our young friend Burrmade a graceful appearance; he was excelled by none, except perhaps byBradford. Linn, too, was pretty generally approved; but, for my part,I could not forbear thinking that he took rant, and rage, and madnessfor true spirit—a very common mistake."

For some months after Burr graduated (1772), he remained in college,reviewing his past studies, and devoting his time to generalliterature. Possessed of an ample income, having access to the collegelibrary, and continuing, from time to time, as his correspondenceshows, to supply himself with scientific and literary productions, hismind was greatly improved during this period. It is true he continuedto indulge in amusem*nts and pleasures; but, sleeping little, seldommore than six hours, he found ample time for study.

In the college there was a literary club, consisting of the graduatesand professors, and still known as The Clio-Sophic Society. Dr.Samuel S. Smith, subsequently president of the college, was then(1773) a professor. With him young Burr was no favourite, and theirdislike was mutual. The attendance of the professors was expected tobe regular. The members of the society in rotation presided over itsdeliberations. On a particular occasion it was the duty of young Burrto take the chair. At the hour of meeting he took his seat aspresident. Dr. Smith had not then arrived; but, shortly after thebusiness commenced, he entered. Burr, leaning on one arm of the chair(for, although now sixteen years of age, he was too small to reachboth arms at the same time), began lecturing Professor Smith for hisnon-attendance at an earlier hour, remarking that a different exampleto younger members was expected from him, and expressing a hope thatit might not again be necessary to recur to the subject. Havingfinished his lecture, to the great amusem*nt of the society, herequested the professor to resume his seat. The incident, as may wellbe imagined, long served as a college joke.

FROM TIMOTHY DWIGHT.

New-Haven, March, 1772.

DEAR AARON,

By a poor candle, with poor eyes and a poorer brain, I sit down tointroduce a long wished-for correspondence. You see how solicitous Iam to preserve old connexions; or, rather, to begin new ones.Relationship, by the fashionable notions of those large towns, whichusurp a right to lead and govern our opinions, is dwindled to a formalnothing—a mere shell of ceremony. Our ancestors, whose honesty andsimplicity (though different from the wise refinements of modernpoliteness) were perhaps as deserving of imitation as the insincerecoldness of the present generation, cousin'd it to the tenth degreeof kindred. Though this was extending the matter to a pitch ofextravagance, yet it was certainly founded upon a natural, rationalprinciple. Who are so naturally our friends as those who are bornsuch? I defy a New-Yorker, though callous'd over with city politeness,to be otherwise than pleased with a view of ancient hospitality torelations, when exercised by a person of good-breeding and a genteeleducation.

Now, say you, what has this to do with the introduction of acorrespondence? You shall know directly, sir. The Edwardses havebeen always remarkable for this fondness for their relations. If youhave the least inclination to prove yourself a true descendant of thatrespectable stock, you cannot fail of answering me very soon. This(were I disposed) I could demonstrate by algebra and syllogisms in atwinkling; but hope you will believe me without either. I never askedfor many connexions in this way; and was never neglected but once, andthat by a Jersey gentleman, to whom I wrote and received no answer. Ihope the disease is not epidemical, and that you have not determinedagainst any communication with the rest of the world. It was amortification, I confess; for I am too proud to be denied a request,though unreasonable, as many of mine are—therefore, I insist upon ananswer, at least, and as many more as you can find in your heart togive me; promising, in return, as many by tale, though without a largeprofit. I shall not warrant their quality.

Your sincere friend,

TIMOTHY DWIGHT, JUNR.

FROM SAMUEL SPRING.

Newport, May 15th, 1772.

DEAR BURR,

It is a little strange to me that I have not heard any thing of yousince your examination. I don't know but you are dissatisfied, sinceyou are so backward to write; however, I will, if possible, keep suchthoughts out of my mind till I hear from you in particular. If you arelet down a peg lower, you may tell me of it. If you are permitted tolive in college, you may tell me of it; and if you are turned out, youmay tell me of it. If you passed examination, and have a syllogism tospeak at commencement, if you are able to make it, I suppose you maytell me of that likewise; or, if you are first in the class, you maytell me, if you will only do it softly; indeed, you may tell me anything, for I profess to be your friend. Therefore, since you can trustme so far, I expect you will now write, and let me know a little howmatters are at present in college. In particular, let me know thestate of the society (Cliosophic); and if I owe any thing to it, doyou pay it, and charge it to your humble servant.

I hope you will write the first opportunity, as I trust you have gotsome very good news to tell me concerning the college in general, andyourself in particular. I have nothing particular to write. It is verypleasant to me where I am at present.

The study of divinity is agreeable;—far more so than any other studywhatever would be to me. I hope to see the time when you will feel itto be your duty to go into the same study with a desire for theministry. Remember, that was the prayer of your dear father andmother, and is the prayer of your friends to this time—that youshould step forth into his place, and make it manifest that you are afriend to Heaven, and that you have a taste for its glory. But this,you are sensible, can never be the case if you remain in a state ofnature. Therefore, improve the present and future moments to the bestof purposes, as knowing the time will soon be upon you when you willwish that in living you had lived right, and acted rationally and likean immortal.

Your friend,

SAMUEL SPRING.

In 1806-7 great excitement was produced, in consequence of ColonelBurr writing in cipher to General Wilkinson, In this particular heseems to have had peculiar notions. However innocent hiscorrespondence, he was, apparently, desirous at all times of castingaround it a veil of mystery. The same trait was conspicuous in hispolitical movements and intercourse. This has been one of the weakpoints in Colonel Burr's character. He was considered a mysteriousman; and what was not understood by the vulgar, was pronounced selfishor ambitious intrigue. Even his best friends were, often dissatisfiedwith him on this account. Acting upon this principle of mystery atevery period of his life, he has corresponded with one or moreindividuals in cipher. While yet a student in college, the lettersbetween his sister and himself are frequently written in cipher. So,also, much of his correspondence with his most intimate friend,Matthias Ogden, and with others in 1774 and 1775, is in cipher. Manyof these letters, thus written, are now in existence. To those,therefore, acquainted with the character and peculiarities of ColonelBurr, the fact of his writing a letter in cipher would not beconsidered as any thing extraordinary; because it was a habit which hehad adopted and pursued for more than thirty years preceding theperiod when this excitement was thus produced.

Before Burr left Princeton, and while lie was indulging himself inpleasures and amusem*nts, he accidentally visited a billiard-table. Heengaged in play, and, although he had never before seen the game, hewas successful, and won about half a Joe. On returning home with hisgains, he reflected on the incident with great mortification, anddetermined never again to play; which determination he adhered tothrough life. Colonel Burr not only abstained from playing atbilliards, but with equal pertinacity he refused to play at any gamefor the purpose of acquiring money.

Although he had been somewhat tranquillized by his conversation withDr. Witherspoon on the subject of the awakening in college in 1772,yet he was not entirely at ease. In consequence of which he came to aresolution not to enter upon the concerns of life until this point wasmore satisfactorily settled in his own mind. He concluded, therefore,to visit and consult the Rev. Joseph Bellamy, a venerable and devotedfriend of his late father, and to whom he was known by reputation.

Joseph Bellamy, D.D., was an eminent preacher and theological writerof Connecticut, and intimate friend of Colonel Burr's relative, thefamous Jonathan Edwards, with whose particular opinion he fullyagreed. He was celebrated in his days, before the establishment oftheological seminaries, as an instructor of young men preparing forthe ministry. The late Governor Wolcott used to speak of him with thehighest respect for his talent and moderation. He died in 1790.

In the autumn of 1773, Burr visited him at Bethlehem, in Connecticut,and was received by his aged friend in a most kind and affectionatemanner. His advice, and the use of his library, were promptlytendered. Burr commenced a course of reading on religious topics, andwas thus occupied from sixteen to eighteen hours a day. His habitswere those of great abstinence, and a recluse. His conversations withthe reverend divine were encouraged and indulged in with freedom, andhis inquiries answered. Here he remained until the spring of 1774,when, to use his own language, he "came to the conclusion that theroad to Heaven was open to all alike." He, however, from that timeforward, avoided most studiously all disputation on the subject ofreligion.

An impression has been created that Côlonel Burr was placed by hisguardian under Dr. Bellamy, for the purpose of studying divinity. Thisis an error. His visit to the Rev. Dr. was not the result of aconference or communication with any person whatever; but the volitionof his own mind, and for the purpose already stated. In fact, afterBurr entered college, his studies and his future pursuits in lifeappear to have been left entirely under his own control. Whether thisarose from indolence on the part of his guardian, or from pertinacityin young Burr, is uncertain; perhaps a little of both, united with thegreat confidence which his uncle reposed in his judgment and talents.

In the spring of 1774, while he yet resided at Dr. Bellamy's, hecontemplated studying law; but was undecided whether he should readwith Pierpont Edwards, or with his brother-in-law, Tappan Reeve, andupon this subject he wrote his guardian, who replies, in a letterdated

"Stockbridge, February 11th, 1774.

"Whether you study law with Mr. Reeve or your uncle Pierpont is amatter of indifference with me. I would have you act your pleasuretherein. I shall write to your uncle upon it, but yet treat it as amatter of doubt. Your board I shall settle with Dr. Bellamy myself. Iwill send you cash to pay for your horse very soon. You may expect itin the forepart of March. If I had known of this want of yours sooner,I would have paid it before this.

"Your affectionate uncle,

"TIMOTHY EDWARDS"

CHAPTER IV.

In May, 1774, he left the Rev. Mr. Bellamy's, and went to the house ofhis brother-in-law, Tappan Reeve, where his time was occupied inreading, principally history; but especially those portions of itwhich related to wars, and battles, and sieges, which tended toinflame his natural military ardour. The absorbing topics of taxationand the rights of the people were agitating the then British coloniesfrom one extreme to the other. These subjects, therefore, could notpass unnoticed by a youth of the inquiring mind and ardent feelings ofBurr. Constitutional law, and the relative rights of the crown and thecolonists, were examined with all the acumen which he possessed, andhe became a Whig from reflection and conviction, as well as fromfeeling.

At this period, Burr's most intimate and confidential correspondentwas Matthias Ogden, of New-Jersey, subsequently Colonel Ogden, agallant and distinguished revolutionary officer. He writes to Burr,dated

"Elizabethtown, August 9th, 1774.

"DEAR AARON,

"I received yours by Mr. Beach, dated Sunday. I am not a littlepleased that you have the doctor (Bellamy) so completely under yourthumb. Last Saturday I went a crabbing. Being in want of a thole-pin,I substituted a large jackknife in its stead, with the blade open andsticking up. It answered the purpose of rowing very well; but it seemsthat was not the only purpose it had to answer; for, after we had beensome time on the flats, running on the mud, as the devil would haveit, in getting into the boat I threw my leg directly across the edgeof the knife, which left a decent mark of nearly four inches long, andmore than one inch deep. It was then up anchor and away. Our firstport was Dayton's ferry, where Dr. Bennet happened to be, but withouthis apparatus for sewing, to the no small disadvantage of me, who wasto undergo the operation. Mrs. Dayton, however, furnished him with alarge darning-needle, which, as soon as I felt going through my skin,I thought was more like a gimlet boring into me; but, with the help ofa glass of wine, I grinned and bore it, until he took a few stitchesin the wound. So much for crabbing.

"I was at New-York about a fortnight since, on my way to Jamaica, LongIsland. The object of this journey you understand. I stayed at Mr.Willett's three days, and then went to Colonel Morris's, and spent twodays there very agreeably. Nothing occurred worth relating, unless itbe some transactions of the greatest fool I ever knew.

"Mr. Elliot, collector of New-York, Mr. and Mrs. Delancey anddaughter, dined there on Sunday. Witherspoon [1] was led in with alarge bag tied to his hair, that reached down to the waistband of hisbreeches, and a brass locket hanging from his neck below his stomach.He was turned round and round by each of the company: was asked wherehe got that very neat bag, and the valuable locket? He readilyanswered, they were a present from Lady Kitty, who was violently inlove with him, and he expected to marry her in a short time. He is socredulous that any child might impose on him. I told him that I camefrom Lord Stirling's, and that he might write by me to Lady Kitty.Accordingly, he wrote a long letter and gave me, which I opened there,and, by desire of Colonel Morris, answered it, when I got to New-York,in Lady Kitty's name, informing him that he must tell Mr. Morris toprovide himself with another tutor, as she intended marrying himwithout fail the first of September, which I suppose he will assincerely believe as he does his existence.

"Yours affectionately,

"MATT. OGDEN."

TO MATTHIAS OGDEN.

Litchfield, August 17th, 1774.

DEAR MATT.,

Before I proceed any further, let me tell you that, a few days ago, amob of several hundred persons gathered at Barrington, and tore downthe house of a man who was suspected of being unfriendly to theliberties of the people; broke up the court, then sitting at thatplace, &c. As many of the rioters belonged to this colony, and theSuperior Court was then sitting at this place, the sheriff wasimmediately despatched to apprehend the ringleaders. He returnedyesterday with eight prisoners, who were taken without resistance.But this minute there is entering the town on horseback, with greatregularity, about fifty men, armed each with a white club; and Iobserve others continually dropping in. I shall here leave a blank, togive you (perhaps in heroics) a few sketches of my unexampled valour,should they proceed to hostilities; and, should they not, I can thentell you what I would have done.

The abovementioned sneaks all gave bonds for their appearance, tostand a trial at the next court for committing a riot.

Yours affectionately,

A. BURR.

On the 11th of September, 1774, he again writes Ogden:—

I wrote you last Thursday, and enclosed one of the songs you desired,which was all I could then obtain. Miss ——-, the fountain of melody,furnished me with it. I knew that she, and no one else, had the notesof the enclosed song. I told her I should be glad to copy them for amost accomplished young gentleman in the Jerseys. She engaged to bringthem the first time she came in town, for she lives about two milesfrom here. I this day received it, precisely as you have it. You maydepend upon its being the work of her own hands. If this don't deservean acrostic, I don't know—sense, beauty, modesty, and music. Matterplenty.

Pray tell me whether your prayers are heard, and a good old saint,though a little in your way, is yet in Heaven. But remember, Matt.,you can never be without plague, and when one gets out of the way, aworse, very often, supplies its place; so, I tell you again, becontent, and hope for better times.

I am determined never to have any dealings with your friend Cupiduntil I know certainly how matters will turn out with you: for shouldsome lucky devil step in between my friend and——, which kind Heavengrant may never be; in such a case, I say, I would choose to beuntied, and then, you know, the wide world is before us.

Yours sincerely,

A. BURR.

Burr again writes him, dated

Litchfield, February 2d, 1775.

I sent you a packet by N. Hazard, and from that time to this I havenot had the most distant prospect of conveying a letter to you.However, I have written a number of scrawls, the substance of whichyou shall now have.

The times with me are pretty much as usual; not so full of action as Icould wish; and I find this propensity to action is very apt to leadme into scrapes. T. B. has been here since I wrote you last; he camevery unexpectedly. You will conclude we had some confab about Miss——-. We had but little private chat, and the whole of that littlewas about her. He would now and then insinuate slyly what a clevercirc*mstance it would be to have such a wife, with her fortune.

T. BURR, [2] by his kindness to me, has certainly laid me underobligations, which it would be the height of ingratitude in me ever toforget; but I cannot conceive it my duty to be in the least influencedby these in the present case. Were I to conform to his inclination, itcould give him pleasure or pain only as the consequence was good orbad to me. The sequel might be such as would inevitably cause him themost bitter anguish; and, in all probability, would be such if Ishould consult his fancy instead of my judgment. And who can be ajudge of these consequences but myself? But even supposing thingscould be so situated that, by gratifying him, I should certainly bethe means of his enjoying some permanent satisfaction, and shouldsubject myself to a bare probability of misery as permanent, would itnot stagger the most generous soul to think of sacrificing a wholelife's comfort to the caprice of a friend? But this is a case that cannever happen, unless that friend has some mean and selfish motive,such as I know T. Burr has not. I can never believe that too greatdeference to the judgment of another, in these matters, can arise fromany greatness of soul. It appears to me the genuine offspring ofmeanness. I suppose you are impatient for my reply to theseimportunities. I found my tongue and fancy too cramped to say much.However, I rallied my thoughts and set forth, as well as I was able,the inconveniences and uncertainty attending such an affair. I amdetermined to be very blunt the next time the matter is urged.

I have now and then an affair of petty gallantry, which mightentertain you if you were acquainted with the different characters Ihave to deal with; but, without that, they would be very insipid.

I have lately engaged in a correspondence of a peculiar nature. Iwrite once, and sometimes twice a week, to a lady who knows not thatshe ever received a line from me. The letters, on both sides, aremostly sentimental. Those of the lady are doubtless written with moresincerity, and less reserve, than if she knew I had any concern withthem. Mr. ——- received a letter from Miss ——-. He is very littleversed in letter-writing, and engaged, or rather permitted, me toanswer it, not thinking thereby to embark in a regular correspondence,but supposing the matter would thus end. I have had many scruples ofconscience about this affair, though I really entered into it not withany sinister view, but purely to oblige——. I should be glad to knowyour opinion of it. You will readily observe the advantage I have over——-. He is of an unsuspicious make, and this gives me an opportunity(if I had any inclination) to insert things which might draw from hersecrets she would choose I should be ignorant of. But I would suffercrucifixion rather than be guilty of such an unparalleled meanness. Onthe contrary, I have carefully avoided saying any thing which mighthave the least tendency to make her write what she would be unwillingI should see.

Adieu.

A. BURR.

On the 12th of March, 1775, Burr writes Ogden:—

I have received your and Aaron's [3] letters. I was a littledisappointed that you did not send an acrostic; but I still entertainsome secret hope that the muse (who, you say, has taken her flight)will shortly return, and, by a new and stricter intimacy, more thanrepay the pains of this momentary absence. Your happiness, Matt., isreally almost the only present thing I can contemplate with anysatisfaction; though I, like other fools, view futurity withpartiality enough to make it very desirable; but I must first throwreason aside, and leave fancy uncontrolled. In some of these happyfreaks I have endeavoured to take as agreeable a sleigh-ride as youhad to Goshen; but I find it impracticable, unless you will make oneof the party; for my imagination, when most romantic, is not lively ordelusive enough to paint an object that can, in my eyes, atone foryour absence. From this you will conclude that the news you heard ofme at Princeton is groundless. It is so far from being true, thatscarce two persons can fix on the same lady to tease me with. However,I would not have you think that this diversity of opinion arises fromthe volatility of my constitution, or that I am in love with every newor pretty face I see. But, I hope, you know me too well to need acaution of this nature. I am very glad to hear of ——-'s downfall.But, with all that fellow's low-lived actions, I don't more sincerelydespise him than I do certain other narrow-hearted scoundrels you haveamong you. Mean as he is, he appears to me to have (or rather to havehad) more of something at bottom that bordered on honour, than somewho will pass through life respected by many. I say this, not so muchto raise him above the common standard of d—ls, as to sink them belowit. My idea of a d—l is composed more of malice than of meanness.

Since I commenced this letter I have passed through a scene entirelynew. Now, as novelty is the chief and almost only ingredient ofhappiness here below, you'll fancy I have had some lucky turn. I thinkit quite the reverse, I assure you. I have serious thoughts of leavingthe matter here, that you may be on the rack of curiosity for a monthor so. Would not this be truly satanic? What would be your conjecturesin such a case? The first, I guess, that I was sadly in love, andhad met with some mortifying rebuff.

What would you say if I should tell you that ——- had absolutelyprofessed love for me? Now I can see you with both hands up—eyes andmouth wide open; but don't be over scrupulous. Trust me, I tell youthe whole truth. I cannot at present give you any further particularsabout the matter, than that I felt foolish enough, and gave ascautious a turn to it as I could, for which I am destined to sufferher future hostility.

Last week I received a letter from T. Edwards, which I fear may provefatal to the dear project of the 15th of April. He intends to behereabout the middle of that month. Supposing he should come here the13th of April, what could I do? Run off and leave him? Observe theuncertainty of all sublunary things. I, who a few months ago was asuncontrolled in my motions as the lawless meteors, am now (sadreverse!) at the beck of a person forty miles off. But all thislamentation, if well considered, is entirely groundless, for (betweenyou and me) I intend to see you at Elizabethtown this spring. Buteven supposing I should fail in this—where is this sad reverse offortune?—this lamentable change? Is it not a very easy matter to fixon another time, and write you word by T. Edwards?

I have struck up a correspondence with J. Bellamy (son to the famousdivine of that name). He has very lately settled in the practice ofthe law at Norwich, a place about seventy miles S. E. of this. He isone of the cleverest fellows I have to deal with. Sensible, a personof real humour, and is an excellent judge of mankind, though he hasnot had opportunity of seeing much of the world. Adieu.

A. BURR.

FROM JONATHAN BELLAMY

Norwich, March 14th, 1775.

To do justice to circ*mstances, which you know are of the greatestimportance in order to form a true estimate of what a person eithersays or does, it is indispensably necessary for me to tell you that itnot only rains very generously, but that it is as dark as it wasbefore light was created. It would be ridiculous to suppose that youneed information that nothing but the irresistible desire of writingcould possibly keep me at home this evening.

I had received your February favour only just time to laugh at itonce, when the melancholy news that Betsy Devotion, of Windham, wasvery dangerously sick, banished every joyous thought from my heart.This Betsy you may remember to have heard mentioned near the name ofNatty Huntington, who died last December; and a very angel she wastoo, I assure you. You see I speak of her in the past sense, for shehas left us; and her friends are sure she is not less an angel nowthan she was ten days ago. Very certain I am, that if a naturalsweetness of disposition can scale Heaven's walls, she went over likea bird. But I believe we must leave her and all the rest of ourdeparted friends to be sentenced by a higher Board.

"Transports last not in the human heart;
But all with transports soon agree to part."

If nature, in spite of us, did not take care of herself, we could notbut be perfectly wretched. Philosophy is the emptiest word in thedictionary. And you may observe, wherever you find them, that thosepersons who profess to place all their reliance upon it, under everyaffecting circ*mstance of life, do but make use of the term as a maskfor an iron heart. "But" (as the devil said on another occasion) "putforth thine hand, and touch his bone, and his flesh, and he will cursethee to thy face." They have as little fortitude as anybody whensufferings pinch home upon them.

Thus have I relieved a heart that perhaps felt a little too full; andif it is at the expense of my head, I have nevertheless theconsolation that it will be received only as the overflowings of mypresent feelings.

"When and where shall I see you again?" somebody once asked me. TheLord only knows. Perhaps at the election at Hartford. If we can meetthere—there will be time for notice. But, happen as it may, beassured that I am your most sincere friend,

JONATHAN BELLAMY.

"Stick my compliments in for him," says Hannah Phelps, a jolly girl offourteen.

FROM MATTHIAS OGDEN.

Elizabethtown, March 18th, 1775.

Since we last saw each other, the 15th of April has been my mark, butthe receipt of yours of the 12th has blotted it from my memory, forwhich nothing could atone but the expectation of seeing you herenearly as soon.

I read with pleasure your love intrigues; your anonymouscorrespondence with Miss ——-, &.c., and, with as much seriousness,the part relative to ——, Thaddeus Burr's overtures, &c.

Steadily, Aaron. Money is alluring, and there is a pleasure ingratifying a friend; but let not a fortune buy your peace, nor sellyour happiness. Neither be too much biased by a friend, or any one'sadvice, in a matter of so great consequence to yourself. Perhaps sheis worthy your love, and, if I could think she was, I would not say asingle thing to discourage you. Be cautious, Aaron; weigh the matterwell. Should your generous heart be sold for naught, it would greatlyhurt the peace of mine. Let not her sense, her education, her modesty,her graceful actions, or her wit, betray you. Has she a soul framedfor love? For friendship? But why need I advise a person of betterjudgment than myself? It is not advice, my friend; it is only caution.You have a difficult part to act. If you reject, she curses: if youpity, she takes it for encouragement. Matters with me go on smoothly.

I am now making up a party to go to the Falls, to be ready against youcome. My best regards to Mr. and Mrs. Reeve. I remain happy in theenjoyment of ——-'s love, and am,

Your unfeigned friend,

MATT. OGDEN.

After the decease of President Burr, Lyman Hall was intrusted by theexecutors with the collection of sundry debts due to the estate. Aremoval, and his various avocations, prevented his performing thatduty with the necessary promptitude. In consequence, the heirs wereexposed to loss. A friend of the family, the Rev. James Caldwell, ofNew-Jersey, wrote him on the subject, and his answer is so honourable,that it is deemed only an act of justice to an upright man to recordit here. It is another instance of the integrity in private life ofthose patriots that planned and accomplished the American Revolution.It will be seen that Mr. Hall was a member of the Congress of 1775from the State of Georgia.

Philadelphia, 17th May, 1775.

REV. SIR,

Since I saw you, and afterwards Mr. Ogden, in Georgia, I have writtento my attorneys and correspondents in Connecticut, to give me all theinformation they could obtain respecting the affairs and concerns ofthe late President Burr, left in my hands; which I had delivered over,before I left that colony in 1759, into the hands of Thaddeus Burr, ofFairfield; but no satisfactory answer can as yet be obtained. Onedebt, indeed, has been discovered, of about forty pounds New-Yorkcurrency; but the bond on which it is due is as yet concealed.

On the whole, I find that it is not in my power to redeliver thosesecurities for moneys which I was once in possession of; nor have Ireceived the moneys due on those which were good; but am determinedthat I will make just satisfaction to the claimant heirs (orphans) ofthe late President Burr. It is, I know, my indispensable duty, and Ihave for that purpose brought a quantity of rice to this city, theavails of which, when sold, shall be appropriated to that use. Ishould be glad that you, or Mr. Ogden, the executor, could be here totransact the business, and, on a settlement, give me a power ofattorney, properly authenticated, to recover any part of those moneysI can find due when I shall arrive in Connecticut, to which I proposegoing as soon as the Congress rises. As I am in Congress, I cannot seeyou directly; but, if liberty can be obtained, shall wait on you orMr. Ogden, or both, in my way to New-York, in a few days; but I thinkMr. Ogden, the executor, if it will suit, had better come here andsettle it. I mention him because I suppose he is the proper person todischarge me, and give me a power of attorney.

I am, reverend sir,

With esteem, yours,

LYMAN HALL.

The Rev. JAS. CALDWELL, Elizabethtown

Footnotes:

1. A relative of President Witherspoon.

2. Uncle to Colonel Aaron Burr.

3. Subsequently Governor Ogden, of New Jersey, and brother of Matthias

In his retirement at the house of his brother-in-law (Judge Reeve),Burr was aroused by the shedding of his countrymen's blood atLexington on the 19th of April, 1775. Immediately after that battle,he wrote a letter to his friend Ogden, requesting him to come on toLitchfield and arrange for joining the standard of their country.Ogden wrote for answer that he could not make the necessaryarrangements. The battle of Bunker's Hill (on the 16th of June, 1775)followed in rapid succession; whereupon he started for Elizabethtown,New-Jersey, to meet Ogden, and aid him in preparations for the journeyto Cambridge, where the American army was encamped.

Burr had been reading those portions of history which detailed theachievements of the greatest military men and tacticians of the age inwhich they lived. His idea of discipline and subordination was formedaccordingly. With the most enthusiastic feelings, and under theinfluence of such opinions, Burr, in company with his friend MatthiasOgden, left Elizabethtown, in July, 1775, for Cambridge, with theintention of tendering their services in defence of American liberty.He had now entered his twentieth year, but, in appearance, was a merestripling.

It has been seen that, whatever were Burr's pursuits or studies, hishabits were those of intense application. He had already imbibed amilitary ardour equalled by few—surpassed by none. Panting for gloryon the battle-field, information and improvement as a soldier were nowthe objects that absorbed all his thoughts. On his joining the army,however, he was sadly disappointed in his expectations. The whole wasa scene of idleness, confusion, and dissipation. From the want ofcamp-police, the health of the men was impaired, and many sickened anddied. Of the officers, some were ignorant of their duty, while otherswere fearful of enforcing a rigid discipline, lest it should giveoffence to those who were unaccustomed to restraint. Deepmortification and disappointment preyed upon the mind of young Burr.

The following original letters are found among the papers of ColonelBurr, and, as casting some light upon the history of those times, aredeemed of sufficient interest (and not inapplicable) to be inserted inthis work. The patriotic reply of General Montgomery is above allpraise.

ROGER SHERMAN TO GENERAL DAVID WOOSTER.

Philadelphia, June 23d, 1775.

DEAR SIR,

The Congress, having determined it necessary to keep up an army forthe defence of America at the charge of the United Colonies, haveappointed the following general officers:—George Washington, Esq.,commander-in-chief. Major-generals Ward, Lee, Schuyler, and Putnam.Brigadier-generals Pomeroy, Montgomery, yourself, Heath, Spencer,Thomas, Sullivan (of New-Hampshire), and one Green, of Rhode-Island.

I am sensible that, according to your former rank, you were entitledto the place of a major-general; and as one was to be appointed inConnecticut, I heartily recommended you to the Congress. I informedthem of the arrangement made by our assembly, which I thought would besatisfactory to have them continue in the same order. But, as GeneralPutnam's fame was spread abroad, and especially his successfulenterprise at Noddle's Island, the account of which had just arrived,it gave him a preference in the opinion of the delegates in general,so that his appointment was unanimous among the colonies; but, fromyour known abilities and firm attachment to the American cause, wewere very desirous of your continuance in the army, and hope you willaccept of the appointment made by the Congress.

I think the pay of a brigadier is about one hundred and twenty-fivedollars per month. I suppose a commission is sent to you by GeneralWashington. We received intelligence yesterday of an engagement atCharlestown, but have not had the particulars. All the Connecticuttroops are now taken into the continental army. I hope proper carewill be taken to secure the colony against any sudden invasion, whichmust be at their own expense.

I have nothing further that I am at liberty to acquaint you with ofthe doings of the Congress but what have been made public. I would nothave any thing published in the papers that I write, lest somethingmay inadvertently escape me which ought not to be published. I shouldbe glad if you would write to me every convenient opportunity, andinform me of such occurrences, and other matters, as you may thinkproper and useful for me to be acquainted with. The general officerswere elected in the Congress, not by nomination, but by ballot.

I am, with great esteem,

Your humble servant,

ROGER SHERMAN.

DAVID WOOSTER, Esq.

JAMES DUANE, OF NEW-YORK, TO GENERAL MONTGOMERY.

Philadelphia, July 21st, 1775.

DEAR SIR,

I am directed by the Congress to acquaint you of an arrangement in theMassachusetts department, and the reason which led to it, lest, bymisunderstanding it, you might think yourself neglected.

When brigadiers-general were to be appointed, it was agreed that thefirst in nomination should be one of the Massachusetts generals. Thegentlemen from that province recommended General Pomeroy, who wasaccordingly fixed upon; but, before his commission arrived at thecamp, he had retired from the army. Under these circ*mstances theCongress thought it just to fill up the commission designed for Mr.Pomeroy with the name of General Thomas as first brigadier. You,consequently, hold the rank to which you were elected.

I sincerely hope this may not give you any displeasure, as I amconfident no disrespect was intended.

Be pleased to accept my sincere wishes for your honour and happiness,and particularly in the discharge of the important trust which youhave undertaken.

I am, with regard,

Dear sir, your most obedient servant,

JAS. DUANE.

General MONTGOMERY.

GENERAL MONTGOMERY'S ANSWER.

DEAR SIR,

I have been honoured with your letter of the 21st inst. Myacknowledgments are due for the attention shown me by the Congress.

I submit, with great cheerfullness, to any regulation they, in theirprudence, shall judge expedient. Laying aside the punctilio of thesoldier, I shall endeavour to discharge my duty to society,considering myself only as the citizen, reduced to the melancholynecessity of taking up arms for the public safety.

I am, &c., R. M.

Answer.

The preceding is endorsed, in the handwriting of General Montgomery,on the back of Mr. Duane's letter.

The laxity of the discipline which pervaded the camp at Cambridge, theinexperience of the officers, and the contests and petty squabblesabout rank, all tended to excite great jealousy and discontent in thearmy. As yet, Burr was attached to no particular corps. He mingledindiscriminately with conflicting factions, until, disgusted with thescene which he daily witnessed, he was violently attacked with anervous fever, by which he was confined to his bed.

One day he heard Ogden and some young men of the army conversing, inan apartment adjoining that in which he was lying, on the subject ofan expedition. He called Ogden to his bedside, and inquired what wasthe nature of the expedition of which they were speaking. Ogdeninformed him that Colonel Arnold, with a detachment of ten or twelvehundred men, was about to proceed through the wilderness for thepurpose of attacking Quebec. Burr instantly raised himself up in thebed, and declared that he would accompany them; and, so pertinaciouswas he on this point, that he immediately, although much enfeebled,commenced dressing himself. Ogden expostulated, and spoke of hisdebilitated state—referred to the hardships and privations that hemust necessarily endure on such a march, &c. But all was unavailing.Young Burr was determined, and was immoveable. He forthwith selectedfour or five hale, hearty fellows, to whom he proposed that theyshould form a mess, and unite their destiny on the expedition throughthe wilderness. To this arrangement they cheerfully acceded. Hisfriend Ogden, and others of his acquaintance, were conveyed incarriages from Cambridge to Newburyport, distant about sixty miles;but Burr, with his new associates in arms, on the 14th of September,1775, shouldered their muskets, took their knapsacks upon their backs,and marched to the place of embarcation.

FROM J. BELLAMY.

Litchfield, August 17th, 1775.

MY DEAREST SOLDIER,

I was infinitely surprised to hear from you in the army. I can hardlytell you what sensations I did not feel at the time. Shall not attemptto describe them, though they deprived me of a night's sleep. But thatwas not spent altogether unhappily. My busybody, Fancy, led me amost romantic chase; in which, you may be sure, I visited your tent;beheld you (unnoticed) musing on your present circ*mstances,apparently agitated by every emotion which would naturally fill theheart of one who has come to the resolution to risk his life for hiscountry's freedom. You will excuse my mentioning, that from a deep,absent meditation, partly expressed by half-pronounced soliloquies, Ibeheld you start up, clap your hand upon your sword, and look sofiercely, that it almost frightened me. The scene, on your discoveringme, immediately changed to something more tender; but I won't wastepaper.

If you should happen to find Dr. James Cogswell, who is in ColonelSpencer's regiment, please to give my best love to him, and tell himhe is a lazy scoundrel.

It rains, my boy, excessively. Does it not drop through your tent?
Write often to

JONA. BELLAMY.

To A. BURR.

As soon as the guardian and relatives of young Burr heard of hisdetermination to accompany Arnold in his expedition against Quebec,they not only remonstrated, but they induced others, who were friendlyto him, to adopt a similar course. While he remained at Cambridge, hereceived numerous letters on the subject. The two following areselected:—

FROM DR. JAMES COGSWELL.

Camp in Roxbury, 9th September, 1775.

I am extremely sorry to hear that you are determined on the newexpedition to Quebec. I am sorry on my own account, as I promisedmyself much satisfaction and pleasure in your company: but I am notaltogether selfish; I am right-justified sorry on yours. Theexpedition in which you are engaged is a very arduous one; and thosewho are engaged in it must unavoidably undergo great hardships. Yourconstitution (if I am not much mistaken) is very delicate, and notformed for the fatigues of the camp. The expedition, I am sensible, isa glorious one, and nothing but a persuasion of my inability to endurethe hardships of it would have deterred me from engaging in it. Ifthis excuse was sufficient for me, I am persuaded it is for you, andought to influence you to abandon all thoughts of undertaking it. Ihave no friend so dear to me (and I love my friends) but that I amwilling to sacrifice for the good of the grand—the important cause,in which we are engaged; but, to think of a friend's sacrificinghimself, without any valuable end being answered by it, is painfulbeyond expression. You will die; I know you will die in theundertaking; it is impossible for you to endure the fatigue. I am soexercised about your going, that I should come and see you if I hadnot got the Scriptural excuse,—a wife, and cannot come.

My dear friend, you must not go: I cannot bear the thoughts of it.
'Tis little less melancholy than following you to your grave.

Your affectionate friend,

JAMES COGSWELL.

FROM PETER COLT.

Watertown, 11th September, 1775.

I cannot retire to rest till I have written you a few lines, to excusemy casting so many discouragements in the way of your journey toQuebec. At first I did not think it so hazardous; but, upon inquiringof those who had more knowledge of the country, thought it toofatiguing an undertaking for one of your years; and I find italtogether against the sentiments of your friends. I think you mightbe fairly excused, without the risk of being reported as timid, as thehopes of your family depend in a great degree upon you. I should haverejoiced to see you relinquish this expedition; but, as you aredetermined to pursue it, must beg you not to let any thing we havesaid to you depress your spirits, or damp your resolution, as it mayotherwise have a fatal effect. We have held up the dark side of thepicture, in order to deter you from going. You must now think only onthe bright side, and make the least of every disagreeable circ*mstanceattending your march. Let no difficulty discourage you. The enterpriseis glorious, and, if it succeeds, will redound to the honour of thosewho have planned and executed it.

May God give you health and strength equal to the fatigue of themarch, and preserve you safe from every danger you may encounter. MakeQuebec a safe retreat to the forces. I hope to have a particulardescription of Canada from you when you return.

Don't turn Catholic for the sake of the girls. Again I beg you toforget what I have said to discourage you. It proceeded from love toyou, and not a desire of rendering you ridiculous. Adieu, my dearfriend.

Yours,

PETER COLT.

A day or two after Burr's arrival at Newburyport, he was called uponby a messenger from his guardian, Timothy Edwards, with instructionsto bring the young fugitive back. A letter from his uncle (T. Edwards)was delivered to him at the same time. Having read the letter, andheard the messenger's communication, he coolly addressed him, andasked, "How do you expect to take me back, if I should refuse to go?If you were to make any forcible attempt upon me, I would have youhung up in ten minutes." After a short pause the messenger presented asecond letter from his guardian, and with it a small remittance ingold. It was couched in the most affectionate and tender language,importuning him to return; and depicting, in the darkest colours, thesufferings he must endure if he survived the attempt to reach Quebec.It affected young Burr very sensibly, insomuch that he shed tears. Buthis destiny was fixed. He wrote, however, a respectful letter to hisuncle, explanatory of his reasons for accompanying the army, andexpressive of his gratitude for the kindness he had experienced.

On or about the 20th of September, 1775, the troops under the commandof Arnold embarked at Newburyport. This detachment was to penetrateCanada about ninety or one hundred miles below Montreal, proceeding bythe Kennebec river, and thence through the wilderness between the St.Lawrence and the settled parts of Maine. In this route, precipitousmountains, deep and almost impenetrable swamps and morasses, were tobe passed. Arnold, in a letter to General Washington, dated FortWeston, September 25th, 1775, says: "I design Chaudiere Pond as ageneral rendezvous, and from thence proceed in a body. I believe, fromthe best information I can procure, we shall be able to perform thejourney in twenty days; the distance from this being about one hundredand eighty miles."

During the march through the wilderness, no regard whatever was paidto order or discipline. Every man was left to take care of himself,and make the best of his way through the woods. The sufferings of thisdetachment from wet, and cold, and hunger, were excessive. From thelatter, however, Burr suffered less than any of his companions. Hisabstemious habits in regard to eating seemed peculiarly calculated forsuch an expedition. Both Burr and Ogden had been accustomed, in smallboats, to aquatic excursions round Staten Island and in its vicinity.They were skilful helmsmen, and in this particular, in passing therapids, were frequently useful. Notwithstanding this qualification,however, Burr, with some soldiers in a boat, was carried over a fallof nearly twenty feet. One man was drowned, and much of the baggagelost. The weather was cold, and it was with great difficulty that hereached the shore.

"Arnold, who, at the head of the two first divisions, still prosecutedhis march, was thirty-two days traversing a hideous wilderness,without seeing a house or any thing human. The troops were under thenecessity of hauling their bateaux up rapid streams; of taking themupon their shoulders, with all their provisions, acrosscarrying-places; and of traversing, and frequently repassing, for thepurpose of bringing their baggage, deep morasses, thick woods, andhigh mountains. These impediments, notwithstanding the zealous andwonderfully persevering exertions of his men, so protracted his march,that, though he had expected certainly to enter Canada about themiddle of October, he did not reach the first settlements on theChaudiere, which empties itself into the St. Lawrence near Quebec,until the third of November.

"On the high grounds which separate the waters of the Kennebec fromthose of the St. Lawrence, the scanty remnant of provisions wasdivided among the companies, each of which was directed, withoutattempting to preserve any connexion with another, to march with theutmost possible celerity into the inhabited country. While those whogained the front were yet thirty miles from the first poor andscattered habitations which composed that frontier of Canada, theirlast morsel of food was consumed. But, preceded by Arnold, who wentforward for the purpose of procuring for them something which mightsatisfy the first demands of nature, the troops still persevered intheir labours, with a vigour unimpaired by the hardships they hadencountered, until they once more found themselves in regionsfrequented by human beings." [1]

On the arrival of Arnold's detachment at Chaudiere Pond, Burr wasdespatched with a verbal communication to General Montgomery. Hedisguised himself as a young Catholic priest. In this order of men hewas willing to repose confidence. He knew that the French Catholicswere not satisfied with their situation under the provincialgovernment; but especially the priesthood. Feeling no apprehension forhis own safety from treachery, he proceeded to a learned and reverendfather of the church, to whom he communicated frankly who he was, andwhat was his object. Burr was master of the Latin language, and had animperfect knowledge of the French. The priest was an educated man, sothat a conversation was held with but little difficulty. Heendeavoured to dissuade Burr from the enterprise. Spoke of it asimpossible to accomplish. He represented the distance as great, andthrough an enemy's country. The boyish appearance of Burr induced thereverend divine to consider him a mere child. Discovering, however,the settled purpose of the young adventurer, the priest procured him aconfidential guide and a cabriolet (for the ground was now coveredwith snow), and, thus prepared, he started on his journey. Withoutinterruption, he was conducted in perfect safety from one religiousfamily to another, until he arrived at Three Rivers. Here the guidebecame alarmed in consequence of some rumours as to the arrival ofArnold at the Chaudiere, and that he had despatched messengers toMontgomery to announce to him the fact. Under strong apprehensions,the guide refused to proceed any farther, and recommended to Burr toremain a few days until these rumours subsided. To this he wascompelled to accede; and, for greater security, he was secreted threedays in a convent at that place. At the expiration of this period heagain set off, and reached Montgomery without further detention oraccident.

On his arrival at headquarters, he explained to the general thecharacter of the re-enforcement he was about to receive; the probablenumber of effective men, and the time at which their arrival might beanticipated. General Montgomery was so well pleased with the detailswhich had been given him, and the manner in which young Burr hadeffected his journey after leaving Arnold, that he invited him (Burr)to reside at headquarters, assuring him that he should receive anappointment as one of his aids. At this time Montgomery was abrigadier, and not entitled to aids, only in virtue of his beingcommander-in-chief of the army. Previous to his death, however, he wasappointed a major-general, but the information did not reach him.

As soon as Burr had joined the family of the general, he entered uponthe duties of an aid; but no formal annunciation was made until thearmy arrived before Quebec, when his appointment was announced ingeneral orders. Arnold arrived at Point Levi, opposite to Quebec, onthe 9th of November, 1775. He paraded for some days on the heightsnear the town, and sent two flags to demand a surrender, but both werefired upon as rebels with whom no communication was to be held. Thetrue reason, however, was, that Colonel M'Clean, the Britishcommandant, a vigilant and experienced officer, knowing the weaknessof his own garrison, deemed it impolitic, if not unsafe, to receive aflag from Arnold.

The first plan for the attack upon the British works was essentiallydifferent from that which was subsequently carried into execution.Various reasons have been assigned for this change. Judge Marshallsays, "that while the general (Montgomery) was making the necessarypreparations for the assault, the garrison received intelligence ofhis intention from a deserter. This circ*mstance induced him to changethe plan of his attack, which had been originally to attempt both theupper and lower towns at the same time. The plan now resolved on wasto divide the army into four parts; and while two of them, consistingof Canadians under Major Livingston, and a small party under MajorBrown, were to distract the attention of the garrison by making twofeints against the upper town of St. Johns and Cape Diamond, the othertwo, led, the one by Montgomery in person, and the other by Arnold,were to make real attacks on opposite sides of the lower town." [2]

Colonel Burr says, that a change of the plan of attack was produced,in a great measure, through the advice and influence of Mr. Antill, aresident in Canada, who had joined the army; and Mr. Price, a Montrealmerchant of property and respectability, who had also come out andunited his destiny with the cause of the colonies. Mr. Price, inparticular, was strongly impressed with the opinion, that if theAmerican troops could obtain possession of the lower town, themerchants and other wealthy inhabitants would have sufficientinfluence with the British commander-in-chief to induce him tosurrender rather than jeopard the destruction of all their property.It was, as Colonel Burr thought, a most fatal delusion. But it isbelieved that the opinion was honestly entertained.

The first plan of the attack was agreed upon in a council, at whichyoung Burr and his friend, Matthias Ogden, were present. Thearrangement was to pass over the highest walls at Cape Diamond. Herethere was a bastion. This was at a distance of about half a mile fromany succour; but being considered, in some measure, impregnable, theleast resistance might be anticipated in that quarter. Subsequentevents tended to prove the soundness of this opinion. In pursuance ofthe second plan, Major Livingston, with a detachment under hiscommand, made a feint upon Cape Diamond; but, for about half an hour,with all the noise and alarm that he and his men could create, he wasunable to attract the slightest notice from the enemy, so completelyunprepared were they at this point.

While the first was the favourite plan of attack, Burr requestedGeneral Montgomery to give him the command of a small forlorn hope,which request was granted, and forty men allotted to him. Ladders wereprepared, and these men kept in constant drill, until they couldascend them (standing almost perpendicular), with their muskets andaccoutrements, with nearly the same facility that they could mount anordinary staircase. In the success of this plan of attack Burr hadentire confidence; but, when it was changed, he entertained strongapprehensions of the result. He was in the habit, every night, ofvisiting and reconnoitring the ground about Cape Diamond, until hebecame perfectly familiarized with every inch adjacent to, or in thevicinity of, the intended point of assault.

When the attack was about to be commenced, Captain Burr, and otherofficers near General Montgomery, endeavoured to dissuade him fromleading in the advance; remarking that, as commander-in-chief, it wasnot his place. But all argument was ineffectual and unavailing. Theattack was made on the morning of the 31st of December, 1775, beforedaylight, in the midst of a violent snow-storm. The New-York troopswere commanded by General Montgomery, who advanced along the St.Lawrence, by the way of Aunce de Mere, under Cape Diamond. The firstbarrier to be surmounted was at the Pot Ash. In front of it was ablock-house and picket, in charge of some Canadians, who, after makinga single fire, fled in confusion. On advancing to force the barrier,an accidental discharge of a piece of artillery from the Britishbattery, when the American front was within forty paces of it, killedGeneral Montgomery, Captain McPherson, one of his aids, CaptainCheeseman, and every other person in front, except Captain Burr and aFrench guide. General Montgomery was within a few feet of CaptainBurr; and Colonel Trumbull, in a superb painting recently executed byhim, descriptive of the assault upon Quebec, has drawn the generalfalling in the arms of his surviving aid-de-camp. Lieutenant ColonelCampbell, being the senior officer on the ground, assumed the command,and ordered a retreat.

Footnotes:

1. Marshall's Life of Washington

2. Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. i., p. 329.

CHAPTER VI.

To evince the high sense entertained by his country for the servicesof General Montgomery, Congress directed a monument to be erected,with an inscription sacred to his memory. They "Resolved, That, toexpress the veneration of the United Colonies for their late general,Richard Montgomery, and the deep sense they entertained of the manysignal and important services of that gallant officer, who, after aseries of successes, amid the most discouraging difficulties, fell, atlength, in a gallant attack upon Quebec, the capital of Canada, and totransmit to future ages, as examples truly worthy of imitation, hispatriotism, conduct, boldness of enterprise, insuperable perseverance,and contempt of danger and death, a monument be procured from Paris,or other part of France, with an inscription sacred to his memory, andexpressive of his amiable character and heroic achievements; and thatthe continental treasurer be directed to advance a sum, not exceedingthree hundred pounds sterling, to Dr. Benjamin Franklin, who isdesired to see this resolution properly executed, for defraying theexpenses thereof."

This resolve was carried into execution at Paris by that ingeniousartist, M. Caffieres, sculptor to Louis XVI., king of France, underthe direction of Dr. Benjamin Franklin. The monument is of whitemarble, of the most beautiful simplicity and inexpressible elegance,with emblematical devices, and the following truly classicalinscription, worthy of the modest but great mind of Franklin.

TO THE GLORY OF

RICHARD MONTGOMERY,

MAJOR-GENERAL OF THE ARMIES OF THE

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

SLAIN AT THE SIEGE OF QUEBEC,

THE THIRTY-FIRST OF DECEMBER, 1775,

AGED 38 YEARS.

This monument was erected in front of St. Paul's Church, in the cityof New-York, in the spring of 1789.

General Arnold temporarily became commander-in-chief of the Americanarmy near Quebec, and was accordingly removed to headquarters. YoungBurr was now called upon to perform the duties of brigade major.Arnold's plan was, by a close blockade, to starve out the enemy; but,from the weakness of his force, he soon discovered that this wasimpracticable; and he knew that, on the opening of the spring, hecould not retain his present position, but must retreat. He thereforeresolved to send in a flag of truce, and demand a surrender. Heinformed Captain Burr that he was about to send him with acommunication to General Carlton, the British commander. Captain Burrrequired that he should be made acquainted with its contents. Arnoldobjected; whereupon Burr remarked that, if the general wished it, hewould resign; but that he could not consent to be the bearer of thecommunication without possessing a knowledge of its character. Atlength, it was exhibited to him. It was demanding a surrender of thefortress, but in terms that Captain Burr considered unbecoming anAmerican officer, and he so stated to the general; adding, that thebearer of such a message, if he were permitted to deliver it, would betreated by the British with contumely and contempt; and thereforedeclined the mission. Another officer was selected, and met the fateBurr anticipated. Shortly after (April 1st, 1776), General Woosterarrived from Montreal and took the command. He was succeeded byGeneral Thomas about the 1st of May; and, on the 5th of May, it wasdetermined in council to raise the blockade of Quebec, and that thesick and wounded should be immediately removed, with the artillery andstores, by boats, to Three Rivers, preparatory to a retreat.

Burr's perseverance and zeal during the march through the wildernesswith Arnold, his subsequent boldness in joining Montgomery, and hisintrepidity at the assault on Quebec, had acquired for him greatreputation in the army, and had drawn towards him the attention ofsome of the most distinguished Whigs in the United Provinces. Fromevery quarter he received highly complimentary letters. From a few ofthem extracts are made. Colonel Antill, a resident of Montreal, whohad joined the American army, thus addresses him, five days after thefall of Montgomery:—

"La La Chine, 5th January, 1776.

"DEAR BURR,

"I have desired Mr. Price to deliver you my pistols, which you willkeep until I see you. They are relics from my father's family, andtherefore I cannot give them to you. The general (Wooster) has thoughtproper to send me to the Congress, where I shall have an opportunityof speaking of you as you deserve.

"Yours,

"EDWARD ANTILL."

On the 4th of January, General Wooster writes from Montreal to General
Arnold:—

"Give my love to Burr, and desire him to remain with Colonel Clintonfor the present. [1] Not only him, but all those brave officers whohave so nobly distinguished themselves. I shall ever remember withgratitude and the highest degree of approbation, and shall not fail torepresent them accordingly.

"DAVID WOOSTER."

From a college-chum of great merit, he received a letter, dated

"Philadelphia, January 24th, 1776.

"DEAR BURR,

"I am informed a gentleman is just setting off for Quebec, and snatchthe opportunity of at once condóling with you for the loss of yourbrave general, and congratulating you on the credit you have gained inthat action. 'Tis said you behaved well—you behaved gallantly. Inever doubted but you would distinguish yourself, and your praise isnow in every man's mouth. It has been my theme of late. I will not sayI was perfectly disinterested in the encomiums I bestowed. You were ason of Nassau Hall, and reflected honour on the place of myeducation. You were my classmate and friend, and reflected honour onme. I make no doubt but your promotion will be taken care of. Thegentlemen of the Congress speak highly of you.

"Your affectionate,

"WILLIAM BRADFORD, Jun."

Judge Tappan Reeve writes—

"Stockbridge, January 27th, 1776.

"DEAR BURR,

"Amid the lamentations of a country for the loss of a brave,enterprising general, your escape from such imminent danger, to whichyou have been exposed, has afforded us the greatest satisfaction. Thenews of the unfortunate attack upon Quebec arrived among us on the13th of this month. I concealed it from your sister until the 18th,when she found it out; but, in less than half an hour, I receivedletters from Albany, acquainting me that you were in safety, and hadgained great honour by your intrepid conduct. It gave us a kind ofhappiness that I should be very loath ever again to enjoy; for itnever can be the case until you have again been exposed to the likedanger, and have again escaped it, which I hope may never happen. Toknow that you were in safety gave great pleasure. It was heightened byhearing that your conduct was brave. Could you have been crowned withsuccess, it would have been complete.

"It was happy for us that we did not know that you were anaid-de-camp, until we heard of your welfare; for we heard thatMontgomery and his aid-de-camps were killed, without knowing who hisaid-de-camps were.

"Your sister enjoys a middling state of health. She has many anxioushours upon your account; but she tells me that, as she believes youmay serve your country in the business in which you are now employed,she is contented that you should remain in the army. It must be anexalted public spirit that could produce such an effect upon a sisteras affectionate as yours.

"Adieu.

"T. REEVE."

His friend, Jonathan Bellamy, writes, "Norwich, March 3d, 1776.

"MY VERY DEAR FRIEND,

"Be you yet alive? I have been infinitely distressed for you; but Ihope it is now as safe with you as glorious. Doctor Jim Cogswell hasleft the army. A few days ago I received a letter from him. 'I doubtnot,' he says, 'you have most sensible pleasure in the applausesbestowed on our friend Burr; when I hear of his gallant behaviour, Ifeel exquisite delight.'

"Curse on this vile distance between us. I am restless to tell youevery thing; but uncertainty whether you would ever hear it bids me besilent, till, in some future happy meeting, I may hold you to mybosom, and impart to you every emotion of my heart.

"Yours sincerely,

"JONA. BELLAMY."

Immediately after the repulse of the Americans at Quebec, his friendOgden returned to New-Jersey, but spent much of his time with the armyin the city of New-York. He writes to Burr, dated

New-York, 20th March, 1776.

Some weeks have elapsed since I saw Walker and Price. To-day I metwith Hopkins at this place. My first inquiry was for letters from you.I mean not to upbraid you. This is the third time of my writing sinceI left you. I shall continue it, with the hope of giving you somesmall satisfaction. Miss Dayton is well, and will soon be mine. Barberis appointed major in the third Jersey battalion, of which Dayton iscolonel, and Walton White lieutenant-colonel. Hanco*ck was particularin his inquiry after you, and was disappointed in not receiving a linefrom you. I was kindly received on my arrival at Philadelphia. TheCongress have since appointed me lieutenant-colonel in the firstJersey battalion, in the room of Lieutenant-colonel Winds, who has theregiment in the stead of Lord Stirling, who is advanced to abrigadier-general.

Colonel Allen, who hands you this, is much of a gentleman, and worthyyour attention. Melcher has hobbled himself. Inquire of Colonel Allen.General Thompson commands. To-morrow my appointment will be announcedin general orders, whereupon I shall join my regiment, but shallobtain leave of absence for a week or two. Elizabethtown swarms withgirls, among which is Miss Noel. I have not seen Miss Ricketts.

When I was in Philadelphia, Colonel Reed expressed a desire of servingme. He said there was a vacancy in General Washington's family, anddoubted not his recommendation would procure it for me. I declined it,hoping to get a more active office, but desired he would procure itfor you. If any thing offers at Quebec, accept it, as it will nothinder your appointment here. Washington is expected in New-York, whenI shall have a better chance of bringing it about. The pay and rankare equal to a full major. I shall write you by Price. Miss Dayton isparticular in her inquiries after you.

Yours sincerely,

MATT. OGDEN.

In the spring of 1776, the army moved from Montreal to the mouth ofthe Sorel. Major Burr yet remained with it. While at Montreal, hebecame disgusted with General Arnold, on account of his meanness andother bad qualities. On the march through the wilderness, he was farfrom being satisfied with the general. Burr thought he provided toocarefully for himself; and that he did not sufficiently share thefatigues and privations of the march in common with the troops.Immediately after arriving at the Sorel, he informed the general ofhis desire to visit his friends, and to ascertain what was doing, ashe wished more active employment. General Arnold objected somewhatpetulantly. Burr remarked courteously, but firmly, "Sir, I have a boatin readiness. I have employed four discharged soldiers to row me, andI start to-morrow morning at six o'clock." He then designated thepoint at which he should embark. Arnold forbade his departure,whereupon Burr reiterated his determination.

The next morning, at the specified hour, he repaired to his boat, andshortly after discovered the general approaching. "Why, Major Burr,"says he, "you are not going?"—"I am, sir," replied the major. "Butyou know, sir, it is contrary to my wish and against my orders."—"Iknow, sir, that you have the power of stopping me, but nothing shortof force shall do it." The general then changed his tone and manner,and endeavoured to dissuade; but, after a few minutes' conversation,Burr wished him great success, then embarked, and took his departurewithout interruption.

On the Sorel an incident occurred which gave some alarm to thevoyagers. Burr had taken into his boat, as a kind of companion, ayoung merchant. On the borders of the river they suddenly discovered alarge brick house, with wings, having loopholes to fire through, andin view, at the door, stood an Indian warrior, in full costume. Theoarsmen were for attempting to retreat. Burr said it was too late, asthey were within the reach of the Indians' rifles. The passenger wasabout to stop the men from rowing, when Burr threatened to shoot himif he interfered. The inquiry was then made—"What are we to do?" Themajor replied, "Row for the shore and land; I will go up to the house,and we shall soon learn what they are." By this time several otherIndians had made their appearance. On reaching the shore, Burr tookhis sword and proceeded to meet the red men. An explanation ensued,and it was ascertained that they were friendly. The stores were landedfrom the boat, and a merrimaking followed.

Major Burr continued his route to Albany. On his arrival, and whilethere, he was notified verbally that it would be agreeable to thecommander-in-chief (General Washington) that he should visit New-York.He forthwith proceeded down the river, and arrived in the city aboutthe 20th of May, 1776. He immediately reported himself to thecommander-in-chief, who invited him to join his family at headquartersuntil he received a satisfactory appointment. The quarters of GeneralWashington were at that time in the house subsequently owned byColonel Burr, and known as Richmond Hill. This invitation wasaccepted, and Major Burr occasionally rode out with the general, butvery soon became restless and dissatisfied. He wrote to John Hanco*ck,then president of Congress, and who had been an intimate friend of hisfather, that he was disgusted, and inclined to retire from theservice. Governor Hanco*ck objected, and asked him whether he wouldaccept the appointment of aid-de-camp to Major-general Putnam, then incommand in the city of New-York. Burr consented, and removed from theheadquarters of the commander-in-chief to those of Major-generalPutnam. About this period Burr received a letter from his friend, nowLieutenant-colonel M. Ogden, who had proceeded to the north with hisregiment. He writes,

Fort George, 5th June, 1776.

DEAR BURR,

I this evening experienced the greatest disappointment I have met withsince my memory. I yesterday saw Mr. Price; he informed me that youwere on your way, in company with the commissioners, who, I was thisday informed, were coming by the way of Skeenesborough. I altered mycourse, and went that way, till I met them on the road. They informedme you were coming by Lake George. I then turned about, very muchafraid you would pass me before I came into the lake road. But whatnecessity for enumerating all these circ*mstances? I have missed you.D—n the luck. I never so much desired, nor had occasion so much foran interview. I have not received a single line from you since I leftCanada. Perhaps you have not written, or perhaps they have miscarried.If they have miscarried, withered be the hand that held them back.Tell me you omitted through carelessness, neglect, hurry of business,or any thing, rather than want of friendship.

General Washington desired me to inform you that he will provide foryou, and that he expects you will come to him immediately, and stay inhis family. I should have acquainted you of this by letter, had I notexpected to have seen you. You will now want your horse. I have soldhim, and spent the money, and expect I shall not be able to refund ituntil my return.

I am, if I ever was,

Yours sincerely,

MATTHIAS OGDEN.

Before the preceding letter was received by Major Burr, he felt piquedat what he supposed the coldness and neglect of his friend Ogden, and,under the influence of such feelings, wrote the following:—

New-York, New-York, 18th Jane, 1776,

DEAR OGDEN,

A correspondence, which I flattered myself in former times wasmutually agreeable, has of late somehow strangely found an end. Youmay remember, when you left Canada, I engaged to answer your firstletter immediately, and to continue writing from that time, by everyopportunity, as usual. I concluded your letters must have miscarried,and wrote you a line by Mr. Avery. I had no direct intelligence fromyou, till a verbal message by Mr. Duggan, the beginning of May. A fewdays after, I received a letter from Colonel Ogden by ColonelAllen. I should have answered it, but had determined to visit mynative colony, and expected, by personal interview, to answer purposeswhich I scarce hoped the cold medium of ink and paper could effect.

That I unfortunately missed you on my way hither, I need not relate.At Albany I first heard you had passed me. I was upon the point offollowing you; but the character of troublesome fool struck me in sodisagreeable a light, that, in spite of myself, I continued myjourney.

There is in man a certain love of novelty; a fondness of variety(useful, indeed, within proper limits), which influences more or lessin almost every act of life. New views, new laws, new friends, haveeach their charm. Truly great must be the soul, and firm almost beyondthe weakness of humanity, that can withstand the smiles of fortune.Success, promotion, the caresses of the great, and the flatteries ofthe low, are sometimes fatal to the noblest minds. The volatile becomean easy prey. The fickle heart, tiptoe with joy, as from an eminence,views with contempt its former joys, connexions, and pursuits. A newtaste contracted, seeks companions suited to itself. But pleasureseasiest tasted, though perhaps at first of higher glee, are soonestpast, and, the more they are relied upon, leave the severer stingbehind. One cloudy day despoils the glow-worm of all its glitter.

Should fortune ever frown upon you, Matt.; should those you now callfriends forsake you; should the clouds gather force on every side, andthreaten to burst upon you, think then upon the man who never betrayedyou; rely on the sincerity you never found to fail; and if my heart,my life, or my fortune can assist you, it is yours.

I go to-morrow to Elizabethtown, where I shall see the best ofwomen—your wife. Whatever letters or commands she may have for you, Ishall be careful to forward by the safest hands.

Your friend,

AARON BURR.

In the beginning of July, 1776, Major Burr was appointed aid-de-campto General Putnam. At this time the headquarters of the general werein the large brick house, yet standing, at the corner of Broadway andthe Battery. Burr continued occasionally to correspond with hisfriends, but was much occupied with his military duties, and thosestudies which were calculated to render him scientifically master ofhis profession. During the short period that he remained in the familyof General Washington, he was treated with respect and attention; butsoon perceived, as he thought, an unwillingness to afford thatinformation, and those technical explanations of great historicalmilitary movements, which an inquiring and enlightened mind, likeBurr's, sought with avidity and perseverance. He therefore becameapprehensive, if he remained with the commander-in-chief, that,instead of becoming a scientific soldier, he should dwindle down intoa practical clerk—a species of drudgery to which his pecuniarycirc*mstances did not render it necessary for him to submit, and forwhich neither his habits, his education, nor his temperament in anydegree qualified him. He therefore determined promptly on a change,and was willing to enter the family of Major-general Putnam, becausehe would there enjoy the opportunities for study, and the duties whichhe would be required to perform would be strictly military. There isno doubt the short residence of Major Burr with General Washingtonlaid the foundation for those prejudices which, at a future day,ripened into hostile feelings on both sides.

Judge Paterson thus writes him:—

New-Brunswick, July 22d, 1776.

MY DEAR BURR,

I did myself the pleasure of writing you by my brother, who is inGeneral Sullivan's brigade, and who was in expectation of seeing you,as he was destined for the Canada department. Indeed, from thefriendship which subsisted between us, I was in expectation of hearingfrequently from you, and, to tell the truth, was not a littlemortified that I was passed over in silence. Why, Burr, all thisnegligence? I dare not call it forgetfullness, for I cannot bear thethought of giving up my place in your esteem. I rejoice at yourreturn, and congratulate you on your promotion. I was attending theconvention at Burlington when you passed on to Philadelphia, and wasfull of the pleasing hope of having an interview with you. TheDelaware, indeed, ran between us—a mighty obstacle, to be sure! Iinquired when you designed to return, that I might plant myself atBristol, and intercept you on your way. The inquiry was of no avail. Ihave at times been violently tempted to write you a railing letter,and for that purpose have more than once taken up the pen. But I canhardly tell how, on such occasions, the Genius of Friendship wouldrise up to view, and soften me down into all the tenderness ofaffectionate sorrow—perhaps because I counted you as lost. I find Imust e'en forgive you—but, remember, you must behave better infuture. Do write me now and then. Your letters will give me unfeignedpleasure, and, for your encouragement, I promise to be a faithfulcorrespondent. In the letter-way you used to be extremely careless;you know I am, in that respect, of a different turn.

This will be handed you by Mr. Hugg and Mr. Leaming, members of ourconvention, whom curiosity partly, and partly business, have impelledto New-York. As men, they are genteel, sensible, and deserving. Aspoliticians, they are worthy of your regard, for they possess thegenuine spirit of whiggism. They have no acquaintance in York. Theyare desirous of seeing the fortifications, and other things in themilitary line. Pray take them by the hand; and be assured 'that anykindness shown them will be acknowledged as an additional obligationconferred upon

Your affectionate

WM. PATERSON.

A. Burr replies to this letter:—

New-York, July 26th, 1776.

MY DEAR PATERSON,

I this day received your kind letter. It gave me a pleasure I seldomexperience. Can it be that you have still in memory the vagrant Burr?Some fatality has ever attended our endeavours to meet. Why I have notwritten to you I cannot tell. It has not been for want of friendship,of inclination, or always of opportunity; but some unavoidableaccidents prevented so long, that I began to fear a letter from memust be ushered in by some previous introduction, some anecdotes ofthe writer, which might renew your remembrance, and authorize afreedom of this nature. But your frank and kind epistle precludesfulsome apologies, which; though sometimes necessary, I esteem, atbest, but a drug in letters.

I am exceedingly pleased with your friends, Messrs. Hugg and Learning,but was unfortunate enough to be from home the day they came in town,and had not the pleasure of seeing them till this afternoon. I feltmyself so nearly interested in the welfare of the province whoseconstitution you are now framing, that I did not urge their stay withthe warmth my inclination prompted. If any other of our Jersey friendsshould be coming this way, I should be happy in showing them everycivility in my power.

As to promises of writing, I shall make you none, my dear Bill, tillthose already on hand, and of long standing, are discharged. I am noepistolary politician or newsmonger; and as to sentiments, a varietyof novelties and follies has entirely dissipated them. This, however,is only a new apology for an old misfortune. But why this to you, whoknow me better than I know myself? This epistolary chat, thoughagreeable, is by no means satisfactory. The sincerity of mylong-smothered affections is not to be thus expressed. I must contriveto shake you by the hand. Perhaps I may, ere long, be sent toElizabethtown or Amboy on business, and will, undoubtedly, takeBrunswick in my way. I have, or had once, an agreeable femaleacquaintance with Miss S. D., now Mrs. S., and with Miss S. was ontolerable terms of intimacy. Could I but reconnoitre a while, and findhow the land lay, I might, perhaps, be able to graduate my complimentswith some propriety, from cold respects to affectionate regards. Ithink I must leave you discretionary orders on this head, begging youto make use of all the policy of war. There is no knowing of whatimportance it may be to

Your affectionate

A. BURR.

Footnotes:

1. James Clinton, afterwards general, brother of Governor GeorgeClinton.

CHAPTER VII.

From the year 1780 until the year 1795, Mrs. Margaret Coghlan made noinconsiderable noise in the court and fashionable circles of GreatBritain and France. She was the theme of conversation among the lords,and the dukes, and the M. P.'s. Having become the victim, in earlylife, of licentious, dissolute, and extravagant conduct, alternatelyshe was revelling in wealth, and then sunken in poverty. At length, in1793, she published her own memoirs. Mrs. Coghlan was the daughter ofMajor Moncrieffe, of the British army. He was Lord Cornwallis'sbrigade major. Her father had three wives. She was a daughter of thefirst wife. His second wife was Miss L*********, of New-York, and histhird wife Miss J**, of New-York. Mrs. Coghlan is introduced here,because her early history is intimately connected with the subject ofthese memoirs.

In July, 1776, she resided in Elizabethtown, New-Jersey. Her fatherwas with Lord Percy on Staten Island. In her memoirs, speaking ofherself, she says:—"Thus destitute of friends, I wrote to GeneralPutnam, who instantly answered my letter by a very kind invitation tohis house, assuring me that he respected my father, and was only hisenemy in the field of battle; but that, in private life, he himself,or any part of his family, might always command his services. On thenext day he sent Colonel Webb, one of his aid-de-camps, to conduct meto New-York. When I arrived in the Broadway (a street so called),where General Putnam resided, I was received with great tenderness,both by Mrs. Putnam and her daughters, and on the following day I wasintroduced by them to General and Mrs. Washington, who likewise madeit their study to show me every mark of regard; but I seldom wasallowed to be alone, although sometimes, indeed, I found anopportunity to escape to the gallery on the top of the house, where mychief delight was to view, with a telescope, our fleet and army atStaten Island. My amusem*nts were few; the good Mrs. Putnam employedme and her daughters constantly to spin flax for shirts for theAmerican soldiers; indolence, in America, being totally discouraged;and I likewise worked some for General Putnam, who, though not anaccomplished muscadin, like our dilletantis of St. James's-street,was certainly one of the best characters in the world; His heart beingcomposed of those noble materials which equally command respect andadmiration. * * * * * *

"Not long after this circ*mstance, a flag of truce arrived from StatenIsland, with letters from Major Moncrieffe, demanding me; for he nowconsidered me as a prisoner. General Washington would not acquiesce inthis demand, saying that I should remain a hostage for my father'sgood behaviour. I must here observe, that when General Washingtonrefused to deliver me up, the noble-minded Putnam, as if it were byinstinct, laid his hand on his sword, and with a violent oath sworethat my father's request should be granted. The commander-in-chief,whose influence governed Congress, soon prevailed on them to considerme as a person whose situation required their strict attention; andthat I might not escape they ordered me to Kingsbridge, where, injustice I must say, that I was treated with the utmost tenderness.General Mifflin there commanded. His lady was a most accomplished,beautiful woman; a Quaker," &c.

Mrs. Coghlan then bursts forth in expressions of rapture for a youngAmerican officer, with whom she had become enamoured. She does notname him; but that officer was Major Burr. "May these pages" (shesays) "one day meet the eye of him who subdued my virgin heart. * * ** * To him I plighted my virgin vow. * * * * * * With this conquerorof my soul, how happy should I now have been! What storms and tempestsshould I have avoided" (at least I am pleased to think so) "if I hadbeen allowed to follow the bent of my inclinations. Ten thousand timeshappier should I have been with him in the wildest desert of ournative country, the woods affording us our only shelter, and theirfruits our only repast, than under the canopy of costly state, withall the refinements of courts, with the royal warrior" (the Duke ofYork) "who would fain have proved himself the conqueror of France. Myconqueror was engaged in another cause; he was ambitious to obtainother laurels. He fought to liberate, not to enslave nations. He was acolonel in the American army, and high in the estimation of hiscountry. His victories were never accompanied with one gloomy,relenting thought. They shone as bright as the cause which achievedthem."

The letter from General Putnam of which Mrs. Coghlan speaks is foundamong the papers of Colonel Burr, and is in the following words:—

New-York, July 26th, 1776.

I should have answered your letter sooner, but had it not in my powerto write you any thing satisfactory.

The omission of my title, in Major Moncrieffe's letter, is a matter Iregard not in the least; nor does it in any way influence my conductin this affair; as you seem to imagine. Any political differencealters him not to me in a private capacity. As an officer, he is myenemy, and obliged to act as such, be his private sentiments what theywill. As a man, I owe him no enmity; but, far from it, will, withpleasure, do any kind office in my power for him or any of hisconnexions.

I have, agreeably to your desire, waited on his excellency toendeavour to obtain permission for you to go to Staten Island. Heinforms me that Lieutenant-colonel Patterson, who came with the lastflag, said he was empowered to offer the exchange of ——- ——- forGovernor Skeene. As the Congress have reserved to themselves the rightof exchanging prisoners, the general has sent to know their pleasure,and doubts not they will give their consent. I am desired to informyou, that if this exchange is made, you will have liberty to pass outwith Governor Skeene; but that no flag will be sent solely for thatpurpose.

Major William Livingston was lately here, and informed me that you hadan inclination to live in this city, and that all the ladies of youracquaintance having left town, and Mrs. Putnam and two daughters beinghere, proposed your staying with them. If agreeable to you, beassured, miss, you shall be sincerely welcome. You will here, I think,be in a more probable way of accomplishing the end you wish—that ofseeing your father, and may depend upon every civility from,

Miss,

Your obedient servant,

ISRAEL PUTNAM.

This letter is in the handwriting of Major Burr, and undoubtedly wasprepared by him for the signature of the general. Miss Moncrieffe was,at this time, in her fourteenth year. She had travelled, and, for oneof her age, had mingled much in the world. She was accomplished, andwas considered handsome. Major Burr was attracted by her sprightlinessand vivacity, and she, according to her own confessions, penned nearlytwenty years afterward, had not only become violently in love with,but had acknowledged the fact to him. Whether the foundation of herfuture misfortunes was now laid, it is not necessary to inquire. Herindiscretion was evident, while Major Burr's propensity for intriguewas already well known.

Burr perceived immediately that she was an extraordinary young woman.Eccentric and volatile, but endowed with talents, natural as well asacquired, of a peculiar character. Residing in the family of GeneralPutnam with her, and enjoying the opportunity of a close and intimateintercourse, at all times and on all occasions, he was enabled tojudge of her qualifications, and came to the conclusion,notwithstanding her youth, that she was well calculated for a spy, andthought it not improbable that she might be employed in that capacityby the British. Major Burr suggested his suspicions to General Putnam,and recommended that she be conveyed to her friends as soon as mightbe convenient. She was, in consequence, soon after removed toKingsbridge, where General Mifflin commanded. This change ofsituation, in the work which she has published, is ascribed to GeneralWashington, but it originated with Major Burr.

After a short residence at Kingsbridge, leave was granted for herdeparture to Staten Island. She accordingly set off in a continentalbarge, under the escort of an American officer, who was ordered toaccompany her to the British headquarters. As the boat approached theEnglish fleet, she was met by another, having on board a Britishofficer, and was notified that she could proceed no further, but thatthe king's officer would take charge of the young lady, and convey herin safety to her father, who was six or eight miles in the countrywith Lord Percy. She says, in her memoirs, "I then entered the Britishbarge, and bidding an eternal farewell to my dear American friends,turned my back on liberty."

Miss Moncrieffe, before she had reached her fourteenth year, wasprobably the victim of seduction. The language of her memoirs, whentaken in connexion with her deportment soon after her marriage, leavesbut little room for doubt. Major Burr, while yet at college, hadacquired a reputation for gallantry. On this point he was excessivelyvain, and regardless of all those ties which ought to control anhonourable mind. In his intercourse with females he was anunprincipled flatterer, ever prepared to take advantage of theirweakness, their credulity, or their confidence. She that confided inhim was lost. In referring to this subject, no terms of condemnationwould be too strong to apply to Colonel Burr.

It is truly surprising how any individual could have become so eminentas a soldier, as a statesman, and as a professional man, who devotedso much time to the other sex as was devoted by Colonel Burr. For morethan half a century of his life they seemed to absorb his wholethoughts. His intrigues were without number. His conduct mostlicentious. The sacred bonds of friendship were unhesitatinglyviolated when they operated as barriers to the indulgence of hispassions. For a long period of time he seemed to be gathering, andcarefully preserving, every line written to him by any female, whetherwith or without reputation; and, when obtained, they were cast intoone common receptacle,—the profligate and corrupt, by the side of thethoughtless and betrayed victim. All were held as trophies ofvictory,—all esteemed alike valuable. How shocking to the man ofsensibility! How mortifying and heart-sickening to the intellectual,the artless, the fallen fair!

Among these manuscripts were many the production of highly cultivatedminds. They were calculated to excite the sympathy of the brother—theparent—the husband. They were, indeed, testimonials of the weaknessof the weaker sex, even where genius and learning would seem to betowering above the arts of the seducer. Why they were thus carefullypreserved, is left to conjecture. Can it be true that Moore iscorrect, when, in his life of Lord Byron, he says, "The allusionswhich he (Byron) makes to instances of successful passion in hiscareer, were not without their influence on the fancies of that sex,whose weakness it is to be most easily won by those who comerecommended by the greatest number of triumphs over others? Some ofthese productions had been penned more than sixty years. They were allcommitted to the flames, however, immediately after the decease ofColonel Burr. Of them, it is believed, "not a wreck remains."

The faithful biographer could not pass over in silence this strong andrevolting trait in the character of Colonel Burr. It will not again bereferred to. From details, the moralist and the good man must shrinkwith disgust and abhorrence. In this particular, Burr appears to havebeen unfeeling and heartless. And yet, by a fascinating power almostpeculiar to himself, he so managed as to retain the affection, in someinstances, the devotion, of his deluded victims. In every otherrespect he was kind and charitable. No man would go farther toalleviate the sufferings of another. No man was more benevolent. Noman would make greater sacrifices to promote the interest or thehappiness of a friend. How strange, how inconsistent, how conflictingare these allusions! They are nevertheless strictly true.

Many of the letters to and from Colonel Burr contain hints andopinions as to public men and measures. Thus far, they are links inthe chain of history, in relation to the times when they were written.They serve, also, to illustrate the character and the principles ofthe writers themselves. With these views they are occasionallyselected. Theodore Sedgwick is a name recorded in the annals of ourcountry with distinction. He writes to Burr:—

Sheffield, 7th August, 1776.

MY DEAR BURR,

If you remember, some months since, you and I mutually engaged tocorrespond by letter. I told you then that you were not to expect anything either entertaining, or in any degree worth the trouble ofperusing. What can a reasonable being expect from an inhabitant ofsuch an obscure, remote, and dead place as Sheffield, to amuse,instruct, or even to merit the attention of a young, gay,enterprising, martial genius? I know you will expect nothing, and Idare pledge my honour, therefore, that you will not, either now or infuture, in this respect, be disappointed.

You recollect, perhaps, that when I had the pleasure to see you here,I informed you of a design to visit New-York and the southward. Soonafter my business called me to Boston, and, on my return, I wasobliged to go with the militia to Peekskill; from there I should havevisited the city and my friends, had not some foolish accidentsprevented. I now think, as soon as I can leave home, of making a tour;but this, like other futurities, is wholly uncertain.

The insignificant figure I make, in my own opinion, in this day ofpolitical and martial exertions, is an humbling consideration. To bestoically indifferent to the great events that are now unfolding, isaltogether inconsistent, not only with my inclination, but even withmy natural constitution; and to pursue a line of conduct whichindicates such a disposition (I mean my continuance at home), is amystery for which I will endeavour to account. Remember, I do notintend to libel the colony to which I belong.

Amid the confusion which was at once the cause and consequence of adissolution of government, men's minds as well as actions becameregardless of all legal restraint. All power reverted into the handsof the people, who were determined that every one should be convincedthat the people were the fountain of all honour. The first thingthey did was to withdraw all confidence from every one who had everany connexion with government. Lawyers were, almost universally,represented as the pests of society. All persons who would pay courtto these extravagant and unreasonable prejudices became their idols.Abilities were represented as dangerous, and learning as a crime, orrather, the certain forerunner of all political extravagances. Theyreally demonstrated that they were possessed of creating power; for,by the word of their power, they created great men out of nothing;but I cannot say that all was very well.

Observing these violent symptoms, I could not pursue that which wasthe only road to preferment; and I have never had an offer to go intothe army, except the one I accepted; while I have seen, in more thanone instance, men honoured with the command of a regiment for headingmobs. Well: with this, I believe, I have troubled you long enough.Pray, say you, what is it to me why you have not been in the army?Why, nothing, my dear friend; but it is something to me. You know, mydear Burr, I love you, or I should not submit such nonsense to yourperusal. If Mr. Swift still lives, give him my best compliments.Pamela desires me to tell you she loves you. Answer this letter, andthereby oblige

Your sincere friend,

THEODORE SEDGWICH.

FROM COLONEL M. OGDEN.

Ticonderoga, July 26th, 1776.

DEAR BURR,

I have been waiting with the greatest impatience to know what is doingin York and Jersey. There are twenty different reports, thatcontradict each other, relative to Howe and his fleet. It has oncebeen generally believed that a French fleet had arrived at New-York,and blocked up the British army. Independence is well relished in thispart of the world. Generalship is now dealt out to the army by ourworthy and well-esteemed general, Gates, who is putting the mostdisordered army that ever bore the name into a state of regularity anddefence. If our friends in Canada, commanded by Burgoyne, will wait afew days, we shall give them a very proper reception.

The army are beginning to recruit fast, from the effects of a littlefresh meat, and some rum, when on fatigue. Ten days ago there were notin our regiment eighty men fit for duty. We have now upwards of twohundred and thirty; and, in a few days, they will be all as rugged asNew-Jersey is firm.

Colonel Winds is sent home on a fool's errand by the general, that hemay be out of the way of doing any more harm to the regiment. Thegeneral assures me that I shall not be troubled with him again. Isuppose, by that, he has written to have him detained below. A shorthistory of this man will convince you that he ought to be nowhere buton his farm. He, in the first place, is a professed enemy tosubordination, and has an utter aversion to discipline. He ispositive, and prefers his own opinion to even the general's, becausehe was in the service last war. He is not possessed of onequalification that distinguishes a gentleman, nor has he genius oreducation. His whole study is to gain the applause of the privatesoldiers, at the expense of every officer in the regiment. He is hatedby all his own officers except two, and despised by every gentlemanin the army.

We are in great want of brigadier-generals—three, at least. I meanfor the men that are now here. General Arnold will command thewater-craft on the lake in person. There are three brigades, commandedby the colonels, Reed, Stark, and St. Clair. The last of these Isincerely wish was appointed a brigadier by Congress. There is nobetter man; the other two have full enough already.

Please to forward the enclosed, with the letter to Mr. Spencer. Mybest respects to Generals Putnam, Greene, and Mifflin, and to ColonelTrumbull. Compliments to Webb. I wait, with the greatest impatience,some important news from New-York. Pray write particulars relative tothe conduct of the Jerseymen. Should any fall, mention their names.

I am yours sincerely,

MATT. OGDEN.

TO T. EDWARDS.

New-York, 10th of August, 1776.

Dear Uncle,

I have received your letters from Stockbridge, with my watch, forwhich I thank you. Our six galleys which went up the North riverattacked the British ships. They behaved well, but were drove off withthe loss of three killed and twelve or thirteen wounded. A secondattack is proposed. Vessels and chevaux-de-frises are sunk in theNorth river. The channel is said to be effectually stopped. We areendeavouring the same in the East river. The British fleet have beenlargely re-enforced at different times. They are now said to beupwards of two hundred sail within the Narrows. They have drawn upseven of their heaviest ships in a line, nearly two miles advanced ofthe rest.

By two Virginia gentlemen who went to England to take the gown, whor*turned in a packet and landed on Staten Island, where they tarriedseveral days, and were permitted to cross to Elizabethtown on Thursdaylast, we have some intelligence of the enemy. Clinton has arrived withhis shattered fleet and about 3600 men. By this it appears that he haseither fallen in with part of Dunmore's fleet, or picked up theremainder of his own, which had been separated, and were not in theaction near Charlestown. Of the Hessians only 1300 or 1400 havearrived. The remainder, about 9000, are daily expected. They were leftnear the banks of Newfoundland. Those already here are not muchesteemed as soldiers.

The king's land-army is at present about 15 or 16,000 strong. Theyexpect very soon to exceed 25,000. They have taken on board all theirheavy cannon from Staten Island, and have called in several of theiroutposts. Thirty transports have sailed under convoy of threefrigates. They are to come through the Sound, and thus invest us bythe North and East rivers. They are then to land on both sides of theisland, join their forces, and draw a line across, which will hem usin and totally cut off all communication, after which they will havetheir own fun.

These Virginia gentlemen lodged in a house with several king'sofficers. They hold us in the utmost contempt. Talk of forcing all ourlines without firing a gun. The bayonet is their pride. They haveforgot Bunker's Hill.

Your nephew,

A. Burr.

FROM COLONEL M. OGDEN.

Ticonderoga, August 11th, 1776.

Dear Burr,

I yesterday received yours of July 29th and August 2d. The others Imade mention of in the letter to Mrs. Ogden that I sent to youunsealed. In my last you had a very particular account of the numbers,force, names, &c., of our navy on the lake. As to our leavingCrownpoint for this place, the field-officers knew nothing of it tillit was concluded on by the generals, Schuyler, Gates, and Arnold.

General Arnold is taking a very active part, I mean in the command ofthe fleet. He will sail himself in a few days. He says he will pay avisit to St. Johns. I wish he may be as prudent as he is brave. Well,now have at you for news. Last evening the flag of truce returned,bringing a letter directed to George Washington, Esq., and a trulyridiculous copy of a general order, which you will see at GeneralWashington's by the time you receive this. But there is one part of itin which I think they, in some measure, accuse us justly. I mean thatof assassinating, as they term it with too much truth,Brigadier-general Gordon. He was shot by the Whitcomb I mentioned inmy last, who had been sent there as a spy. The act, though villainous,was brave, and a peculiar kind of bravery, that, I believe, Whitcombalone is possessed of. He shot Gordon near by their advanced sentinel;and, notwithstanding a most diligent search was made, he avoided themby mere dint of skulking.

I shall have the honour to command the New-Jersey redoubt, which I amnow building with the regiment alone. It is situated on the right ofthe whole, by the water's edge. It is to mount two eighteen-pounders,two twelve, and four nine-pounders. In this I expect to do honour toNew-Jersey. I yesterday received a letter from Colonel Dayton, datedthe 28th of July, at the German Flats. He informs me that he is totake the command at Fort Stanwix.

Should there be any thing to be had in New-York in the clothing way,should be glad if you will lay some aside, no matter what—eithersmall-clothes, shirts, stockings, or any thing of the kind. My bestcompliments to General Putnam. If you will let Robert or Sawyer havethe perusal of this, they would learn the news of this army. Paper isso scarce, that one letter must serve both, unless somethingparticular.

Yours sincerely,

MATT. OGDEN.

At this time Major-general Greene had the command on Long Island, buthis health was so bad that it became necessary for him to resign it.The commander-in-chief ordered General Putnam to assume the command.Major Burr was his aid-de-camp. The landing of the British had beenpreviously effected on the 22d of August, 1776, without opposition,near Utrecht and Gravesend, on the southwest end of the island. TheAmerican troops, less than 12,000, were encamped on the north ofBrooklyn heights. The British force, including Hessians, was more than20,000 strong. The armies were separated by a range of hills, at thattime covered with wood, called the Heights of Gowannus. Major Burrimmediately commenced an inspection of the troops, and made to thegeneral a most unfavourable report, both as to their means of defenceand their discipline. The major proposed, however, several enterprisesfor beating up the quarters of the enemy. To all which General Putnamreplied, that his orders were not to make any attack, but to act onthe defensive only.

On the 27th the action was fought. The loss of the Americans, inkilled, wounded, and prisoners, was about 1000. That of the British,less than 350. The Americans were driven within the works which theyhad thrown up. Major Burr, previous to the action, had expressed toGeneral Putnam the opinion that a battle ought not to be risked; andthat much was to be gained by placing the troops in a position wherethe navy of the enemy would not be so serviceable to them.

On the 28th, the British advanced in column to within 500 or 600 yardsof the American works. General Robinson, who commanded a portion ofthe enemy, represents, in his parliamentary examination, that theyapproached much nearer. The American troops were formed in line toreceive them; but gave such indications of alarm, that Major Burr rodeto General Putnam, and informed him that he had no hope the men wouldstand more than a single fire before they retreated. No attack,however, was made. Burr continued to urge upon General Putnam andMifflin (the latter of whom came over on that day from New-York) thenecessity of a retreat. During the night of the 28th, General Mifflinwent the rounds, and observed the forwardness of the enemy'sbatteries, and, on the morning of the 29th, pressed upon GeneralWashington an immediate retreat. A council was held, and the opinionof Mifflin unanimously adopted. The embarcation of the troops wascommitted to General McDOUGALL. He was at Brooklyn Ferry by eighto'clock. In the early part of the night, the weather was veryunfavourable; but about eleven o'clock every thing was propitious. Athick fog ensued, and continued until the whole army, 9000 in number,with all the field artillery, ordnance, &c., were safely landed inNew-York. Major Burr was at Brooklyn. Here General McDOUGALL had anopportunity of noticing his efficiency. His reputation for talents andintrepidity had previously reached the ears of the general. From thisnight, the 29th of August, 1776, until Major Burr retired from thearmy, he possessed the entire confidence and esteem of GeneralMcDOUGALL. Subsequent events, as will hereafter appear, tended tostrengthen and confirm the correctness of those prepossessions, thusformed in the hour of peril, and in the midst of the most appallingdangers.

The situation of General Washington, after retreating from LongIsland, was very distressing. The defeat which the Americans hadexperienced produced consternation and alarm in the ranks of a raw,inexperienced, and undisciplined army. In addition to otherdiscouraging circ*mstances, within a few days after the retreat,nearly one fourth of the troops were on the sick-list. Colonel Gloversays that the commander-in-chief divided his army, posting 12,000 atKingsbridge, 6500 at Harlem, and 4500 in the city of New-York.

On Sunday, the 15th of September, 1776, General Howe, ascommander-in-chief of the British forces, landed on Manhattan(New-York) Island. General Washington had previously made thenecessary arrangements, and given orders for the troops to evacuatethe city and retire to Harlem, distant about seven miles. The descentof the British created an alarm in the American ranks, and produced noinconsiderable degree of confusion in the retreat. By someunaccountable mismanagement, General Silliman's brigade was left inNew-York, and conducted by General Knox to a small fort then in thesuburbs, and known as Bunker's Hill. Major Burr having beendespatched, at his own request, with a few dragoons, by GeneralPutnam, to pick up the stragglers, discovered the error which had beencommitted, and galloping up to the fort, inquired who commanded.General Knox presented himself. Major Burr desired him to retreatimmediately, or the whole brigade would be cut off and sacrificed.General Knox replied, that a retreat, thus in the face of the enemy,was impracticable, and that he intended to defend the fort. Burrremarked, that it was not bomb-proof; that it was destitute of water;and that he could take it with a single howitzer; and then, addressinghimself to the men, said, that if they remained there, one half ofthem would be killed or wounded, and the other half hung, like dogs,before night; but, if they would place themselves under his command,he would conduct them in safety to Harlem. Burr's character forintrepidity and military skill was already so well established, thatthey determined to follow him. In the retreat they had someskirmishing, but met with very little loss in effecting their unionwith the main body of the army. The following documents, furnished byofficers in Silliman's brigade, contain the details.

SAMUEL ROWLAND TO COMMODORE RICHARD V. MORRIS. Fairfield, (Conn.),

29th January, 1814.

SIR,

In answer to the inquiries relating to the evacuation of New-York, in1776, I can only observe, but few persons who were present, andeyewitnesses of the event, are now living in this part of the country.I find, however, the Rev. Doctor Ripley, a gentleman of eminentrespectability, and Messrs. Wakeman and Jennings, respectable citizensof this town, now living, who belonged to the brigade of the lateGeneral Silliman, the information of which gentlemen on any subjectcan be relied on, and will be no otherwise than correct, howeverprejudice or other cause might occasion a reluctance in disclosing theinformation in their power to give; yet duty impelled their narrative,and the neglecting an opportunity to give evidence of noble acts andunrewarded worth they consider ingratitude. In preference tocommunicating to you by way of letter concerning transactions of solong standing as the year 1776, I desired the enclosed certificates,which the gentlemen freely gave, in order to prevent anymisconstruction by passing through a second hand, by which you willhave more correct information than possibly in my power to give.

Very respectfully yours, &c.

SAMUEL ROWLAND.

Certificate of the Rev. Hezekiah Ripley.

On being inquired of by Samuel Rowland, Esq., of Fairfield town andcounty, in the State of Connecticut, relative to my knowledge andrecollection respecting the merits of Colonel Aaron Burr as an officerand soldier in the late revolutionary war between the United Statesand Great Britain, can certify as follows:—

Hezekiah Ripley, of said Fairfield, doth certify, that on or about thefifteenth day of September, 1776, I was the officiating chaplain ofthe brigade then commanded by Gen. Gold S. Silliman. Frommismanagement of the commanding officer, that brigade wasunfortunately left in the city of New-York, and at the time beforementioned. While the brigade was in front, and myself considerably inthe rear, I was met by the late General Putnam, deceased, who theninformed me of the landing of the enemy above us, and that I must makemy escape on the west side of the island. Whereupon I on foot crossedthe lots to the west side of the island, unmolested excepting by thefire from the ships of the British, which at that time lay in theNorth river. How the brigade escaped, I was not an eyewitness; butwell recollect, from the information I then had from General Chandler(now deceased), then acting as a colonel in said brigade, that Mr.Burr's exertions, bravery, and good conduct, was the principal meansof saving the whole of that brigade from falling into the hands of theenemy, and whose conduct was then by all considered judicious andmeritorious.

But, however, I well recollect, before I had the information alludedto from General Chandler, I had seen Mr. Burr, and inquired of him howthe brigade had made their escape, who then told me the particulars,which were afterwards confirmed by all the officers; who were all ofopinion that, had it not been for him, they would not have effectedtheir retreat and escape.

As to my own opinion of the management of the troops on leavingNew-York, I then, and still suppose, as did General Chandler, thatColonel Burr's merits there as a young officer ought, and did, claimmuch attention, and whose official duties as an aid-de-camp on thatmemorable day justly claimed the thanks of the army and his country.

HEZEKIAH RIPLEY.

Certificate from Isaac Jennings and Andrew Wakeman. Being requestedby Samuel Rowland, Esq., to give information relative to theevacuation of New-York, in the year 1776, by the American army, we,the subscribers, then acting, one in the capacity of a lieutenant, andthe other as a private, in the brigade commanded by the late GeneralSilliman, now deceased, do certify, That on the fifteenth day ofSeptember (being on the Lord's day), the British landed on the eastside of the island, about four miles above the city. The Americantroops retreated the same day to Harlem heights. By somemisapprehension of the orders, or from other causes unknown to us, ourbrigade was left, and was taken by General Knox to Bunker's Hill, [1]a small fort (so called) about a mile from town. The fort was scarcelyable to hold us all. We had but just got into the fort, when AaronBurr, then aid-de-camp to General Putnam, rode up and inquired whocommanded there. General Knox presented himself, and Burr (then calledMajor Burr) asked the general what he did there? And why he did notretreat with the army? The general replied, that it was impossible toretreat, as the enemy were across the island, and that he meant todefend that fort. Major Burr ridiculed the idea of defending theplace, being, as he said, without provisions, or water, or bomb-proof;and that, with one mortar, or one howitzer, the enemy would take theplace in four hours, or in some very short time, and again urgedGeneral Knox to retreat to Harlem heights; but General Knox said itwould be madness to attempt it. A smart debate ensued, the generaladhering to his opinion. Burr addressed himself to the men, and toldthem that, if they remained there, they would before night be allprisoners, and crammed into a dungeon, or hung like dogs. He engagedto lead them off, and observed that it would be better that one halfshould be killed in fighting, than all be sacrificed in that cowardlymanner. The men agreed to follow him, and he led them out; he and histwo attendants riding on the right flank. About four miles from townwe were fired upon by a party of the enemy. Burr galloped directly tothe spot the firing came from, hallooing to the men to follow him. Itproved to be only a guard of about a company of the enemy, whoimmediately fled. Burr and his horsem*n pursued and killed several ofthem. While he was thus employed, the head of a column had taken awrong road. Burr came up and hurried us to the left, into a wood, androde along the column from front to rear, encouraging the men, and ledus out to the main army with very small loss.

The coolness, deliberation, and valour displayed by Major Burr ineffecting a safe retreat, without material loss, and his meritoriousservices to the army on that day, rendered him an object of peculiarrespect from the troops, and the particular notice of the officers.

ISAAC JENNINGS.

ANDREW WAKEMAN.

LETTER FROM NATHANIEL JUDSON TO COMMODORE R. V. MORRIS.

Albany, 10th February, 1814.

Sir,

I have received your letter, with the preceding statement, respectingour retreat from New-York Island, in September, 1776, and, incompliance with your request, I have to reply, that the relation madeby Mr. Wakeman and Mr, Jennings corresponds with my recollection. Iwas near Colonel Burr when he lead the dispute with General Knox, whosaid it was madness to think of retreating, as we should meet thewhole British army. Colonel Burr did not address himself to the men,but to the officers, who had most of them gathered around to hear whatpassed, as we considered ourselves as lost. But Colonel Burr seemed soconfident that he could make good a retreat, and made it clear that wewere all lost if we stayed there, that we all agreed to trust to hisconduct and courage, though it did appear to us a most desperateundertaking; and he did not disappoint us, for he effected a retreatwith the whole brigade; and I do not think we lost more than thirtymen. We had several brushes with small parties of the enemy. ColonelBurr was foremost and most active where there was danger, and hisconduct, without considering his extreme youth, was afterwards aconstant subject of praise, and admiration, and gratitude. This affairwas much talked of in the army after the surrender of Fort Washington,in which a garrison of about 2500 men was left under circ*mstancesvery similar to ours; this fort having no bomb-proof. That garrisonsurrendered, as is well known, the very same day our army retreated;and of those 2500 men, not 500 survived the imprisonment they receivedfrom the British. I have, since then, heard it repeated hundreds oftimes by the officers and men of Silliman's brigade, that our fatewould have been the same had it not been for Colonel Burr. I was asergeant-major in Chandler's regiment of Silliman's brigade at thetime of the retreat.

I am your very obedient servant,

NATHANIEL JUDSON

Footnotes:

1. Adjacent to what is now Grand-street.

CHAPTER VIII.

As early as the 10th of August, Burr, in a letter to his uncleEdwards, [1] expressed apprehensions that the retreat of the Americanarmy from Long Island might be cut off and then that the British"would have their own fun." From that period until the retreat waseffected, on the night of the 27th, he continued to entertain the sameopinion as to the necessity of retreating. So, also, in relation tothe city of New-York. He thought no attempt should be made to hold it.Subsequent events proved his good sense and foresight, as well as hismilitary genius. The city was abandoned on the 15th of September. Tendays after he writes to his aunt Edwards, in reply to a despondingletter he had received from her, his views of the recent movements ofthe American army.

TO MRS. EDWARDS.

Kingsbridge, 26th September, 1776.

MY DEAR AUNT,

I fear, madam, you give yourself needless anxiety about the situationof public affairs. It has been always held a maxim that our island andseaport towns were at the discretion of the tyrant of Great Britain.Reasons for the retreat from Long Island are well known. Theevacuation of New-York was a necessary consequence. The manner ofconducting these made present advantages but trifling to the enemy.The loss to us is of still less importance; and, indeed, some happyconsequences resulting from the manoeuvres appear to me worthy ofnotice.

We have hitherto opposed them with less than half their number, andexposed to all their advantages of shipping. Our force is now moreunited, theirs more divided. Our present situation renders their navyof less service to them, and less formidable to us;—a circ*mstance ofvast importance, and to which I attribute all that has heretoforeappeared in their favour. Add to these, besides confirming ourinternal union, the effect that every appearance of success on thepart of the enemy has upon our leading men. It arouses them from thelethargy which began to prevail; convinces them that their measuresare unequal to their grand designs; that the present is the importantmoment, and that every nerve must now be exerted.

This is not altogether fanciful. It has been actually the case. Moreeffectual measures than were ever before thought of are now taking forlevying a new army. A committee of Congress are on the spot with us toknow all our wants, and report them properly, that they may bespeedily provided for. I do not intend by this, my dear aunt, todeceive you into an opinion that every thing is already entirelysecure; that we are now actually relieved from every degree of danger;but to remove your apprehensions concerning the important events whichdepend on our military exertions. I hope, madam, you will continue,with your usual philosophy and resolution, prepared for the uncertainevents of war, not anticipating improbable calamities.

Various have been the reports concerning the barbarities committed bythe Hessians, most of them incredible and false. They are fonder ofplunder than blood, and are more the engines than the authors ofcruelty. But their behaviour has been in some instances savage, andmight excuse a fear, if reckoned among usual calamities; but theseshould be viewed on a larger scale than that of common complaisance.It should be remembered we are engaged in a civil war, and effectingthe most important revolution that ever took place. How little of thehorrors of either have we known! Fire or the sword have scarce left atrace among us. We may be truly called a favoured people.

I have been not so engaged as common for a short time past, and haveliberty of remaining, for three or four days, about two miles fromcamp, from whence I now write you, a little more at leisure; but I amnow within drumcall.

Your nephew,

A. BURR.

After the abandonment of Manhattan Island by the American army, andsome fighting in Westchester, General Washington crossed the Northriver with a part of the troops, and retreated through New-Jersey. Themovements of Lord Cornwallis left no doubt that the object of theBritish general was Philadelphia. He advanced rapidly from Brunswickupon Princeton, hoping, by forced marches, to get in the rear of theAmericans. On the 8th of December, 1776, Washington crossed theDelaware, secured the boats, and broke down the bridges. Greatapprehension and alarm for the safety of Philadelphia now existed.Judge Marshall, in his Life of Washington, says,

"In consequence of this state of things, the general advised thatlines of defence should be drawn from the Schuylkill, about theheights of Springatsbury, eastward to the Delaware, and General Putnamwas ordered to superintend them." Major Burr was now actively engagedas the aid-de-camp of General Putnam, whose esteem and unboundedconfidence he continued to enjoy. He writes Colonel Ogden,

Princeton, 7th March, 1777.

Dear Matt.,

I this evening received your letter of yesterday's date, by Stockton.I knew not how to direct to you, nor where to send for the horse, orshould have done it sooner. I do not perfectly recollect the one youmention, but should be glad of any on your recommendation. Both bootsand a saddle I want much, and shall be obliged to you to procure themfor me;—good leather would suit me as well as boots ready made. Ihave not had a pair worth sixpence since those I had at Elizabethtown.

As to "expectations of promotion," I have not the least, either in theline or the staff. You need not express any surprise at it, as I havenever made any application, and, as you know me, you know I nevershall. I should have been fond of a berth in a regiment, as weproposed when I last saw you. But, as I am at present happy in theesteem and entire confidence of my good old general, I shall be piquedat no neglect, unless particularly pointed, or where silence would bewant of spirit. 'Tis true, indeed, my former equals, and eveninferiors in rank, have left me. Assurances from those in power I havehad unasked, and in abundance; but of these I shall never remind them.We are not to judge of our own merit, and I am content to contributemy mite in any station.

I shall probably be at Morris within ten days, on public business.
Write me whether I may expect you there. With sincere love to Mrs.
Ogden,

Yours,

A. Burr.

In the spring of 1777, a new army was to be raised. For politicalreasons it was deemed expedient to select, where it could be done withpropriety, for the colonels of regiments, gentlemen supposed to havean influence. Among those who were thus selected was Colonel Malcolm,formerly a merchant in the city of New-York. He was highlyrespectable, and universally esteemed, but was not a military man. InJune, 1777, Burr was appointed lieutenant-colonel of his regiment; buthe did not receive official notice of the fact until the 26th of July.

On the 14th of July, 1777, General Putnam's headquarters being then at
Peekskill, he issued the following order:—

By the Honourable Major-general Putnam, To Major Aaron Burr,Aid-de-camp.

SIR,

Pursuant to orders received from his excellency General Washington,you are forthwith to repair to Norwalk, Fairfield, and the placesadjacent on the Sound, transmit me without delay the intelligence youshall from time to time receive of the movements of the enemy, or anyof their fleets. Request of the committees, or select-men of thedifferent towns, that they will be very punctual in reporting to thecommanding officer at this post whatever may in any respect relate tothe movements of the army, as both their safety and the welfare of thecountry may be promoted by their diligence in this particular.

On your return, which will be through Litchfield, you will leaveorders for all detachments of any regiments of General Nixon's brigadeto take the most direct route to Albany, provided they be farther thanthirty miles from this place, as much will be saved, and fatigueavoided by the observance of this.

Having settled a line of intelligence from the different towns on thecoast, and left the necessary directions for the detachments ofBrigadier-general Nixon's brigade, you will return with all convenientspeed to this place.

Given under my hand, at headquarters, Peekskill, 14th day of July,1777.

ISRAEL PUTNAM.

This was the last order that Major Burr ever received as theaid-de-camp of his "good old general." On his return to camp hereceived, in the usual form, a letter from General Washington,announcing to him his appointment as lieutenant-colonel in theContinental Army, to which he replied,

Peekskill, 21st July, 1777.

SIR,

I was this morning favoured with your excellency's letter of the 29thult., and my appointment to Colonel Malcolm's regiment. Am trulysensible of the honour done me, and shall be studious that mydeportment in that station be such as will ensure your future esteem.I am nevertheless, Sir, constrained to observe, that the late date ofmy appointment subjects me to the command of many who were younger inthe service, and junior officers the last campaign.

With submission, and if there is no impropriety in requesting what sonearly concerns me, I would beg to know whether it was any misconductin me, or any extraordinary merit or services in them, which entitledthe gentlemen lately put over me to that preference? Or, if a uniformdiligence and attention to duty has marked my conduct since theformation of the army, whether I may not expect to be restored to thatrank of which I have been deprived, rather, I flatter myself, byaccident than design? I would wish equally to avoid the character ofturbulent or passive, and am unhappy to have troubled your excellencywith a matter which concerns only myself. But, as a decent regard torank is both proper and necessary, I hope it will be excused in onewho regards his honour next to the welfare of his country.

I am not yet acquainted with the state of the regiment or the prospectof filling it; but shall immediately repair to rendezvous and receiveColonel Malcolm's directions.

I have the honour to be, with great respect,

Your excellency's obedient servant,

A. BURR.

Colonel Malcolm's regiment was at this time stationed at Ramapo, orthe Clove, in Orange county, New-York, whither Lieutenant-colonel Burrproceeded. On presenting himself, the colonel was greatly surprised.The youthful appearance of Burr led him to apprehend that he would bewanting in judgment and discretion; but a very short acquaintanceremoved these impressions. Malcolm retired with his family abouttwenty miles distant, leaving Burr in command, kindly remarking—"Youshall have all the honour of disciplining and fighting the regiment,while I will be its father;" and he kept his word, for it is believedthat he never commanded it in battle during the whole war, although itwas frequently engaged. This duty devolved upon Colonel Burr.

In September, 1777, the British came out of the city of New-York, onthe west side of the Hudson river, about 2000 strong, for the purposeof plundering and devastating the adjacent country, and capturing thepublic stores. Colonel Burr was with his regiment, distant aboutthirty miles, when he heard of the enemy, and yet he was in theircamp, and captured or destroyed their picket-guards before the nextmorning. For two days and nights he never slept. His regular force didnot exceed three hundred men; but, by surprising the Britishsentinels, he struck consternation into their ranks, and they fledwith precipitation, leaving behind them their plunder and a part oftheir stores. The following letters afford ample details:—

Statement of Judge George Gardner, dated Newburgh, 20th December,1813.

In September, 1777, the regiment called Malcolm's regiment lay atSuffren's, in the Clove, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Burr.Intelligence having been received that the enemy were in Hackensack ingreat force, and advancing into the country, Colonel Burr immediatelymarched with the effective men, except a guard to take care of thecamp. I understood that while we were on the march, an officer arrivedexpress from Major-general Putnam, who commanded at Peekskill,recommending or ordering Colonel Burr to retire with the public storesto the mountains: to which Colonel Burr replied, that he could not runaway from an enemy whom he had not seen, mid that he would beanswerable for the public stores and for his men.

We arrived at Paramus, a distance of sixteen miles, before sunset.There were considerable bodies of militia, in great alarm anddisorder, and doing much mischief to the neighbouring farms. Theycould give no intelligence of the enemy but from rumour. Supposed themto be within a few miles, and advancing.

Colonel Burr set some of the militia to repair the fences they haddestroyed, and arranged them as well as time would permit; and havingtaken measures to secure the troops from surprise, and also for theprotection of the cornfields, he marched immediately, with aboutthirty of the most active of the regiment, and a few of the militia,to ascertain the position and numbers of the enemy. About ten o'clockat night, being three miles from Hackensack, we got certainintelligence that we were within a mile of the picket-guards of theenemy. Colonel Burr then led the men into a wood, and ordered them tosleep till he should awake them, of which we had great need, havingmarched more than thirty miles since noon. Colonel Burr then wentalone to discover the position of the enemy. He returned about half anhour before day and waked us, and told us that he was going to attackthe picket of the enemy. That we had only to follow him, and thenforbid any man to speak or to fire, on pain of death. He led usbetween the sentinels in such a way that we were within a few yards ofthe picket-guard before they suspected our approach. He then gave theword, and we rushed upon them before they had time to take their arms,and the greater part were killed. A few prisoners and someaccoutrements were brought off without the loss of one man. ColonelBurr immediately sent off an express to Paramus, to order all thetroops to move, and to rally the country. Our little success had soencouraged the inhabitants, that they turned out with great alacrity,and put themselves under the command of Colonel Burr. But the enemy,probably alarmed by these threatening appearances, retreated the nextday, leaving behind them the greater part of the cattle and plunderwhich they had taken. Colonel Burr was prevented from pursuing, byperemptory orders, which were received the day following the action,to join, without delay, the main army, then in Pennsylvania.

I served in this regiment all the time it was under the command ofColonel Burr, being about two years; after which he was called to takea separate command in Westchester. During the whole time he neverpermitted corporal punishment to be inflicted in a single instance;yet no regiment in the army was under better discipline, and I doubtwhether it was equalled by any one.

GEORGE GARDNER.

FROM LIEUTENANT ROBERT HUNTER TO GABRIEL FURMAN,

ESQ., MEMBER OF ASSEMBLY.

New-York, 22d January, 1814.

SIR,

I have understood that an application will be made to the legislatureby or on behalf of Colonel Burr, for remuneration for his militaryservices during our revolutionary war. Having had the happiness toserve under him for more than two years, and having retained anunbounded respect for his talents and character, you will pardon mefor asking your active support of any thing which may be moved in hisfavour; for certainly, if any officer of the army deserved recompense,it is Colonel Burr.

He sacrificed his health, and underwent more fatigue and privationsthan any other officer of whom I had any knowledge. If I thought itcould be useful to him or amusing to you, I would enter into details;but the facts are of general notoriety, and his superiority as amilitary man, as far as my knowledge extends, universally allowed.

I will however detain you while I relate a single incident, because itwas the first of which I was a witness. I was attached as a cadet toColonel Malcolm's regiment, then stationed in the Clove, when Burrjoined it as lieutenant-colonel, being in the summer of 1777. Malcolm,seeing that his presence was unnecessary while Burr was there, waswith his family about twenty miles distant. Early in September, weheard that the enemy were out in great force. Burr gave orders for thesecurity of the camp and of the public stores, and within one hourafter news was received, marched with the choice of the regiment tofind the enemy. At Paramus the militia were assembled in considerableforce, but in great disorder and terror. No one could tell the forceor position of the enemy. Burr assumed the command, to which theysubmitted cheerfully, as he alone (though but a boy in appearance)seemed to know what he was about. He arranged and encouraged them aswell as time would permit, and, taking a few of the most hardy of themen, continued his march towards the enemy. Two or three miles thisside Hackensack, we learned that we were near the enemy's advancedguard. Burr chose a convenient place for the men to repose, and wenthimself to examine the position of the enemy. A little before daylighthe returned, waked us, and ordered us to follow him. He led ussilently and undiscovered within a few paces of the British guard,which we took or killed. From the prisoners we learned that the enemywere about two thousand strong. Without loss of time he sent expresseswith orders to the militia, and to call out the country; and I have nodoubt but he would, within forty-eight hours, have had an army capableof checking the progress of the enemy, and of preventing or impedingtheir retreat; but they retreated the day following, and with everymark of precipitation. During these two days and nights the coloneldid not lie down or take a minute's repose. Thus you perceive, my dearsir, that Burr, being more than thirty miles distant when he heard ofthe enemy, was in their camp the same night. You will agree with methat things are not done so nowadays.

Similar instances of activity and enterprise occurred in each of thefour campaigns he served, and very frequently, during the winter, hecommanded on the lines of Westchester. I repeat, that it will affordme pleasure to relate so much of these things as came to my ownknowledge, if it would be of any use.

Malcolm was never a month with the regiment after Burr joined it; sothat it was Burr who formed it, and it was a model for the whole armyin discipline and order. He never, in a single instance, permitted anycorporal punishment.

His attention and care of the men were such as I never saw, nor anything approaching to it, in any other officer, though I served undermany. It would be a disgrace to the country if such a man should bedenied a liberal compensation, when it is too well known that hestands in need of it.

I shall consider myself as personally obliged by your exertions in hisfavour, and hope your colleagues will add theirs to yours. Please toshow this letter to your colleagues, and to offer them my respects.

I am, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

ROBERT HUNTER.

The original order to join the main army in Pennsylvania, to whichJudge Gardner refers in the preceding statement, is found among thepapers of Colonel Burr, and is as follows:—

Headquarters, Peekskill, 27th September, 1777.

SIR,

I have just received a letter from General Washington, datedthirty-four miles up Schuylkill, wherein he informs me that GeneralHowe's army had found means to cross Schuylkill several miles belowhis army; upon which he has ordered a further reenforcement from thispost, of which corps you must join. You will therefore, upon thereceipt of this, prepare to join General Parsons's brigade, whom Ihave ordered up from the White Plains. I shall endeavour to send somemilitia to guard the stores remaining in the Clove. Your baggage mustgo with you.

I am, sir, your very humble servant,

ISRAEL PUTNAM, M. G.

Immediately after Colonel Burr had surprised and captured the Britishguard, he received various complimentary notes from officers of thearmy requesting details. A short extract from one is given.

Peekskill, 20th September, 1777.

DEAR SIR,

I congratulate you upon the good fortune you met with in taking offthe enemy's picket. We have had various accounts about the manner inwhich you executed the plan. The particulars I should be glad to hearfrom yourself.

Yours, &c.

T. YATES.

To Lieutenant-colonel A. BURR.

Colonel Burr, with his accustomed promptitude, as soon as he receivedthe orders of Major-general Putnam, put his regiment in motion. On thesecond day of his march he received from General Varnum the following,directed to Lieutenant-colonel Burr, on his march to Morristown.

Cakeat, October 1st, 1777.

SIR,

I this moment received your favour of this date. The enemy have landedat Powler's Hook in great force. I am apprehensive they mean attackingFort Montgomery by the way of the Clove. I have sent my baggage andsome forces there. The enemy must be attended to. You will thereforehalt in the nearest place that is convenient upon the receipt of this.Keep a good look-out towards Newark, Elizabethtown, &c., or thoseplaces from whence they can march into Pumpton. Should you be indanger of being interrupted there, throw your party across the riverin Pumpton, and defend the bridge, if practicable. If not, make thebest retreat you can towards Morristown, &c. But by no means proceedunless necessity urges, derived from the present object. In everything else pursue your best discretion.

I am, sir, your humble servant,

I. VARNUM.

The following note from General Conway tends to prove, that althoughBurr was only a lieutenant-colonel in 1777, yet that he was actuallyreceived and treated as the commandant of his regiment, from which hewas never absent. Colonel Malcolm, in general, was employed on otherduty.

FROM GENERAL CONWAY.

29th October, 1777.

SIR,

I have received a letter from Captain Kearsley respecting thesettlement of the rank of the captains and subalterns. I could notgive him an immediate answer, because I was then attending acourt-martial. I wish this matter was settled as soon as possible tothe satisfaction of the officers of your regiment. The generalofficers being employed in several courts-martial, which, along withthe camp-duty, will take up all their time, I think you had best applyto the adjutant-general. Know from him the manner in which the ranksof the Virginia and Pennsylvania officers have been settled, andarrange accordingly, at least pro tempore, the rank of your gentlemen.

I am, sir, your most obedient and humble servant,

T. CONWAY.

The regiment joined the army in November, 1777, at Whitemarsh, inPennsylvania, twenty miles from Philadelphia. Colonel Burr, in commandof it, was stationed about half a mile in advance of the main body.After a few weeks, the army went into winter-quarters at Valley Forge.During the winter, Colonel Burr proposed to General Washington anexpedition against Staten Island. He stated to the commander-in-chiefthat he was personally and well acquainted with many of theinhabitants in the vicinity of the island. That he believed they wouldjoin him as volunteers; and that he only asked two hundred men of hisown regiment as a nucleus. General Washington declined granting therequest. But subsequently, an unsuccessful attempt was made under thecommand of Lord Stirling.

Within eight or ten miles of Valley Forge, there was a narrow andimportant pass, known as the Gulf. A strong body of militia werestationed to defend it. They were in the habit of exciting in the campfalse alarms; and the main body, in consequence, was frequently put inmotion. When not put in motion, they were greatly disturbed,especially at night. These alarms generally resulted from the want ofa rigid discipline. General McDOUGALL was at Valley Forge, andexceedingly annoyed. Of Burr, as a disciplinarian and a soldier, heentertained a high opinion; and recommended to Washington that hewithdraw from this detachment Burr's seniors, as officers, and givehim the command of the post, which was accordingly done. Colonel Burrimmediately commenced a rigid system of police, visiting every night,and at all hours of the night, the sentinels; changing their position,&c. During the day he kept the troops under a constant drill. Therigour of this service was not adapted to the habits of militia, whohad been accustomed to pass, in camp, a life of idleness, and to actas suited their individual whims and caprices. A portion of the mostworthless became restless, and were determined to rid themselves ofsuch a commander.

Colonel Burr was notified of the contemplated mutiny, in which hewould probably fall a victim. He ordered the detachment to be formedthat night (it being a cold, bright moonlight), and secretly directedthat all their cartridges should be drawn, so that there should not bea loaded musket on the ground. He provided himself with a good andwell-sharpened sabre. He knew all the principal mutineers. He marchedalong the line, eying the men closely. When he came opposite to one ofthe most daring of the ringleaders, the soldier advanced a step, andlevelled his musket at Colonel Burr, calling out—"Now is your time,my boys." Burr, being well prepared and in readiness, anticipating anassault, with a celerity for which he was remarkable, smote the arm ofthe mutineer above the elbow, and nearly severed it from his body,ordering him, at the same time, to take and keep his place in theline. In a few minutes the men were dismissed, and the arm of themutineer was next day amputated. No more was heard of the mutiny; norwere there afterwards, during Colonel Bun's command, any false alarms.This soldier belonged to Wayne's brigade; and some of the officerstalked of having Colonel Burr arrested, and tried by a court-martial,for the act; but the threat was never carried into execution.

That Colonel Burr joined the army at White Marsh, and was there incommand of his regiment, the following application and order willshow:—

Near White Marsh, Nov., 1777.

SIR,

The papers and clothing of the companies which have lately joinedMalcolm's regiment are at Bethlem. The papers are now wanted; andseveral of the officers cannot appear decent until they receive otherclothes: for these reasons I would ask your indulgence for leave ofabsence, for two subalterns, six days. Their presence is notparticularly necessary with their companies.

Respectfully your ob't serv't,

A. BURR.

Hon. General CONWAY.

This application General Conway returns, with the followingendorsem*nt:—

Colonel Burr is master to send such officers as he thinks requisite,in order to procure the papers wanted, and the clothes for the use ofthe regiment.

T. CONWAY.

While the army was at Valley Forge, in the winter of 1777-78, thedifficulties between General Washington and General Gates, and theirrespective friends, became, in a great measure, matter of publicity.At this period there were two parties among the officers. Washingtonhad his warm friends and supporters. Lee and Gates had theirs.

Colonel Burr was of the latter. The merits of the question will not bediscussed; and the subject will only be referred to so far as Burr isconcerned.

In the spring of 1776, at the request of the commander-in-chief, Burrjoined his military family for a short space of time, but soon becamedissatisfied and retired. On the 29th of August, 1776, the Americanarmy retreated from Long Island. This retreat Burr had pressed uponPutnam, Mifflin, and others. In his letter to T. Edwards, [2] datedthe 10th of August, nearly three weeks before it took place, hesays: "They (the British) are to come through the Sound, and thusinvest us by the North and East rivers. They are then to land on bothsides of the island, join their forces, and draw a line across, whichwill hem us in, and totally cut off all communication, after whichthey will have their own fun."

During the night of the retreat, Burr was actively engaged aidingMcDOUGALL in the embarcation of the troops at Brooklyn; and, from apersonal knowledge of the localities of it and the adjacent places, heimagined that he had rendered some service. It has been shown that, byhis intrepidity and perseverance in the retreat from New-York, herescued from impending danger the brigade of General Silliman. Inneither of these cases was his conduct noticed by thecommander-in-chief, either in general orders or otherwise. Young,ardent, ambitious, and of a fiery temperament, he thought that justicewas not done to his efforts, and construed these, with other minoroccurrences about the same time, into acts of hostility towards him.In September, 1776, therefore, his prejudices against GeneralWashington became fixed and unchangeable; and to the latest hour ofhis life he recurred to the retreat from Long Island, and from thecity of New-York, with acrimonious feelings towards thecommander-in-chief. Whatever may be said to the contrary, as early asthis period those prejudices were formed and confirmed. That GeneralWashington placed no confidence in Burr, and that, for some reason, hewas exceedingly hostile towards him, is equally certain. Whether hishostility commenced at this period is matter of more uncertainty.Events already noticed demonstrate that the general considered him anintrepid, efficient, and vigilant officer.

Thus, in 1777, Burr was the friend of Lee and Gates in opposition toGeneral Washington. In the beginning of January, 1778, it was reportedto Burr that Lord Stirling had made some remarks respecting the mannerin which the colonel had contributed to arrange the rank of his(Burr's) subaltern officers. Lord Stirling at this time commanded thedivision. It will be recollected that, a few weeks previous, ColonelBurr had proposed to the commander-in-chief an enterprise againstStaten Island, which was rejected; but, immediately after, it wasunsuccessfully attempted by Lord Stirling. The difficulty, therefore,in fact, between these gentlemen, grew out of the latter circ*mstance.On the 7th of January, 1778, Burr addressed Lord Stirling, requestingan explanation, which was promptly given in the following note, andthus the matter terminated.

Camp, January 8th, 1778.

SIR,

The receipt of your letter of yesterday's date not a little surprisedme, for I can assure you that I have never made use of a word incensure of yourself, or of the court you mention. I some days agoordered a return to be brought in of the names and rank of theofficers of the division, independent of what the two courts weredoing, and desired Major Monroe [3] to direct the brigade-majors tomake them out as soon as possible: from this, I suppose, some mistakehas arose, which I will call upon Major Stagg to explain.

I am,

Your most obedient humble servant,

STIRLING.

Lieutenant-colonel BURR.

Footnotes:

1. See Chapter VII.

2. See Chapter VII.

3. James Monroe, late president of the United States, then aid to LordStirling.

CHAPTER IX.

Colonel Burr was a rigid disciplinarian, and in the performance of hisduty made no difference between those officers who were his friendsand those who were not; yet he never failed to adopt the most delicateand gentlemanly course, where, in his opinion, rigour becamenecessary. There are many documents tending to establish this fact,such as the following:—

Camp, April 10th, 1778.

My Lord,

In my weekly returns, your lordship may have observed that Captain Tomhas been returned—absent without leave. As he had been long fromthe regiment, and no reasons had been assigned to me for hisextraordinary absence, I thought myself in duty bound to make suchreport. Upon his return to camp, he has accounted for his conduct in amanner more satisfactory than I feared he could.

Unwilling to deal too severely with a valuable officer, and consciousof the impropriety of passing any seeming neglect in entire silence, Irefer him to your lordship as the proper judge of his conduct andexcuses.

My lord, you are acquainted with the character of Captain Tom. Youhave often heard me mention him with respect. Should his absenceappear, in any degree, to have arisen from inattention, I hope yourlordship will treat it with all the delicacy which the conduct of aman of feeling and of spirit can desire.

I have the honour to be,

Your lordship's most obedient servant,

A. BURR.

FROM COLONEL MALCOLM.

Yorktown, June 16th, 1778.

MY DEAR SIR,

I have just now met with Captain Kearsley, which enables me to let youknow that I am here, sent by General Gates to Congress on a variety ofbusiness.

I have consented to do duty as adjutant-general to the northern army,on conditions of holding my regiment, and that it should come to thenorthward. The first agreed to; the last according to events.

None of the sixteen additional regiments stand on the newestablishment. Of the strongest, if ours comes within thatdescription, it will be one. As General Washington writes GeneralGates that he cannot conveniently spare you at this time, I recommendyour sending three or four officers to the State of New-York on therecruiting service. You know who will answer best, and who can be bestspared; and to recruit for the regiment at large, I think I canprovide you with some men.

As I have not time either to pass through, come, or to write any otherof the officers, do tell them how I am circ*mstanced, and offer themmy best respects. I am happy to hear that Major Pawling is better. Ishall write from Peekskill very soon, and beg to hear from you.

I ever am, very sincerely, affectionately yours,

W. MALCOLM.

By the preceding letter it appears that "General Washington hadwritten to General Gates that he could not conveniently spare ColonelBurr." The reason is obvious. It was at the very moment when Sir HenryClinton was about to evacuate Philadelphia, and to retreat throughNew-Jersey. The commander-in-chief was unwilling at such a crisis topart with an efficient and gallant officer. On the 18th of June, SirHenry Clinton, with his forces, left the city, proceeded to GloucesterPoint, three miles down the river, and crossed the Delaware intoNew-Jersey. That day he marched as far as Haddonfield. The Americanscrossed the Delaware at Corriel's Ferry, and halted, after adistressing march from heat and rain, within five miles of Princeton.During the preceding winter General Lee had been exchanged, and joinedthe army at Valley Forge.

The enemy's force was now estimated at between 9000 and 10,000, rankand file. The Americans at 10,600, exclusive of Maxwell's brigade,about 1200, and about 1200 militia. On the 24th of June, 1778, thecommander-in-chief propounded to the general officers the question,"Will it be advisable to hazard a general action?" The answer was,"Not advisable; but a detachment of 1500 to be immediately sent toact, as occasion may serve, on the enemy's left flank and rear, inconjunction with the other continental troops and militia alreadyhanging about them, and the main body to preserve a relative position,to act as circ*mstances may require." Signed by Lee, Stirling, Greene,Fayette, Steuben, Poor, Paterson, Woodford, Scott, Portail, Knox.

Four days after, viz., the 28th of June, the battle of Monmouth wasfought. It was on this occasion that General Washington ordered thearrest of General Lee: 1stly, For disobedience of orders in notattacking the enemy on the 28th of June, agreeably to repeatedinstructions; 2dly, For misbehaviour before the enemy on the same day,by making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat; 3dly, Fordisrespect to the commander-in-chief, in two letters, dated the 20thof June. On the 12th of August the courtmartial, of which LordStirling was president, found Lee guilty, and sentenced him to besuspended from any command in the armies of the United States for theterm of twelve months. The history of the battle of Monmouth, with allthe consequences that followed, has long since been given to the worldby the friends and the opponents of the respective parties. It is onlynecessary to state here, that Colonel Burr, on that occasion, wasranked among the supporters of Lee, and had himself real or imaginarycause of complaint against the commander-in-chief.

In this action Colonel Burr commanded a brigade in the division ofLord Stirling, composed of his own regiment and some Pennsylvanians,under the immediate command of Lieutenant-colonel Dummer. Gordon, inhis History of the American Revolution, says, "The check the Britishreceived gave time to make a disposition of the left wing and secondline of the main army in the wood, and on the eminence to which he hadbeen directed and was retreating. On this were placed some batteriesof cannon by Lord Stirling, who commanded the left wing, which playedupon the British with great effect, and, seconded by parties ofinfantry detached to oppose them, effectually put a stop to theiradvance. The British, finding themselves warmly opposed in front,attempted to turn the American left flank, but were repulsed."

Shortly after the action had become general, Burr discovered adetachment of the enemy coming from the borders of a wood on thesouthward. He instantly put his brigade in motion for the purpose ofchecking them. It was necessary to cross a morass, over which a bridgewas thrown. He ordered Lieutenant-colonel Dummer to advance with thePennsylvania detachment, and that he would bring up the rear with hisown regiment. After a part of the brigade was over the bridge, ColonelBarber, aid to General Washington, rode up, and said that the ordersof the commander-in-chief were that he should halt. Colonel Burrremonstrated. He said his men, in their present position, were exposedto the fire of the enemy, and that his whole brigade must now crossthe bridge before they could halt with any safety. Colonel Barberrepeated that the orders of General Washington were peremptory that heshould halt, which was accordingly done, and the brigade, in theirdivided state, suffered severely. Lieutenant-colonel Dummer waskilled; Colonel Burr's horse was shot under him; and those who hadcrossed the bridge were compelled to retreat.

The movements and the firing of the armies continued until dark. TheAmericans remained on the battle-ground, with an intention of renewingthe attack in the morning. Burr's uniform practice was, when near anenemy, to be up at night, visiting his own pickets, and taking thenecessary precautions for avoiding a surprise. The night preceding theaction Colonel Burr was thus engaged, as it was known that the Britishwould move at dawn of day, if not before, and General Washington hadgiven orders to Lee, who was in the advance, to commence the attack assoon as they did move. The weather was intensely hot. Notwithstandingthe fatigue which Colonel Burr had undergone during the night of the27th and the succeeding day, yet he remained up the night of the 28thalso. Sir Henry Clinton's troops were employed in removing theirwounded, and then marched away in such silence, that, though GeneralPoor lay near them, their retreat was effected without his knowledge.

Exhausted with fatigue, and worn out for the want of repose, on the29th, Colonel Burr lay down under the shade of some trees and fellasleep. When he awoke, he was exposed, and had been for some time, tothe rays of the sun. He found himself unable to walk without greatdifficulty; and so severely was he afflicted, that he did not recoverfrom its effects for some years afterwards. A stranger to complaintsor murmurs when enduring pain, the real state of his health wasunknown to even his brother officers. In this situation he wasimmediately ordered by General Washington, through Lord Stirling, torepair to Elizabethtown, on highly important and confidentialbusiness. The great object of the commander-in-chief was to ascertain,as far as practicable, the future movements of the enemy, Sir HenryClinton having secured his retreat to the city of New-York. GeneralWashington proceeded to New-Brunswick, at which place Lord Stirlingwas attending as president of the court-martial for the trial ofGeneral Lee. The following notes will explain the character of Burr'smission, and the confidence reposed in him by the commander-in-chief.

FROM LORD STIRLING.

Brunswick, July 4th, 1778.

DEAR SIR,

I have this moment received yours of yesterday's date. On showing itto General Washington, he approves of the progress of your inquiries,and desires they may be continued. But he particularly desires me tosend off this express to you, to request that you will endeavour toget all the intelligence you possibly can from the city of New-York:What are the preparations of shipping for embarcation of foot orhorse?—what expeditions on hand?—whether up the North river,Connecticut, or West Indies? For this purpose you may send one, two,or three trusty persons over to the city, to get the reports, thenewspapers, and the truth, if they can. We are just going to exhibit agrand champêtre and feu de joie, so must only say that

I am sincerely yours,

STIRLING.

FROM LORD STIRLING.

Brunswick, July 6th, 1778,

DEAR SIR,

I have your letter of yesterday's date. The court-martial, of which Iam president, is adjourned to Morristown, which will oblige me to gothere to-morrow. I must therefore desire you will direct your letters,with such intelligence as you may procure, to his excellency GeneralWashington, who will be on the line of march with the army. In haste,

Your most obedient servant,

STIRLING.

FROM LORD STIRLING.

Brunswick, July 6, 1778.

General Washington desires me to state that he wishes you would employthree, four, or more persons, to go to Bergen heights, Weehawk,Hoebuck, or any other heights thereabout, convenient to observe themotions of the enemy's shipping, and to give him the earliestintelligence thereof; whether up the river particularly. In short,every thing possible that can be obtained.

Yours, &c.,

STIRLING.

FROM TENCH TILGHMAN.

Newark, July 8th, 1778.

DEAR SIR,

His excellency desires me to inquire whether you have received anyinformation of the enemy's movements, situation, or design? He willleave this place about 4 o'clock this afternoon, before which he willexpect to hear from you.

I am, dear sir, your most obedient,

TENCH TILGHMAN.

Having completed the business on which he had been despatched by thecommander-in-chief, Colonel Burr proceeded to join his regiment,although his health was very bad. In a few days he received thefollowing order:—

Camp, near Croton Bridge, 19th July, 1778.

Colonel Malcolm's regiment is ordered to march at two o'clockto-morrow morning, to the fort at West Point, on Hudson river, withthe regiment commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Parker, which is to joinon the road near Croton bridge. The commander of the two regimentswill make all convenient despatch, marching ten miles a day, as waterand ground will admit.

The Baron DE KALB.

Early in July, 1778, in consequence of Sir Henry Clinton havingarrived in New-York with his army, much excitement and someapprehension existed in the upper part of the state respecting thetories. The legislature had previously adopted rigid measures on thesubject, and it became necessary that an intelligent and confidentialmilitary officer should be designated to take charge of them. GeneralWashington selected Colonel Burr for this purpose, The trust was oneof a delicate character.

FROM ROBERT BENSON.

Camp, White Plains, 2d August, 1778.

SIR,

By an act of the legislature of the State of New-York, thecommissioners for detecting and defeating conspiracies, &c., weredirected to tender an oath of allegiance, in the said act prescribed,to certain persons, inhabitants of this state, who have affected toobserve, during the present war, a dangerous and equivocal neutrality;and on their refusal to take the same, that the said commissionersshould cause them to be conveyed within the enemy's lines. Inconsequence whereof, sundry persons, to whom the said oath hath beentendered, and who have refused to take the same, were by thecommissioners directed to rendezvous at Fishkill, on Monday next, inorder to embark on board a sloop to be provided at that place for thepurpose.

In order that this business might be conducted with as little dangeras possible to the operations of the present campaign, his excellencyGovernor Clinton requested his excellency the commander-in-chief toappoint an officer of the army for the purpose; and you being assignedto this business, his excellency Governor Clinton hath directed me, inhis name, to request you to repair to Fishkill on Monday next, &c.

If by any accident you should not find the commissioners at Fishkill,his excellency will be much obliged to you if you would ride up toPoughkeepsie, where the board are sitting.

I am, with great respect, yours, &c.,

ROBERT BENSON, Secretary.

P. S. Enclosed is the flag; and his excellency the governor desiresyou will fill the blank with the name of the sloop, and the names ofthe persons who may be put on board by the commissioners.

At a meeting of the Board of Commissioners for detecting anddefeating Conspiracies, held at Poughkeepsie, August 3d, 1778.

Present—Mr. Platt, Mr. Harpur, Mr. Cantine, and Mr. Wynkoop.

The board having received a letter from his excellency GovernorClinton, dated at camp, White Plains, the second instant, informingthat his excellency General Washington had appointedLieutenant-colonel Burr to conduct such persons as had refused to takethe oath of allegiance to this state, prescribed by an act of thelegislature thereof, within the enemy's lines; therefore,

Resolved, That Colonel Burr be served with a copy of the proceedingsof this board against William Smith and Cadwallader Colden, Esquires,and Mr. Roeliff J. Eltinge; and that he is hereby authorized to removeeach and every one of them within the enemy's lines, in such way andmanner as his excellency General Washington may have already directed,or hereafter shall direct.

Extracts from the minutes, by order,

TEUNIS TAPPAN, Secretary to the Board.

FROM THE COMMISSIONERS TO COLONEL BURR. Poughkeepsie, August 3d, 1778.

SIR,

The commissioners for conspiracies being informed by his excellencythe governor of your appointment to receive at Fishkill such personsas have refused to take the oath prescribed by a law of this state,and who, by virtue of the said law, are to be sent into the enemy'slines, by us appointed to carry the same into execution; inconsequence of this, we hereby send you William Smith, CadwalladerColden, Esquires, and Mr. Roeliff J. Eltinge, who have refused to takethe said oath, and thereby have subjected themselves to a removalwithin the said lines, which removal you will be pleased to takecharge of.

The bearer, Cornelius E. Wynkoop, Esquire, is one of the board, towhom we refer you for such particulars as may be necessary to adjust,the more effectually to enable us to convey, in future, such gentlemenas the above over into the enemy's lines.

We are, sir, with respect,

Your most obedient servants,

ZEPHA. PLATT, )
ROBERT HARPUR, ) Commissioners.
PETER CANTINE, Jun.,)

FROM THEODORE SEDGWICK.

Kinderhook, August 7th, 1778.

MY DEAR SIR,

I write you in haste by Mr. Van Schaack, [1] who will convey it to youshould you be at West Point. This gentleman has, by long acquaintance,manifested such qualities as have much attached me to his interest;but, most unfortunately for his friends, has differed in politicalopinions from the body of the community in general, and from me inparticular, in consequence of which difference (by means of the testact of this state) he is about to be removed to the city of New-York;and has been so obliging as to offer me his assistance in procuringfor, and sending to me, a few family necessaries. Should it be in yourpower, I am very certain it would be an unnecessary request to desireyou to lend me any assistance: nor need I desire you to render Mr. VanSchaack's short stay among you as agreeable as his and yourcirc*mstances will permit.

I most sincerely congratulate you on the happy prospect of a speedytermination to the war. I believe I shall visit the camp soon, inwhich case you will have the pleasure to see Mr. Edwards in company. Ihave, since I saw you, become the father of a second daughter. Pamelahas had a most tedious and dangerous illness, but is, thank God, now,for her, very well. You may be sure she will be glad to beaffectionately remembered by you.

Yours most sincerely,

THEODORE SEDGWICK.

It has heretofore been stated that Colonel Burr was of the Lee andGates party in the army. A short note from Lee to Burr will show thepoignancy of the general's feelings under the sentence of thecourt-martial, and the mortification and disappointment he experiencedwhen Congress refused to reverse that sentence.

FROM GENERAL LEE.

October, 1778.

DEAR SIR,

As you are so kind as to interest yourself so warmly in my favour, Icannot resist the temptation of writing you a few lines. Till thesetwo days, I was convinced the Congress would unanimously haverescinded the absurd, shameful sentence of the court-martial; but,within these two days, I am taught to think that equity is to be putout of the question, and the decision of the affair to be put entirelyon the strength of party; and, for my own part, I do not see how it ispossible, if the least decency or regard for national dignity hasplace, that it can be called a party business.

I wish I could send you the trial, and will the moment I can obtainone. I think myself, and I dare say you will think on the perusal,that the affair redounds more to my honour, and the disgrace of mypersecutors, than, in the warmth of indignation, either I or myaid-de-camps have represented it. As I have no idea that a properreparation will be made to my injured reputation, it is my intent,whether the sentence is reversed or not reversed, to resign mycommission, retire to Virginia, and learn to hoe tobacco, which I findis the best school to form a consummate general. This is a discoveryI have lately made. Adieu. Dear sir, believe me to be your most

Sincerely obliged servant,

C. LEE.

After the battle of Monmouth, in June, 1778, Colonel Burr wasconstantly employed. His health, from the fatigues of that and thesubsequent day, was greatly impaired. Early in October, he foundhimself, in a measure, unfit for active service. He left West Point,where his regiment was stationed, and repaired to Elizabethtown, inthe hope that a few weeks of repose might prove beneficial; but inthese hopes he was sorely disappointed. He then determined to ask afurlough, and retire from the army for a few months, provided thefurlough was granted without his receiving pay. On this point he wasvery fastidious. By these feelings he was uniformly governed through along life. He never sought nor accepted an office for the emolument itafforded. He wrote the commander-in-chief on the subject, asfollows:—

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Elizabethtown, 24th October, 1778.

Sir,

The excessive heat and occasional fatigues of the preceding campaign,have so impaired my health and constitution as to render me incapableof immediate service. I have, for three months past, taken everyadvisable step for my recovery, but have the mortification to find,upon my return to duty, a return of sickness, and that every relapseis more dangerous than the former. I have consulted severalphysicians; they all assure me that a few months retirement andattention to my health are the only probable means to restore it. Aconviction of this truth, and of my present inability to discharge theduties of my office, induce me to beg your excellency's permission toretire from pay and duty till my health will permit, and the nature ofservice shall more particularly require my attention, provided suchpermission can be given without subjecting me to any disadvantage inpoint of my present rank and command, or any I might acquire duringthe interval of my absence.

I shall still feel and hold myself liable to be called into service atyour excellency's pleasure, precisely as if in full pay, and barely onfurlough; reserving to myself only the privilege of judging of thesufficiency of my health during the present appearance of inactivity.My anxiety to be out of pay arises in no measure from intention orwish to avoid any requisite service. But too great a regard tomalicious surmises, and a delicacy perhaps censurable, might otherwisehurry me unnecessarily into service, to the prejudice of my health,and without any advantage to the public, as I have had the misfortunealready to experience.

I am encouraged in this proposal by the opinion Lord Stirling has beenpleased to express of the justice of my request;—the sense yourexcellency must entertain of the weak state of the corps in which Ihave the honour to command, and the present sufficiency of itsrespective officers. I purpose keeping my quarters at this place untilI have the honour of your excellency's answer, which I wait withimpatience.

I am, with respect,

Your humble servant,

A. BURR.

His Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Headquarters, Fredericksburgh, 26th October, 1778.

DEAR SIR,

I have your favour of the 24th. You, in my opinion, carry your ideasof delicacy too far when you propose to drop your pay while therecovery of your health necessarily requires your absence from theservice. It is not customary, and it would be unjust. You thereforehave leave to retire until your health is so far re-established as toenable you to do your duty. Be pleased to give the colonel notice ofthis, that he may know where to call upon you should any unforeseenexigency require it.

I am your obedient servant,

G. WASHINGTON.

On the receipt of the above letter, Colonel Burr repaired to WestPoint and joined his regiment, notwithstanding the shattered state ofhis constitution. He was unwilling to absent himself from the service,and at the same time receive pay. Colonel Burr was now in histwenty-third year, and yet so youthful was his appearance, thatstrangers, on a first introduction, viewed him as a mere boy. Asevidence of the fact, he has often related with great good-humour thisanecdote. While he was commanding at West Point, a countryman had somebusiness to transact with him. He requested admittance to ColonelBurr. The orderly sergeant conducted him into headquarters.

"Sir," said the countryman, "I wish to see Colonel Burr, as I havesomething to say to him."

"You may proceed. I am Colonel Burr."

"I suppose," rejoined the honest farmer, "you are Colonel Burr's son."

The sentinel at the door heard and repeated the conversation, and Burrwas often afterwards designated as Colonel Burr's son. He remained atWest Point until December, when he was removed to Haverstraw by theorders of General McDOUGALL, and had the command of a brigade,consisting of Malcolm's regiment, and a portion of Spencer's andPatten's regiments. He was subsequently ordered to take command on thelines in Westchester county, a most important and not less perilouspost. In December, he received from Mrs. J. Montgomery, the widow ofGeneral Montgomery, a letter, as follows :—

FROM MRS. MONTGOMERY.

Rhinebeck, December 25th, 1775.

SIR,

I take the liberty to enclose a list of things Mr. Smith was so kindas to send me from New-York by the return flag. The captain of theflag, of whom I made some inquiries, professed to know nothing ofthem, and referred me to Colonel Burr, who might know something of thematter.

I am almost ashamed to take up your attention about so small anaffair; but the difficulty that attends obtaining the least article ofdress, must, I think, plead my apology. Besides, having thisopportunity, I would wish to assure Colonel Burr of the very greatrespect I have for those gentlemen whom General Montgomery professedto esteem; among which, sir, I am told you was not the least. To be byhim distinguished argues a superior merit, and will ensure you a mostsincere welcome at Rhinebeck should it lie in your way.

I am, sir, with esteem, yours, &c.

J. MONTGOMERY

COLONEL BURR.

On taking command of the lines in Westchester, Colonel Burr receivedfrom brother officers congratulatory letters, so distinguished was thestation considered. Colonel Udney Hay, under date of the 29th ofJanuary, 1779, says, "As you have now got the post of honour, acceptof my sincere wishes that you may reap the laurels I believe youdeserve."

As soon as Burr arrived at the camp, he commenced a system of reformand discipline. Previous to his arrival, there was exhibited a mostdisgraceful scene of plunder, and sometimes of murder, along the wholefrontier. This he promptly checked; and, in all his efforts toaccomplish this end, he was sustained by General McDOUGALL.

TO GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Camp, White Plains, 12th January, 1779.

Dear Sir,

The enclosed return will show you the deficiency of officers and menat this post. Above the complement for the parties, I wish to have aguard for myself, and a commissary's guard. To detail men for thesepurposes will interfere with the rotation of duty.

I arrived here on Friday evening. The weather on Saturday was toosevere and stormy to permit me to make myself acquainted with the postand disposition of the troops. I improved yesterday for thosepurposes, and found it necessary to alter the position. I have movedthe left three miles forward, and the two centre divisions so as toallign with that and Tarrytown. The posts now possessed by thesedetachments are,

First. Tarrytown.

Second. Isaac Reed's and John Hammond's, near Sawmill river.

Third. Starr's and Moses Miller's, one and a half miles in front ofYoung's.

Fourth. Merritt's and neighbouring houses, near Farmer Oakley's.

By this arrangement the extent of my command is contracted threemiles, and the distance from my left to the Sound is three miles lessthan before. The men more compact, and the posts equidistant from theenemy. While I was upon the business above mentioned, ColonelLittlefield and Mr. Thomas visited Colonel Enos and Lieutenant-colonelHoldridge, to enforce the necessity of an immediate junction, tocomplete the security of the country upon the present plan; but thesegentlemen say they have no orders to cross Biram river. They havetheir quarters in Horseneck, and some troops are north of that place.Thus, notwithstanding my endeavours, the country will be unprotected,and I am insecure.

I enclose you the arrest of a Captain Brown. I am sorry for thenecessity of any thing which may have the appearance of severity; butthe avowal of behaviour so very unbecoming constrained me to it. Therequired parties of militia will, I believe, join me this week. Ishall write you about iron-bound casks in a few days. There is not ahide, the property of the country, in all this quarter, exceptfourteen in the hands of the commissary of hides. I shall, as soon aspossible, make myself acquainted with the officers of the militia. Ihave sent to Bedford, but have no answer, about rum, &c.

I send the names of a few of Malcolm's officers, whom I would wishwere ordered to join me immediately. Some of them, I believe, areabsent. Lieutenant-colonel Littlefield had it in intention to go withmost of the men this evening on an expedition to West Farms andMorrisania. Abstracted from your verbal instructions, the planappeared to me premature. The men here are not half officered; thecountry by no means sufficiently reconnoitred; the force veryinadequate, even for covering parties. As there was a prospect thateach of the inconveniences would shortly be removed, I advised todefer it. To convince them that my disapprobation arose from nojealousy of honour, I told Colonel Littlefield that if the enterpriseshould hereafter be thought more advisable, I would leave to him theexecution: if I should think proper to send him on that command, Iwould act with the covering party. One hundred and fifty continentalsand fifty militia was the force proposed for this evening; but asthere are a number of volunteers on the spot, I consented to andencouraged an excursion to Frog's Neck, under Colonel Littlefield. Iexpect little from it, but have not so much to fear.

I hope Mr. Stagg succeeded in his application to Mr. Erskine. Adraught of the country would be of great service to me. In yourinstructions about plunder, you direct that all the fat horses, &c. inthe hands of disaffected persons, "lying certain courses," are to betaken, on the supposition that they are designed for, or will fallinto the hands of, the enemy. As this mode of determining may be thesource of much altercation, I could wish, if you thought proper, theseizable property might be designated by a certain number of milesbelow our lines, or below the line intended to be formed fromTarrytown, through White Plains, to Sawpits or Rye.

The two parties from Paterson's brigade will most of them want shoesin ten days. It is my opinion that a great part of those who came lastwith new shoes, will not, at the expiration of the time, be able toreturn for the want of shoes. Those they now have are of the slightestFrench make; many already worn out. If these men must be againrelieved by others better shod, and they again in a few days, therewill be such an endless marching and countermarching as will harassthe troops, and wear out more shoes than all the duty performed here.Would not these evils be in some measure remedied by sending me aparcel of shoes? I will keep an exact account of the regiment they aredelivered to.

Your most obedient servant,

A. BURR.

TO GENERAL McDOUGALL.

White Plains, January 13th, 1779.

SIR,

All the horsem*n were so infatuated with the itch for scouting, that Ihad not one to despatch with the letter herewith sent. ColonelLittlefield, with the party, returned this morning. They brought upone prisoner. I shall send him up with another grand rascal to-morrow.There are evidences enough against Merritt to hang a dozen such, butmany of them dare not appear at present.

Notwithstanding the cautions I gave, and notwithstanding ColonelLittlefield's good intentions, I blush to tell you that the partyreturned loaded with plunder. Sir, till now, I never wished forarbitrary power. I could gibbet half a dozen good whigs, with allthe venom of an inveterate tory. The party had not been returned anhour, before I had six or seven persons from New-Rochelle and Frog'sNeck, with piteous applications for stolen goods and horses. Some ofthese persons are of the most friendly families. I am mortified thatnot an officer on the ground has shown any activity to detect theplunderers or their spoil. I have got three horses, and a number ofother articles, and have confined two soldiers who had them inpossession. But these are petty rascals. I feel more pity thanindignation towards them. They were honest men till debauched by thisexpedition. I believe some officers are concerned. If I can be assuredof that (and I shall spare no labour), you may depend on seeing themwith a file of men. The militia volunteers excelled in this business.If I detect them I shall treat them with the same rigour, unless youadvise to the contrary. I wish you would give me directions. I have atleast a fortnight's work before me to undo the doings of last night.

This day I enter on my command. Truly an ominous commencement. Is thisthe promised protection? I read in the face of every child I pass; forthe whole honour of the expedition redounds to me. But enough ofthis; more perhaps than you will thank me for. Webbers was of theparty, and can give you a history. I now perceive from whence arosethe ardour for scouting. I suppose the sergeants' parties of militia,when they join me, will be subject to courts of the line.

Your most obedient servant,

A. BURR.

FROM MAJOR PLATT, AID TO GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Peekskill, January 14th, 1779.

SIR,

The general has received yours, and directs me to inform you that suchassistance will be granted as is necessary for the protection of thecountry and your honour.

He desires that no expedition be set on foot till you hear furtherfrom him. He has no objections to Colonel Littlefield's remaining withyou till the arrival of more officers.

Handcuffs will be sent you as soon as they can be made. If you have anumber of prisoners at any time to send up, let them be fastened rightand left hands, and the guard cut the strings of their breeches, andthere will be no danger of their making their escape, as they will beobliged to hold them up continually with one hand.

Last evening Josiah Fowler made his escape from the provost; possiblyhe may fall into the hands of your scouts or patrols. If he does,please to take the best care of him.

The general will write you fully by the captain who will soonre-enforce you. One hundred pair of shoes will be sent you. The map ofthe country is herewith transmitted, for the purpose of taking asketch of it. You will please to do it as soon as possible, and sendit up by a careful hand. The general does not wish you ever to carryit from your quarters.

Your most obedient servant,

RICHARD PLATT, Aid-de-camp.

FROM GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Headquarters, Peekskill, January 15th, 1779.

MY DEAR SIR,

Your favours of the 11th and 12th, with their enclosures, came duly tohand.

I am much mortified that Captain Brown should have merited yourputting him in an arrest. But you have done your duty, for whichaccept my thanks.

If an officer commanding an outpost will not be very vigilant, heexposes his party to be butchered, as the unfortunate Colonel Balorlately experienced.

I am very sorry the militia have conducted so disorderly; but I wishyou to deal tenderly with them, as they are brave, and are very sore,by the plundering of the tories. But support the honour of our armsand your own, by giving redress to the innocent and defenceless.

As the principal objects of your command are to protect the goodpeople of these states, and prevent supplies going to the enemy, youwill not send out any parties, or make any excursions, but what arenecessary for intelligence, and the preservation of your parties, tillfurther orders. Your own ideas on this subject fully meet myapprobation. In the meantime, let all the officers and men of yourcommand, who are unacquainted with the ground, traverse italternately, from flank to flank, and as many miles in front as youmay judge necessary. The position of the whole I leave to your owndiscretion, as circ*mstances shall arise. A good captain, and twentypicked men, of Nixon's, with two drums, accompany this, to re-enforceyour left, and the orders are despatched to Major Pawling for theofficers you wrote for. One hundred pair of shoes_ will be sent to youby this snow.

Send up all Burgoyne's men, with a good corporal and small party ofthe nine-months men, with the first deserters or prisoners. Thesergeants' parties of the militia who are to join you, will, by theirengagements, be under the continental articles of war. If any of themilitia who may go out on scouts or parties with yours will not submitto the articles of war and your orders, don't suffer them to go withthem, nor to appropriate any plunder; but order it to be given to thecontinental troops, and those who shall submit to those articles.

If any of the militia maraud, send them up to me, with a guard. Theymust not be suffered to violate civil and military law. Thelegislature is the proper authority to enable them to make reprisals.For whatever disorders they commit in front of your lines, will beplaced by the enemy to your account.

In all doubtful questions which may arise on my orders as to thelimits or legality of plunder in your front, I authorize you to bethe sole judge. In the exercise of this trust, it is my wish youshould lean to the honour of our arms.

A surgeon is directed to attend your party; when he arrives, please toadvise me of it, that I may be relieved from all anxiety about you andyour corps. If you are not supplied with rum before a quantity of itarrives here, we shall not forget you. If your horsem*n are mountedand appointed, as well as your horse-guides, they will receive thesame pay. If the oxen at Mr. Hunter's are not in working order, putthem in the care of your forage-master till they are.

If you can get the articles taken from the inhabitants in the lateexpedition restored, let the militia off for that offence. When youget things in train, I flatter myself you will not have any fixturetrouble with them. But the officers of the regular troops must berigorously dealt with, according to our martial law.

As you and the commissary will be in the rear of the whole, thenine-months men, worse shod than the other troops, may serve till Ihave more leisure to complete your corps.

Don't omit sending to me all the newspapers you can procure. I am soborne down with correspondence, that I can only add that

I am your affectionate humble servant,

ALEXANDER McDOUGALL.

P. S. I fear the pickets from your parties are too far advanced fromthem. The distance ought not to exceed half a mile at night; and thequarters of the pickets should be changed every night after dark.Frequent patrols from each give the best security.

I submit it to your consideration whether it would not be of serviceto have a quantity of old rags collected at each party and picket, forthe patrols to muffle their feet with in frosty weather when there isno snow on the ground. It will prevent their being heard by the enemy,and yours will hear those of the enemy if there are any near them.

A. M'D.

Footnotes:

1. There were two families of Van Schaicks in the State of New-York.They spelled their names differently. The family of Colonel VanSchaick were revolutionary whigs. The Van Schaacks were adherentsof the crown.

CHAPTER X.

TO GENERAL MALCOLM.

White Plains, 21st January, 1779.

DEAR SIR,

Mr. Benjamin Sands, and three other persons from Long Island, banishedfor malepractices, wait on you with this. Benjamin Sands, jun. appearsto be a man of good understanding. He can give you a detail of theirsufferings.

Captain Black and three subalterns of Malcolm's regiment joined meyesterday.

William Burtis goes under guard to you to-morrow. Also a GarretDuyckman, whom I took upon information of Burtis. I knew of Burtishaving drove cattle before the receipt of your letter. Of his being aspy I know nothing. Burtis wishes to procure favour by givinginformation. I enclose his confession to me, that you may compare itwith his story to you. He has not told me all he knows, I amconvinced. I can secure Elijah Purdy any time if you direct. There isno danger in delaying till I can hear from you. I wish to clear thecountry of these rascals. It would be of infinite service to hang afew up in this neighbourhood.

The two parties from Nixon's brigade, which came under sergeant's lastweek, are so distressed for clothes, that I am obliged to send them totheir regiments. They came provided but for one week. LieutenantWottles marches them up. I wish him to return with the re-enforcement.I have sent the corporal and sixty-nine men to Bedford. I have nowabout 170 privates. A single company, and twelve from Hammond'sregiment, join me to-day. That is his complement.

A commissary of hides at this place can furnish me with shoes as Iwant them, if you will give an order for that purpose. He deliversnone without a general order. I can purchase rum here at twentydollars per gallon. There is no commissary of purchases.

There are a number of women here of bad character, who are continuallyrunning to New-York and back again. If they were men, I should flogthem without mercy.

It was the indolence of the commissary, and not the real scarcity ofwheat, which alarmed me. I shall not trouble you again on the score offlour. I send you two papers by the sergeant.

Yours respectfully,

A. BURR.

FROM GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Peekskill, January 22, 1779.

Sir,

There are reasons, which I shall explain to you at a proper time, why——- should not be sought after. Make a great noise about him; abusehim as the vilest of horse thieves, and a spy for the enemy; but sendno parties after him. If you are told where he is, turn off the matterby some pretext or other. Don't carry this out on party, or out ofyour quarters to any unsafe place.

Yours affectionately,

ALEXANDER MCDOUGALL.

FROM WILLIAM PATERSON.

January 27th.

I am at the Hermitage, my dear Burr, and cannot forbear writing you afew lines, although I expected, before this time, to have beenfavoured with a letter from you. Mrs. Prevost informs me that there isthe most flattering prospect of your soon being reinstated in yourhealth. The intelligence gives me real pleasure, and the more so,because, until Mrs. Prevost told me, I had no idea of your disorderbeing so rooted and dangerous. May health soon revisit you, my goodfriend; and when it does, may it continue with you for years. I ampleased with the hope of seeing you in Jersey early in the spring. Ishall be this way again in March, when perhaps I shall meet you atthis place. I write this standing in the midst of company. I am calledoff to court, and therefore, for this time, adieu.

WILLIAM PATERSON.

FROM MAJOR PLATT, AID TO GENERAL MCDOUGALL.

Peekskill, January 26th, 1779.

SIR,

Captain Wiley, of Learned's brigade, will hand you this. He bringswith him forty men, I believe as good as any in the army. 'Tis thegeneral's intention that Nixon's, Paterson's, and the late Learned'sbrigades, shall each furnish a party of sixty. You will please, afterselecting the best men for your parties, to order all the rest (saveyour own and commissary's guard) to join their corps, as they complainthe duty is hard above. Either Captain Williams or Spur must leaveyou, as Captain Wiley will command the party from Learned's. If thereare three subs for each party exclusive of those from your ownregiment, you can detain the whole of the subs of other brigades ornot, as you like.

Kearsley has not yet joined. The general will review all your lettersin a day or two, and give them full answers.

I am your most obedient servant,

RICHARD PLATT, Aid-de-camp.

TO GENERAL McDOUGALL.

White Plains, January 29th, 1779.

DEAR SIR,

I had this day the favour of yours by Lieutenant Rost. The samegentleman brought me a re-enforcement of thirty-nine privates, and aproportion of officers. This enables me to send to camp a few of theworst provided of the nine-months men. The returning party takes upthe prisoners mentioned in my last, and a deserter. Two more ofMalcolm's officers have joined me.

I enclose you a copy of a letter from Colonel Holdridge. Theenterprise appears to me something romantic; but I have acquaintedColonel Holdridge of the steps I shall take should it prove serious,and have appointed a place near this to meet him, if he thinks itnecessary. The number, disposition, and apparent intentions of theenemy will point out our duty. I am this evening told, by goodauthority, that Emerick is re-enforced, either by volunteer orenlisted refugees, to the amount of 4 or 500, and that there arestrong symptoms of an excursion. I shall pay due attention to thesereports and authorities.

These two days past I have taken a particular view of the country androads from White Plains to Mamaroneck, Rye, and Sawpits. I find itmuch easier protected, and more secure, than the western part of thiscounty. From the Bronx to Mamaroneck river, through White Plains, isthree miles. There are very few fords or bridges on either of thoserivers. Might it not be of service to draw a line, if but for a fewdays, from Bronx to Rye, or Mamaroneck? The Purchase would becertainly a ridiculous post.

The map is herewith sent. Lieutenant Chatburn, who has business at
West Point, will deliver this.

Yours respectfully,

A. BURR.

FROM GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Headquarters, Peekskill, 6th February, 1779.

MY DEAR SIR,

I have devoted part of this night to review your letters, and to givethem some kind of answers. I can only mention ideas. I leave you todilate them.

The bearer is one of the sentries who was partly the occasion of thelate misfortune. I have reproved them severely, which I hope will havethe desired effect. For the future, order the sentry who does not firethe alarm one hundred lashes, and the like number to any who shallpart with his arms without its being wrested from him by the enemy;and a reward of twenty dollars to any non-commissioned officer orsoldier who shall bring in such arms. Publish this in orders.

I am fully sensible of your embarrassments and difficulties, for wantof vigilant officers and discipline. Be it your honour to surmountthem. Accept of my thanks for your attention to the service. Order onepound and a half of flour or bread, and the like quantity of meat, toeach man, till the first of April. The duty is hard, and exerciseincreases the appetite. Will it not advance the service to send youdown some biscuit? Give Commissary Leake no rest without vegetables.His guard will be relieved by a militia one. How many sergeants'parties have you? Your guard and that of the commissary will be takenfrom the brigades, as 120 from Paterson's is to 60 from the others. Inreturns, designate the strength from each brigade. The regiments whosem*n have no bayonets, some means will be devised to furnish them.Heavy packs should not be at the stated quarters. Fix a day beforehandwhen you will hear the complaints of the disaffected. If any come onother days, give them thirty-nine lashes first; wait the effects ofthis discipline.

The oath of allegiance is no criterion of characters, nor the want ofa certificate thereof an evidence of a person's being disaffected.Uniform character is the best rule to judge. Send up under guard allwomen who stroll to New-York without leave. But cause them to be wellsearched by matrons for papers immediately when they are taken;hair, caps, stays, and its lining, should be well examined. Do thelike to those going down. Send up the evidences against Bettice. Iapprove your manner of treating Captain Williams. I did not yet intendthe hard money taken by him should be distributed. But, if it is done,let it remain so. In future, no hard money should be distributed. Youwill see the use I intend it for in a few days. I am sure it willdivert you. I hope soon to make up another party of sixty. IfLieutenant Freeman is not returned to you, I shall send for him. Arethe wagons you mentioned some time ago returned? What is become of therifles? I want them much for the servants who go out with me onhorseback. All returning parties should march together till theyarrive at the cantonment of the first corps, then with theirrespective officers. This will prevent disorders.

After rain or snow, I wish you to inspect the arms, and order them, inyour presence, to discharge them at a mark. The few cartridges spentin this way will be well disposed of. Colonel Putnam is marched to themouth of Croton. Greaton's, in two or three days, moves near Pine'sbridge on that river. I think the present scarcity of bread willprevent a movement of the enemy with regular troops. Major-generalPutnam is right in having the militia of Fairfield ready, if it hasnot the effect on them, like that of the boy and the wolf in thefable. If Ensign Leeland is still on the lines, send him up as anevidence against Captain Brown.

A sea-captain, who, with three others, made their escape from New-Yorkthe night of the 4th instant, says fourteen sail of the Cork fleet hadarrived last Sunday.

I am your affectionate

ALEXANDER McDOUGALL.

FROM GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Headquarters, Peekskill, 7th February, 1779.

MY DEAR SIR,

I directed Major Platt, some days since, to inform you, no provisionof any kind should be suffered to go below you till further orders.Please to announce this to the justices. You have herewith a flag;fill up the blank. On its return, desire the officer to call atColonel Phillips's for any papers or catalogues of books which may beleft there for me. The letter to Mr. Delancey to be left with theenemy's officer on his advanced post. Cast your mind on the best meansof sweeping Westchester and West Farms of the tories when it is goodsledding, supposing two regiments to cover you. But this under therose.

Gonsalez Manuel, the bearer of this, brings with him John Broughton, aprisoner of war, who is exchanged. You will please to order him keptat a convenient distance in the rear till the flag goes in, when he isto be sent and delivered to the commanding officer of the advancedpost. A receipt must be taken for him and transmitted to me.

Affectionately,

ALEXANDER MCDOUGALL.

FROM MAJOR PLATT.

Peekskill, February 23d, 1779.

Dear Burr,

In yours of yesterday you requested particular care of the enclosed,but there was none. Malcolm left this yesterday for Haverstraw. Heintends, with Major Pawling, to pay you a visit by water, and perhapsit will be to-day. I think there is some probability of his relievingyou. At any rate, you will be relieved by the time you wish.

As the general writes fully by this conveyance, I shall not be soparticular as I otherwise would. Cammell will be down shortly to payoff accounts. One dollar per day is allowed for a saddle-horse. Yourcertificates to the Van Warts will entitle them to their pay, be itwhat it may.

The general has ordered Williams and Wattles to return the hard moneyto him. It will be put in your hands. Love to Roger, when he comes.Compliments to Malcolm's lads and Benson.

With singular affection,

R. PLATT.

FROM GENERAL McDOUGALL

Headquarters, 23d February, 1779.

MY DEAR SIR,

Your several favours have been handed to me. I have not time now toanswer them fully. It will, however, be done by Major Hull, who isordered down to assist you. All your wishes will be gratified. Onehundred and twenty picked men, with bayonets, will reach youto-morrow. Send your commissary up for rum. Let him call on me.

I am yours,

ALEXANDER McDOUGALL.

FROM GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Headquarters, 15th February, 1779.

SIR,

Your favour of the 12th came to hand with the prisoners. I have longknown Ackerly was up, and his business, but did not think his presentsituation of sufficient importance to have him taken by K. Mr. Plattwill inform you how I intend to supply you with bayonets. He reachedyou, I suppose, yesterday evening. I intend to send down the remainsof Colonel Poor's regiment for a few days, to cover a forage making byMr. Hayes near Mamaroneck; and shall send by them public arms, withbayonets, to be exchanged for yours which want them. No good officeror man now below with you must be relieved till further orders. Givethe officers of Poor's all the advice and assistance you can. Themoney taken from Ketor will be divided among the officers and men insuch manner as you think proper. I shall send them down six for onewhen I can raise cash.

Greaton's is at Pine bridge. Nixon moves in two days to supportPutnam. The stated express is on this side Croton, at his own house.His name is John Cross, a refugee from New-York. Give me the earliestadvice of any appearance of a movement of the enemy on the river. Mrs.Pollock was detained with the late bad weather two nights. She leftthis at eight this morning.

I am, sir, yours, &c.,

ALEXANDER McDOUGALL.

FROM MAJOR PLATT, AID TO GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Headquarters, 25th February, 1779.

SIR,

The general wishes you to detain the best officers and men, for fivecomplete parties of sixty: and, as soon as Major Hull can be madeacquainted with your posts, and the nature of your command, he desiresyou will ride up to headquarters if there is no probability of amovement from below, and he will concert with you such measures asshall be thought expedient.

The combustible balls are not yet come to hand. Five or six boxes ofammunition will be sent down to Tarrytown by water the firstopportunity. 'Tis necessary that Dr Eustis, if not at the Plains,should be sent for.

I am your obedient servant,

RICHARD PLATT, Aid-de-camp.

P.S.—Please to inform the general whether Colonel Poor's men haveaccomplished the business they were sent upon or not.

FROM GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Headquarters, Peekskill, 26th February, 1779.

SIR,

I received your letter of this day. Colonel Putnam is ordered to marchand join you, and to act as circ*mstances shall cast up. Five boxes ofammunition are ordered to be carried to you immediately from King'sferry, by water. Leave a small party to receive it, and a cart tocarry it where you shall order it. As the strength of the enemy is notmentioned, I can give no other orders.

Yours, &c.,

ALEXANDER McDOUGALL.

FROM GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Headquarters, 27th February, 1779.

MY DEAR SIR,

Your favour of yesterday reached me at 8 P.M. It was immediatelyanswered. Colonel Putnam was ordered to march and join you; he hastaken Nixon's regiment with him. Greaton's was put in motion at thesame time, to join the brigade, if the enemy did not continue toadvance in Connecticut. At half past ten of the same evening, fiveboxes of ammunition was sent to you from King's ferry, by water, withorders to keep close in shore, for fear of accidents. I hope it hasreached you. Your letter of this day, at 7 A. M., came to hand an hourago. From the reputed strength of the enemy, I am pleased with yourposition. I think it promises success and laurels. I hope Bearmorewill smart for his temerity. You are all too remote from me to renderorders expedient. Circ*mstances must direct your movements. If theenemy move, or appear in force on the river, or a movement on itin force should apparently be intended, send up all Paterson'sdetachments by forced marches. I commit you and your corps to theLord of Hosts. Greaton has four boxes of spare ammunition. He will beon the North Castle road to the Plains.

Yours affectionately,

ALEXANDER McDOUGALL.

FROM GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Headquarters, Peekskill, 6th March, 1779.

SIR,

This will be delivered to you by Mr. John Pine, who acted lastcampaign as a horse-guide. He is a true friend to the country.Whenever he shall get properly mounted, and reports himself to you forservice, give him a certificate of the day, and employ him.

Enclosed you have a list of horse-thieves and others who act veryprejudicial to our cause. I wish to have them taken and sent up here.Perhaps it will be most eligible to make the attempt on all at thesame time. But I do not wish to retard the forage on your left, asthose posts are in great want of that article.

I am, sir, your humble servant,

ALEXANDER McDOUGALL.

FROM GENERAL PUTNAM.

Camp, Horse Neck, 9th March, 1779.

SIR,

I have received a letter from Colonel Emerick (British), informing methat one Butler, who has been a prisoner in New-York, being unable totravel on foot, obtained of Colonel Emerick a dragoon and two horsesto conduct him some part of his way in the country. That Butler madethe dragoon drunk, then brought him off, together with the horses. Thewhole of which he, in his letter, makes a demand to be returned.

Colonel Emerick has been misinformed as to Butler's acting sofaithless. The truth of the matter is, that Butler wanted the dragoonto return with the horses, but that he (the dragoon) refused to do,and swore he would never return. I would advise you by all means tosend the dragoon to Colonel Emerick in irons, together with thehorses, as a refusal would be contrary to all public faith.

I am, with the greatest respect,

ISRAEL PUTNAM.

FROM GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Headquarters, Peekskill, 11th March, 1779.

SIR,

Yours of the 9th has reached me. If the militia of Colonel Drake's aregood men, arm them of General Paterson's, and I will replace them tohim. Take the receipts of every man who shall be armed by the public,and send them to me. The old general is not a civilian. Send ColonelEmerick the enclosed copy of the horseman's deposition. Stop noprovisions, when small quantities answer for the purpose of ——-. Theplunderers will be punished on the lines, but tried here. The names ofthe witnesses are wanting. What you wrote for, to answer certainpurposes, shall be collected as soon as possible.

Give me the true history of the facts relative to the mare sold byWattles. He quibbles. Did he know the printed orders?—was she soldconformable? The paymasters will be ordered down, and soap shall besent.

In haste, yours, &c.,

ALEXANDER MCDOUGALL.

The preceding correspondence is evidence of the military character ofColonel Burr, and his standing with General McDOUGALL. Although hisrank was only that of a lieutenant-colonel, yet he was constantly inthe actual command of a regiment, and frequently of a brigade. Hisseniors were withdrawn from the post (which was generally a post ofdanger) where he was stationed; or detachments were taken fromdifferent regiments so as to make up for him a separate andindependent command. No man had a better opportunity than SamuelYoung, Esq., of knowing Colonel Burr's habits and conduct whilestationed in Westchester. Mr. Young was at one time a member of thestate legislature, and for many years surrogate of the county. Thefollowing letter contains some interesting details.

SAMUEL YOUNG TO COMMODORE VALENTINE MORRIS.

Mount Pleasant (Westchester), 25th January, 1814.

DEAR SIR,

Your letter of the 30th ultimo, asking for some account of thecampaign in which I served, under the command of Colonel Burr, duringthe revolutionary war, was received some days ago, and has beenconstantly in my mind. I will reply to it with pleasure, but thecompass of a letter will not admit of much detail.

I resided in the lines from the commencement of the revolution untilthe winter of the year 1780, when my father's house was burnt, byorder of the British general. The county of Westchester, very soonafter the commencement of hostilities, became, on account of itsexposed situation, a scene of deepest distress. From the Croton toKingsbridge, every species of rapine and lawless violence prevailed.No man went to his bed but under the apprehension of having his houseplundered or burnt, or himself or family massacred, before morning.Some, under the character of whigs, plundered the tories; whileothers, of the latter description, plundered the whigs. Parties ofmarauders, assuming either character or none, as suited theirconvenience, indiscriminately assailed both whigs and tories. Solittle vigilance was used on our part, that emissaries and spies ofthe enemy passed and repassed without interruption.

These calamities continued undiminished until the arrival of ColonelBurr, in the autumn of the year 1778. He took command of the sametroops which his predecessor, Colonel Littlefield, commanded. At themoment of Colonel Burr's arrival, Colonel Littlefield [1] had returnedfrom a plundering expedition (for to plunder those called tories wasthen deemed lawful), and had brought up horses, cattle, bedding,clothing, and other articles of easy transportation, which he hadproposed to distribute among the party the next day. Colonel Burr'sfirst act of authority was to seize and secure all this plunder; andhe immediately took measures for restoring it to the owners. This gaveus much trouble, but it was abundantly repaid by the confidence itinspired.

He then made known his determination to suppress plundering. The sameday he visited all the guards; changed their position; dismissed someof the officers, whom he found totally incompetent; gave newinstructions. On the same day, also, he commenced a register of thenames and characters of all who resided near and below his guards.Distinguished by secret marks the whig, the timid whig, the tory, thehorse-thief, and those concerned in, or suspected of, givinginformation to the enemy. He also began a map of the country, in thevicinity of the fort; of the roads, by-roads, paths, creeks, morasses,&c., which might become hiding-places for the disaffected or formarauding parties. This map was made by Colonel Burr himself, fromsuch materials as he could collect on the spot, but principally fromhis own observation.

He raised and established a corps of horsem*n from among therespectable farmers and young men of the country, of tried patriotism,fidelity, and courage. These also served as aids and confidentialpersons for the transmission of orders. To this corps I attachedmyself as a volunteer, but did not receive pay. He employed discreetand faithful persons, living near the enemy's lines, to watch theirmotions, and give him immediate intelligence. He employed mountedvidettes for the same purpose, directing two of them to proceedtogether, so that one might be despatched, if necessary, withinformation to the colonel, while the other might watch the enemy'smovement. He established signals throughout the lines, so that,whether by night or by day, instant notice could be had of an attackor movement of the enemy. He enforced various regulations forconcealing his positions and force from the enemy. The laxity ofdiscipline which had before prevailed enabled the enemy frequently toemploy their emissaries to come within the lines, and to learn theprecise state of our forces, supplies, &c. Colonel Burr soon put anend to these dangerous intrusions, by prohibiting all persons residingbelow the lines, except a few whom he selected, such as Parson Bartow,Jacob Smith, and others, whose integrity was unimpeachable, fromapproaching the outposts, without special permission for the purpose.If any one had a complaint or request to make of the colonel, heprocured one or more of the persons he had selected to come to hisquarters on his behalf. This measure prevented frivolous and vexatiousapplications, and the still more dangerous approach of enemies indisguise. All these measures were entirely new; and, within eight orten days, the whole system appeared to be in complete operation, andthe face of things was totally changed.

A few days after the colonel's arrival, the house of one Gedney wasplundered in the night, and the family abused and terrified. Gedneysent his son to make a representation of it to the colonel. The youngman, not regarding the orders which had been issued, came to thecolonel's quarters, undiscovered by the sentinels, having taken asecret path through the fields for the purpose. For this violation oforders the young man was punished. The colonel immediately tookmeasures for the detection of the plunderers; and though they were alldisguised, and wholly unknown to Gedney, yet Colonel Burr, by meanswhich were never yet disclosed, discovered the plunderers, and hadthem all secured within twenty-four hours. Gedney's family, onreference to his register, appeared to be tories; but Burr hadpromised that every quiet man should be protected.

He caused the robbers to be conveyed to Gedney's house, under thecharge of Captain Benson, there to restore the booty they had taken,to make reparation in money for such articles as were lost or damaged,and for the alarm and abuse, the amount of which the colonel assessed,to be flogged ten lashes, and to ask pardon of the old man; all whichwas faithfully and immediately executed.

These measures gave universal satisfaction, and the terror theyinspired effectually prevented a repetition of similar depredations.From this day plundering ceased. No further instance occurred duringthe time of Colonel Burr's command, for it was universally believedthat Colonel Burr could tell a robber by looking in his face, or thathe had supernatural means of discovering crime. Indeed, I was myselfinclined to these opinions. This belief was confirmed by anothercirc*mstance which had previously occurred. On the day of his arrival,after our return from visiting the posts, conversing with several ofhis attendants, and, among others, Lieutenant Drake, whom Burr hadbrought with him from his own regiment, he said, "Drake, that post onthe North river will be attacked before morning; neither officers normen know any thing of their duty; you must go and take charge of it;keep your eyes open, or you will have your throat cut." Drake went.The post was attacked that night by a company of horse. They wererepulsed with loss. Drake returned in the morning with trophies ofwar, and told his story. We stared, and asked one another—How couldBurr know that? He had not then established any means of intelligence.

The measures immediately adopted by him were such that it wasimpossible for the enemy to have passed their own lines without hishaving immediate knowledge; and it was these very measures which savedMajor Hull, on whom the command devolved for a short time, when thestate of Colonel Burr's health compelled him to retire.

These measures, together with the deportment of Colonel Burr, gainedhim the love and veneration of all devoted to the common cause, andconciliated even its bitterest foes. His habits were a subject ofadmiration. His diet was simple and spare in the extreme. Seldomsleeping more than an hour at a time, and without taking off hisclothes, or even his boots.

Between midnight and two o'clock in the morning, accompanied by two orthree of his corps of horsem*n, he visited the quarters of all hiscaptains, and their picket-guards, changing his route from time totime to prevent notice of his approach. You may judge of the severityof this duty, when I assure you that the distance which he thus rodeevery night must have been from sixteen to twenty-four miles; andthat, with the exception of two nights only, in which he was otherwiseengaged, he never omitted these excursions, even in the severest andmost stormy weather; and, except the short time necessarily consumedin hearing and answering complaints and petitions from persons bothabove and below the lines, Colonel Burr was constantly with thetroops.

He attended to the minutest article of their comfort; to theirlodgings; to their diet: for those off duty he invented sports, alltending to some useful end. During two or three weeks after thecolonel's arrival, we had many sharp conflicts with the robbers andhorse-thieves, who were hunted down with unceasing industry. In manyinstances we encountered great superiority of numbers, but always withsuccess. Many of them were killed, and many were taken.

The strictest discipline prevailed, and the army felt the fullestconfidence in their commander and in themselves, and by these meansbecame really formidable to the enemy. During the same winter,Governor Tryon planned an expedition to Horse Neck, for the purpose ofdestroying the salt-works erected there, and marched with about 2000men. Colonel Burr received early information of their movements, andsent word to General Putnam to hold the enemy at bay for a few hours,and he (Colonel Burr) would be in their rear and be answerable forthem. By a messenger from him, Colonel Burr was informed by thatgeneral that he had been obliged to retreat, and that the enemy wereadvancing into Connecticut. This information, which unfortunately wasnot correct, altered Colonel Burr's route towards Mamaroneck, whichenabled Tryon to get the start of him. Colonel Burr then endeavouredto interrupt him in Eastchester, according to his first plan, andactually got within cannon-shot of him; but Tryon ran too fast, and inhis haste left most or all of his cattle and plunder behind him, andmany stragglers, who were picked up.

I will mention another enterprise, which proved more successful,though equally hazardous. Soon after Tryon's retreat, ColonelDelancey, who commanded the British refugees, in order to securethemselves against surprise, erected a block-house on a rising groundbelow Delancey's bridge. This Colonel Burr resolved to destroy. I wasin that expedition, and recollect the circ*mstances.

He procured a number of hand-grenades, also rolls of port-fire, andcanteens filled with inflammable materials, with contrivances toattach them to the side of the block-house. He set out with his troopsearly in the evening, and arrived within a mile of the block-house bytwo o'clock in the morning. The colonel gave Captain Black the commandof about forty volunteers, who were first to approach. Twenty of themwere to carry the port-fires, &c., &c. Those who had hand-grenades hadshort ladders to enable them to reach the port-holes, the exact heightof which Colonel Burr had ascertained. Colonel Burr gave Captain Blackhis instructions, in the hearing of his company, assuring him of hisprotection if they were attacked by superior numbers; for it wasexpected that the enemy, who had several thousand men at and nearKingsbridge, would endeavour to cut us off, as we were several milesbelow them. Burr directed those who carried the combustibles to marchin front as silently as possible. That, on being hailed, they shouldlight the hand-grenades, &c., with a slow match provided for thepurpose, and throw them into the port-holes. I was one of the partythat advanced. The sentinel hailed and fired. We rushed on. The firsthand-grenade that was thrown in drove the enemy from the upper story,and before they could take any measure to defend it, the block-housewas on fire in several places. Some few escaped, and the restsurrendered without our having lost a single man. Though many shotwere fired at us, we did not fire a gun.

During the period of Colonel Burr's command, but two attempts weremade by the enemy to surprise our guards, in both of which they weredefeated.

After Colonel Burr left this command, Colonel Thompson, a man ofapproved bravery, assumed it, and the enemy, in open day, advanced tohis headquarters, took Colonel Thompson, and took or killed all hismen, with the exception of about thirty.

My father's house, with all his outhouses, were burnt. After thesedisasters our troops never made an effort to protect that part of thecountry. The American lines were afterwards changed, and extended fromBedford to Croton bridge, and from there, following the course of thatriver, to the Hudson. All the intermediate country was abandoned andunprotected, being about twenty miles in the rear of the ground whichColonel Burr had maintained.

The year after the defeat of Colonel Thompson, Colonel Green, a brave,and in many respects a valuable officer, took the command, making hisheadquarters at Danford's, about a mile above the Croton. Thisposition was well chosen. But Colonel Green omitted to inform himselfof the movements of the enemy, and consequently was surprised.Himself, Major Flagg, and other officers were killed, and a great partof the men were either killed or taken prisoners: yet these officershad the full benefit of Colonel Burr's system.

Having perused what I have written, it does not appear to me that Ihave conveyed any adequate idea of Burr's military character. It maybe aided a little by reviewing the effects he produced. The troops ofwhich he took command were, at the time he took the command,undisciplined, negligent, and discontented. Desertions were frequent.In a few days these very men were transformed into brave and honestdefenders; orderly, contented, and cheerful; confident in their owncourage, and loving to adoration their commander, whom every manconsidered as his personal friend. It was thought a severe punishment,as well as disgrace, to be sent up to the camp, where they had nothingto do but to lounge and eat their rations.

During the whole of this command there was not a single desertion. Nota single death by sickness. Not one made prisoner by the enemy; forBurr had taught us that a soldier with arms in his hand ought never,under any circ*mstances, to surrender; no matter if he was opposed tothousands, it was his duty to fight.

After the first ten days there was not a single instance of robbery.The whole country, under his command, enjoyed security. Theinhabitants, to express their gratitude, frequently brought presentsof such articles as the country afforded; but Colonel Burr wouldaccept no present. He fixed reasonable prices, and paid in cash forevery thing that was received, and sometimes, I know, that thesepayments were made with his own money. Whether these advances wererepaid, I know not.

Colonel Simcoe, one of the most daring and active partisans in theBritish army, was, with Colonels Emerick and Delancey, opposed to Burron the lines, yet they were completely held in check.

But perhaps the highest eulogy on Colonel Burr is, that no man couldbe found capable of executing his plans, though the example was beforethem.

When Burr left the lines a sadness overspread the country, and themost gloomy forebodings were too soon fulfilled, as you have seenabove.

The period of Colonel Burr's command was so full of activity and ofincident, that every day afforded some new lesson of instruction. Butyou will expect only a general outline, and this faint one is the bestin my power to give.

With esteem, yours,

SAMUEL YOUNG.

Footnotes:

1. See Chapter IX

CHAPTER XI.

The military career of Colonel Burr was now drawing to a close. Thestate of his health became alarming. His constitution was shattered.His medical and other friends were of the opinion that he wasincapable of enduring the fatigues of another campaign. In thejudgment and talents of Dr. Eustis he reposed great confidence. Thatgentleman pressed upon him, in a manner the most affectionate, thenecessity for his retiring. The sacrifice required of Burr wasinconceivably great. All his views and feelings were military. Heseemed as though he was born a soldier. He was ambitious of fame inhis profession. He had acquired a character for vigilance andintrepidity unrivalled in the army. He was more than respected by hisbrother officers, and idolized by the troops. As a man and a citizen,he was exceedingly disliked by General Washington. Causes, unnecessaryto examine at this late period of time, had created between thesegentlemen feelings of hostility that were unconquerable, and werenever softened or mollified. Yet even General Washington, while heconsidered Burr destitute of morals and of principle, respected him asa soldier, and gave repeated evidence of entire confidence in hisgallantry, his persevering industry, his judgment, and his discretion.At length, however, protracted disease compelled him to abandon allthose hopes of glory, nobly won in the battle-field, which hadinflamed his ardent and youthful mind; and on the 10th of March, 1779,he tendered to the commander-in-chief his resignation.

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Phillipsburgh, 10th March, 1779.

Sir,

The reasons I did myself the honour to mention to your excellency in aletter of September last still exist, and determine me to resign myrank and command in the army.

The polite indulgence you favoured me with at that time restoredtemporarily my health. At the instance of General McDOUGALL, Iaccepted the command of these posts; but I find my health unequal tothe undertaking, and have acquainted him of my intentions to retire.He has ordered an officer to relieve me before the 15th of March, onwhich day I purpose to leave this command and the army.

Very respectfully,

A. BURR.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Middlebrook, 3d April, 1779.

Sir,

I have to acknowledge your favour of the 10th ultimo. Perfectlysatisfied that no consideration save a desire to reestablish yourhealth could induce you to leave the service, I cannot thereforewithhold my consent. But, in giving permission to your retiring fromthe army, I am not only to regret the loss of a good officer, but thecause which makes his resignation necessary. When it is convenient totransmit the settlement of your public accounts, it will receive myfinal acceptance.

I am, &c.,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

A few days previous to Colonel Burr's resignation of his commission,he received from the widow of General Montgomery the followingletter:—

FROM MRS. J. MONTGOMERY.

Rhinebeck, 7th March, 1779.

SIR,

I should before this have answered your obliging letter, had not themarriage of my eldest sister entirely taken up my time. I now returnyou, sir, many thanks for your kind offers of service. The sinceritywith which they were made would have allowed me to accept them,without fears of giving you trouble, had I not determined to run nomore risks, as I have been very unfortunate in my ventures that way.

You have awakened all my sensibility by the praises you bestow on myunfortunate general. He was, indeed, an angel sent us for a moment.Alas! for me, that this world was not more worthy of him—then had Istill been the happiest of women, and his friends in stations moreequal to their own merits. Reflections like these imbittercontinually each day as it passes. But I trust in the same mercifulHand which has held me from sinking in my extreme calamity, that hewill still support and make me worthy of a blessed meeting hereafter.Can you excuse, sir, the overflowing of a heart that knows not whereto stop when on a subject so interesting?

Mr. Tutard tells me you mean to quit the service. Whenever thathappens, you will doubtless have leisure to pay us a visit, which Iwish you to believe will give real pleasure to,

Sir, your obliged

J. MONTGOMERY.

FROM WILLIAM PATERSON.

The Ponds, 18th March, 1779.

MY DEAR BURR,

I came to this place yesterday in the afternoon, and regret extremelythat I did not arrive earlier in the day, as I should have receivedyour letter. My stay here will be uncertain. At home I must be by thebeginning of April. I should be happy in seeing you before my return,but how to effect it is the question. If I could possibly disengagemyself from business, I would take a ride to Paramus. My best respectsawait on Mrs. Prevost; and every thing you think proper to themistress of your affections. I am married, Burr, and happy. May you beequally so. I cannot form a higher or a better wish. You know I shouldrejoice to meet you. Tell Mrs. Prevost that I shall take it unkindlyif she does not call upon me whenever she thinks I can be of anyservice to her. To oblige her will give me pleasure for her own sake,and double pleasure for yours. This is a strange, unconnected scroll;you have it as it comes.

I congratulate you on your return to civil life, for which (I cannotforbear the thought) we must thank a certain lady not far fromParamus. May I have occasion soon to thank her on another account; andmay I congratulate you both in the course of the next moon for beingin my line: I mean the married. Adieu.

I am most sincerely yours,

WILLIAM PATERSON.

FROM GENERAL McDOUGALL.

Headquarters, Peekskill, 20th March, 1779.

SIR,

My late intelligence from New-York and headquarters clearly mark theenemy's intention to make a movement very soon. Whether it is intendedagainst the grand army, these posts, or New-London, time only candetermine. It is, however, our duty to be prepared. As a few days willopen up his views, I imagine you do not think of quitting the groundwhen business is to be done. Should the enemy move up the river inforce, his thieves will be very busy below. Colonel Hammond'sregiment, on such an event, is to remain there; and one hundred rankand file of continental troops only are to keep them in countenance.The rest, under charge of officers, to be sent up to join their corps.

You know the state of forage at this post. I wish you would make anexertion to your left in front, to secure all you can for us; as muchas will consist with the safety of your party, and covering to therebels at Tarrytown. Send for Haynes and his assistant, and keep themon the ground till they secure all that is practicable to be got fromyour left. The weather has been so stormy and uncertain, the ——- arenot yet sent for. To-morrow morning it will be done. Please to attendto the enclosed order respecting provisions. Late Learned's is movedto West Point.

Major Hull's, of the 19th, is this moment received, and will beattended to. I wish Captain Kearsley, Lieutenants Hunter and Lawrence,to be sent to their regiments when Colonel Burr has finished what heintends. They are much wanted. Note the contents of the enclosedresolve.

Yours, very respectfully,

ALEXANDER McDOUGALL.

It has been seen that Colonel Burr, while he commanded at WhitePlains, on the frontier, not only kept the adjacent country in a stateof security, but that he kept the enemy in complete check. He wassucceeded in his command by Colonel Littlefield, who was sooncaptured, and the post abandoned. Major Hull, in a letter to ColonelBurr, dated the 29th of May, 1779, says, "The ground you so longdefended is now left to the depredations of the enemy, and our friendsin distressing circ*mstances."

In the beginning of June, Sir Henry Clinton captured the forts atStony Point and Verplanck's Point, and threatened West Point. Hisforce in this direction was upwards of six thousand rank and file. Thecommunication between General Washington, who was in New-Jersey, andGeneral McDOUGALL, who was at Newburgh, was greatly embarrassed.Bandits were placed by the British in or near the passes through thechains of mountains leading to Sussex, for the purpose of capturingthe expresses charged with despatches. At this critical moment ColonelBurr was on a visit to McDOUGALL, who informed him that he had madevarious unsuccessful attempts to communicate with Washington, and thathis expresses had either been captured or had deserted. Afterapologizing to Burr, who was no longer in active service, the generalstated the importance of the commander-in-chief's knowing the positionand movements of the enemy, as well as the state of the American army.He then very courteously requested Burr to be the bearer of a verbalcommunication to Washington on the subject. To this, notwithstandinghis ill health and the danger of the enterprise, he assented. Themission was undertaken and succeeded. He was also charged at the sametime with verbal orders from General St. Clair, of a confidentialcharacter, to officers commanding at different posts.

To whom it may concern:—

Colonel Burr, being on urgent public business, is to be put across theferry to New-Windsor without delay. Given this second day of June,1779.

ALEXANDER McDOUGALL, Major-general.

To whom it may concern:—

Colonel Burr, being on very pressing public business, every magistratewill assist him in changing horses, and all friends of the countrywill also assist him.

June 2d, 1779. ALEXANDER McDOUGALL, Major-general.

To whom it may concern:—

Colonel Burr, being on urgent public business, must be put across theferry to Fishkill landing without a moment's delay. Given at Pompton,3d June, 1779.

ARTHUR ST. CLAIR, Major-general.

To whom it may concern:—

The quartermaster and commissary, at Newburgh or New-Windsor, willreceive and observe, as my orders, the verbal directions given byColonel Burr. Given at Pompton, 3d June, 1779.

ARTHUR ST. CLAIR, Major-general.

On this enterprise a most amusing incident occurred. Colonel Burrarrived at the iron-works of the elder Townsend, in Orange county,with a tired and worn-out horse. No other could be obtained; but,after some detention, a half-broken mule, named Independence, wasprocured, and the colonel mounted. But Independence refused to obeyorders, and a battle ensued. The mule ran off with his rider, andascended a high bank, on the side of which stood a coal-house, filledwith coal through an aperture in the top. At length, Independence,in the hope of clearing himself of his encumbrance, entered thecoal-house at full speed, the colonel firmly keeping his seat, andboth came down an inclined plane of coal, not less than thirty feet inheight. On reaching the ground without injury, Burr hired a man tolead the animal a mile or two, and then again mounted him and pursuedhis journey. This scene was exhibited on a hot day in the month ofJune, amid a cloud of coal-dust. The anecdote Burr occasionallyrepeated to his friends, and some of the younger branches of theTownsend family.

About the first of July, 1779, Colonel Burr, then in feeble health,visited his friends in Connecticut. He was at New-Haven when, on the5th of July, the British landed, with 2600 men, in two divisions; oneunder Governor Tryon, at East Haven, and the other under Garth, atWest Haven. At East Haven, where Tryon commanded, great excesses werecommitted, and the town set on fire. Colonel Burr was at this momentconfined to his bed; but, on hearing that the enemy were advancing,rose and proceeded to a part of the town where a number of persons hadcollected. He volunteered to take command of the militia, and made anunsuccessful attempt to rally them. At this moment he was informedthat the students had organized themselves, and were drawn up in thecollege-yard. He immediately galloped to the ground, and addressedthem; appealing, in a few words, to their patriotism and love ofcountry; imploring them to set the example, and march out in thedefence of those rights which would, at a future day, become theirinheritance. All he asked was, that they would receive and follow himas their leader.

The military character of Colonel Burr was known to the students. Theyconfided in his intrepidity, experience, and judgment. In their ranksthere was no faltering. They promptly obeyed the summons, andvolunteered. Some skirmishing soon ensued, and portions of the militiaunited with them. The British, ignorant of the force that might bepresented, retired; but shortly returned, with several pieces ofartillery, when a cannonading commenced, and the boys retreated ingood order. An American historian says,—"The British entered the townafter being much galled and harassed." The slight check which theythus received afforded an opportunity for the removal of somevaluables, and many of the women and children.

Trifling and unimportant as this skirmishing appears to have been,Colonel Burr never referred to the incident but with exultation andpride. Perhaps no event in his military life has he more frequentlymentioned. The confidence evinced by these young men he consideredcomplimentary to himself as a soldier; and usually alluded to thecirc*mstance as evidence of the effect which the character of anofficer would ever have upon undisciplined men, when called to commandthem upon trying occasions.

The following letter, written by Colonel Platt, will close all that isintended to be said of Colonel Burr as a soldier. More space has beenoccupied with an account of his military character than would havebeen thus occupied, if it was not known that he felt proud of his owncareer as an officer. For history Mr. Burr entertained a greatcontempt. He confided but little in its details. These prejudices wereprobably strengthened by the consideration that justice, in hisopinion, had not been done to himself.

COLONEL RICHARD PLATT TO COMMODORE VALENTINE MORRIS.

New-York, January 27th, 1814.

DEAR SIR,

In reply to yours of the 20th of November last, requesting to beinformed what was the reputation and services of Colonel Burr duringthe revolutionary war? I give you the following detail of facts, whichyou may rely on. No man was better acquainted with him, and hismilitary operations, than your humble servant, who served in that warfrom the 28th of June, 1775, till the evacuation of our capital on thememorable 25th of November, 1783; having passed through the grades oflieutenant, captain, major, major of brigade, aid-de-camp, deputyadjutant-general, and deputy quartermaster-general; the last of whichby selection and recommendation of Generals Greene, McDOUGALL, andKnox, in the most trying crisis of the revolution, viz., the year1780, when the continental money ceased to pass, and there was noother fiscal resources during that campaign but what resulted from thecreative genius of Timothy Pickering, at that crisis appointedsuccessor to General Greene, the second officer of the American army,who resigned the department because there was no money in the nationalcoffers to carry it through the campaign, declaring that he could not,and would not attempt it, without adequate resources, such as heabounded in during the term of nearly three years antecedently asquartermaster-general.

In addition to the foregoing, by way of elucidation, it is to beunderstood by you, that so early as from the latter part of the year1776, I was always attached to a commanding general; and, inconsequence, my knowledge of the officers and their merits was moregeneral than that of almost any other in service. My operations wereupon the extended scale, from the remotest parts of Canada, whereverthe American standard had waved, to the splendid theatre of Yorktown,when and where I was adjutant-general to the chosen troops of thenorthern army.

At the commencement of the revolution, Colonel Burr, then abouteighteen years of age, at the first sound of the trump of war (as ifbred in the camp of the great Frederick, whose maxim was "to hold hisarmy always in readiness to break a lance with, or throw a dartagainst, any assailant"), quit his professional studies, and rushed tothe camp of General Washington, at Cambridge, as a volunteer fromwhich he went with Colonel Arnold on his daring enterprise againstQuebec, through the wilds of Canada (which vied with Hannibal's marchover the Alps), during which toilsome and hazardous march he attractedthe attention and admiration of his commander so much, that he(Arnold) sent him alone to meet and hurry down General Montgomery'sarmy from Montreal to his assistance; and recommended him to thatgeneral, who appointed him an aid-de-camp, in which capacity he actedduring the winter, till the fatal assault on Quebec, in which thatgallant general, his aid McPherson, and Captain Cheeseman, commandingthe forlorn hope, fell. He afterwards continued as aid to Arnold, thesurvivor in command.

Here I must begin to draw some of the outlines of his genius andvalour, which, like those of the British immortal, Wolf, who, at theage of twenty-four, and only major of the 20th regiment, serving onthe continent, gave such specimens of genius and talents as to evincehis being destined for command.

At the perilous moment of Montgomery's death, when dismay andconsternation universally prevailed, and the column halted, heanimated the troops, and made many efforts to lead them on; andstimulated them to enter the lower town; and might have succeeded, butfor the positive orders of Colonel Donald Campbell, the commandingofficer, for the troops to retreat. Had his plan been carried intoeffect, it might have saved Arnold's division from capture, which had,after our retreat, to contend with all the British force instead of apart. On this occasion I commanded the first company in the firstNew-York regiment, at the head of Montgomery's column, so that I speakfrom ocular demonstration.

The next campaign, 1776, Colonel Burr was appointed aid-de-camp toMajor-general Putnam, second in command under General Washington atNew-York; and from my knowledge of that general's qualities and thecolonel's, I am very certain that the latter directed all themovements and operations of the former.

In January, 1777, the continental establishment for the war commenced.Then Colonel Burr was appointed by General Washington alieutenant-colonel in Malcolm's regiment, in which he continued toserve until April, 1779, when the ill state of his health obliged himto retire from active service, to the regret of General McDOUGALL,commanding the department, and that of the commander-in-chief, whooffered to give him a furlough for any length of time, and to getpermission from the British general in New-York for him to go toBermuda for his health. This item will show his value in theestimation of Generals Washington and McDOUGALL.

During the campaign of 1777, Malcolm's regiment was with the mainarmy, and commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Burr. For discipline, order,and system, it was not surpassed by any in the service; and could his(the lieutenant-colonel's) and Wolfe's orderly-books be produced, theywould be very similar in point of military policy and instructions,and fit models for all regiments.

This regiment was also but led at the Valley Forge in 1777 and winterof 1778, under General Washington, and composed part of his army atthe battle of Monmouth on the 28th of June, 1778, and continued withit till the close of the campaign of that year, at which time it wasplaced in garrison at West Point by General Gates; but, upon GeneralMcDOUGALL's assuming the command of the posts in the highlands inDecember, Malcolm's, Spencer's, and Patten's regiments were togetherordered to Haverstraw. The three colonels were permitted to go homefor the winter on furlough, and Lieutenant-colonel Burr had thecommand of the whole brigade, at a very important advanced post.

At this period General McDOUGALL ordered a detachment of about threehundred troops, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Littlefield,of the Massachusetts line, to guard the lines in Westchester county,then extending from Tarrytown to White Plains, and from thence toMamaroneck or Sawpits, which last extension was guarded by Connecticuttroops from Major-general Putnam's division.

In this situation of affairs a very singular occurrence presented,viz., that neither Lieutenant-colonel Littlefield, nor any other ofhis grade, in the two entire brigades of Massachusetts troopscomposing the garrison of West Point, from which the lines were to berelieved, was competent, in the general's estimation, to give securityto the army above and the lines of those below; and, in consequence,he was compelled to call Colonel Burr from his station at Haverstrawto the more important command of the lines in Westchester, in whichmeasure, unprecedented as it was, the officers acquiesced without amurmur, from a conviction of its expediency. At this time I was doingthe duty of adjutant-general to General McDougall.

It was on this new and interesting theatre of war that the confidenceand affections of the officers and soldiers (who now became permanenton the lines, instead of being relieved every two or three weeks asbefore), as well as of the inhabitants, all before unknown to ColonelBurr, were inspired with confidence by a system of consummate skill,astonishing vigilance, and extreme activity, which, in like manner,made such an impression on the enemy, that after an unsuccessfulattack on one of his advanced posts, he never made any other attack onour lines during the winter.

His humanity, and constant regard to the security of the property andpersons of the inhabitants from injury and insult, were not lessconspicuous than his military skill, &c. No man was insulted ordisturbed. The health of the troops was perfect. Not a desertionduring the whole period of his command, nor a man made prisoner,although the colonel was constantly making prisoners.

A country, which for three years before had been a scene of robbery,cruelty, and murder, became at once the abode of security and peace.Though his powers were despotic, they were exercised only for thepeace, the security, and the protection of the surrounding country andits inhabitants.

In the winter of 1779, the latter part of it, Major Hull, an excellentofficer, then in the Massachusetts line, was sent down as second toColonel Burr, who, after having become familiarized to his system,succeeded him for a short time in command, about the last of April, atwhich time Colonel Burr's health would not permit him to continue incommand; but the major was soon compelled to fall back many miles, soas to be within supporting distance of the army at the highlands.

The severity of the service, and the ardent and increasing activitywith which he had devoted himself to his country's cause, for morethan four years, having materially impaired his health, he wascompelled to leave the post and retire from active service. It was twoyears before he regained his health.

Major Hull has ever since borne uniformly the most honourabletestimony of the exalted talents of his commander, by declaring hisgratitude for being placed under an officer whose system of duty wasdifferent from that of all other commanders under whom he had served.

Having thus exhibited the colonel's line of march, and his operationsin service, I must now present him in contrast with his equals inrank, and his superiors in command.

In September, 1777, the enemy came out on both sides of the Hudsonsimultaneously, in considerable force, say from 2 to 3000 men. On theeast side (at Peekskill) was a major-general of our army, with aneffective force of about 2000 men. The enemy advanced, and our generalretired without engaging them. Our barracks and storehouses, and thewhole village of Peekskill, were sacked and burnt, and the countrypillaged.

On the west side, at the mouth of the Clove, near Suffren's, wasColonel Burr, commanding Malcolm's regiment, about three hundred andfifty men. On the first alarm he marched to find the enemy, and on thesame night attacked and took their picket-guard, rallied the country,and made such show of war, that the enemy retreated the next morning,leaving behind him the cattle, horses, and sheep he had plundered.

The year following, Lieutenant-colonel Thompson was sent to command onthe same lines in Westchester by General Heath, and he was surprisedat nine or ten o'clock in the day, and made prisoner, with a greatpart of his detachment.

Again, in the succeeding winter, Colonel Greene, of the Rhode Islandline, with his own and another Rhode Island regiment, who was a verydistinguished officer, and had with these two regiments, in the year1777, defeated the Hessian grenadiers under Count Donop, at Red Banks,on the Delaware, who was mortally wounded and taken prisoner,commanded on the lines in Westchester; there receded to Pine's bridge,and in this position Colonel Greene's troops were also surprised afterbreakfast and dispersed, the colonel himself and Major Flagg killed,and many soldiers made prisoners, besides killed and wounded.

On the west side of the Hudson, in the year 1780, General Wayne, thehero of Stony Point, with a large command and field artillery, made anattack on a block-house nearly opposite to Dobbs's ferry, defended bycowboys, and was repulsed with loss; whereas Colonel Burr burnt anddestroyed one of a similar kind, in the winter of 1779, nearDelancey's mills, with a very few men, and without any loss on hispart, besides capturing the garrison.

Here, my good friend commodore, I must drop the curtain till I see youin Albany, which will be on the first week in February, where I canand will convince you that he is the only man in America (that is, theUnited States) who is fit to be a lieutenant-general; and let you andI, and all the American people, look out for Mr. Madison'slieutenant-general in contrast.

I am your friend,

RICHARD PLATT.

CHAPTER XII.

On retiring from the army, Colonel Burr visited his friends inNew-Jersey and Connecticut. He had previously determined, as soon ashis health would permit, to commence the study of law. During the fouryears he was in public service, his patrimony was greatly impaired.Towards his brethren in arms he had acted with liberality. Naturallyof an improvident character, he adopted no means to preserve theproperty which he inherited. The cardinal vices of gaming and drinkinghe avoided. But he was licentious in the extreme, and regardless ofconsequences in the gratification of his desires. His extravagance wasunrestrained when, in his opinion, necessary to the enjoyment of hispleasures. From the arms of his nurse until he had numbered fourscoreyears, he was perpetually the dupe of the artful and the selfish.

Colonel Burr was about five feet six inches in height. He was wellformed, and erect in his attitude. In all his movements there was amilitary air. Although of small stature, yet there was about him aloftiness of mien that could not pass unnoticed by a stranger. Hisdeportment was polished and courtly. His features were regular, andgenerally considered handsome. His eye was jet black, with abrilliancy never surpassed. The appropriate civilities of thedrawing-room were performed with a grace almost peculiar to himself.His whole manner was inconceivably fascinating. As a gentleman, thiswas his great theatre. He acted upon the principle that the female wasthe weaker sex, and that they were all susceptible of flattery. Hisgreat art consisted in adopting it to the grade of intellect headdressed. In this respect he was singularly fortunate as well asadroit. In matters of gallantry he was excessively vain. This vanitysometimes rendered him ridiculous in the eyes of his best friends, andoften enabled the most worthless and unprincipled to take advantage ofhis credulity.

Such traits of character would appear to be incompatible with anelevated and towering mind; yet they usually influenced, andfrequently controlled, one of the greatest and most extraordinary menof the age. A volume of anecdotes might be related as evidence ofColonel Burr's quickness of perception and tact at reply, when anill-judged or thoughtless expression was addressed by him to a lady.One is sufficient for illustration.

After his return from Europe, in 1812, he met a maiden lady inBroadway somewhat advanced in life. He had not seen her for manyyears. As she passed him, she exclaimed to a gentleman on whose armshe was resting, "Colonel Burr!" Hearing his name mentioned, hesuddenly stopped and looked her in the face. "Colonel," said she, "youdo not recollect me."

"I do not, madam," was the reply.

"It is Miss K., sir."

"What!" said he, "Miss K. yet!"

The lady, somewhat piqued, reiterated, "Yes, sir, Miss K. yet!"

Feeling the delicacy of his situation, and the unfortunate error hehad committed, he gently took her hand, and emphatically remarked,"Well, madam, then I venture to assert that it is not the fault of mysex."

On Burr's being appointed, in 1777, a lieutenant-colonel in the army,he joined his regiment, then stationed at Ramapoa, in New-Jersey. AtParamus, not far distant, resided Mrs. Prevost, the wife of ColonelPrevost, of the British army. She was an accomplished and intelligentlady. Her husband was with his regiment in the West Indies, where hedied early in the revolutionary war. She had a sister residing withher. It was her son, the Hon. John B. Prevost, who in 1802 wasrecorder of the city of New-York, and subsequently district judge ofthe United States Court for the district of Louisiana. The house ofMrs. Prevost was the resort of the most accomplished officers in theAmerican army when they were in the vicinity of it. She was highlyrespected by her neighbours, and visited by the most genteel people ofthe surrounding country. Her situation was one of great delicacy andconstant apprehension.

The wife of a British officer, and connected with the adherents of thecrown, naturally became an object of political suspicion,notwithstanding great circ*mspection on her part. Under suchcirc*mstances, a strong sympathy was excited in her behalf. Yet therewere those among the Whigs who were inclined to enforce the laws ofthe state against her, whereby she would be compelled to withdrawwithin the lines of the enemy. In this family Colonel Burr becameintimate in 1777, and in 1782 married the widow Prevost.

JAMES MONROE TO MRS. PREVOST. [1]

Philadelphia, November 8th, 1778.

A young lady who either is, or pretends to be, in love, is, you know,my dear Mrs. Prevost, the most unreasonable creature in existence. Ifshe looks a smile or a frown, which does not immediately give ordeprive you of happiness (at least to appearance), your company soonbecomes very insipid. Each feature has its beauty, and each attitudethe graces, or you have no judgment. But if you are so stupidlyinsensible of her charms as to deprive your tongue and eyes of everyexpression of admiration, and not only to be silent respecting her,but devote them to an absent object, she cannot receive a higherinsult; nor would she, if not restrained by politeness, refrain fromopen resentment.

Upon this principle I think I stand excused for not writing from B.Ridge. I proposed it, however; and, after meeting with opposition in——-, to obtain her point, she promised to visit the little"Hermitage," [2] and make my excuse herself. I took occasion to turnthe conversation to a different object, and plead for permission to goto France. I gave up in one instance, and she certainly ought in theother. But writing a letter and going to France are very different,you will perhaps say. She objected to it, and all the arguments whicha fond, delicate, unmarried lady could use, she did not fail toproduce against it. I plead the advantage I should derive from it. Thepersonal improvement, the connexions I should make. I told her she wasnot the only one on whom fortune did not smile in every instance. Iproduced examples from her own acquaintance, and represented theirsituation in terms which sensibly affected both herself and LadyC——. I painted a lady full of affection, of tenderness, andsensibility, separated from her husband, for a series of time, by thecruelty of the war—her uncertainty respecting his health; the painand anxiety which must naturally arise from it. I represented, in themost pathetic terms, the disquietudes which, from the nature of herconnexion, might possibly intrude on her domestic retreat. I thenraised to her view fortitude under distress; cheerfullness, life, andgayety, in the midst of affliction.

I hope you will forgive me, my dear little friend, if I produced youto give life to the image. The instance, she owned, was applicable.She felt for you from her heart, and she has a heart capable offeeling. She wished not a misfortune similar to yours; but, if I wasresolved to make it so, she would strive to imitate your example. Ihave now permission to go where I please, but you must not forget her.She and Lady C—— promise to come to the Hermitage to spend a week ortwo. Encourage her, and represent the advantage I shall gain fromtravel. But why should I desire you to do what I know your own heartwill dictate? for a heart so capable of friendship feels its own painalleviated by alleviating that of another.

But do not suppose that my attention is only taken up with my ownaffairs. I am too much attached ever to forget the Hermitage. Mrs.Duvall, I hope, is recovering; and Kitty's indisposition is that of mynearest relation. Mrs. de Visme has delicate nerves. Tell me herchildren are well, and I know she has a flow of spirits, for herhealth depends entirely on theirs.

I was unfortunate in not being able to meet with the governor. He wasneither at Elizabethtown, B. Ridge, Princeton, nor Trenton. I haveconsulted with several members of Congress on the occasion. They ownthe injustice, but cannot interfere. The laws of each state mustgovern itself. They cannot conceive the possibility of its takingplace. General Lee says it must not take place; and if he was anabsolute monarch, he would issue an order to prevent it.

I am introduced to the gentleman I wished by General Lee in a veryparticular manner. I cannot determine with certainty what I shall dotill my arrival in Virginia.

Make my compliments to Mrs. and Miss De Visme, and believe me, withthe sincerest friendship,

Yours,

JAMES MONROE

Mr. Peter De Visme, the brother of Mrs. Prevost, was captured at sea,and made prisoner of war. As she was personally acquainted withGeneral Washington, she solicited his influence to promote hisexchange, to which the general replied:—

Headquarters, Middlebrook, 19th May, 1779.

MADAM,

It is much to be regretted that the pleasure of obeying the firstemotions in favour of misfortune is not always in our power. I shouldbe happy could I consider myself at liberty to comply with yourrequest in the case of your brother, Mr. Peter De Visme. But, as Ihave heretofore taken no direction in the disposal of marineprisoners, I cannot, with propriety, interfere on the presentoccasion, however great the satisfaction I should feel in obligingwhere you are interested. Your good sense will perceive this, and finda sufficient excuse in the delicacy of my situation.

I have the honour to be, madam,

Your obedient servant,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FROM WILLIAM PATTERSON.

Morristown, 29th September, 1779.

DEAR BURR,

About four weeks ago I received a letter from you of the 8th ofAugust, and, a week after, another of the 23d. They came by the way ofMoorestown, from which to Rariton, where I reside. The conveyance iseasy and safe. I cannot point out any mode of sending your lettersbetter than that which you have adopted.

I was pleased extremely to hear from you, and, indeed, was quitedisappointed in not hearing from you sooner. I was for a time inexpectation that you would return into Jersey, as the scene ofmilitary operations was directed to your part of the world, and wouldunavoidably drive you from your study and repose. Military operationsare so fluctuating and uncertain as to render it exceedingly difficultto fix upon a retreat which may not be broken in upon in the course ofa campaign. New-Haven bid fair to be the seat of calmness andserenity, of course well suited for a studious and contemplative mind,and therefore made choice of as the place of your abode. New-Haven,however, partook of the common calamity; and, in the evolution ofhuman events, from a place of safety and repose, was turned into aplace of confusion and war.

You are not contented, my dear Burr, and why are you not? You sigh forNew-Jersey, and why do you not return? It is true we are continuallybroken in upon by the sons of tumult and war. Our situation is suchthat the one army or the other is almost constantly with us, and yetwe rub along with tolerable order, spirit, and content. Oh! that thedays of peace would once more return, that we might follow whatbusiness, partake of what amusem*nts, and think and live as we please.As to myself, I am, my dear Burr, one of the happiest of men. Theoffice I hold calls me too frequently, and detains me too long, fromhome, otherwise I should enjoy happiness as full and high as thisworld can afford. It is, as you express it, "serene, rural, andsentimental;" and such, one day, you will feel.

"You see no company—you partake of no amusem*nts—you are alwaysgrave." Such, too, has been the life that I have lived for months andyears. I cannot say that it is an unpleasing one. I avoided company;indeed, I do so still, unless it be the company of chosen friends. Ihave been ever fond of my fireside and study—ever fond of calling upsome absent friend, and of living over, in idea, past times ofsentimental pleasure. Fancy steps in to my aid, colours the picture,and makes it delightful indeed. You are in the very frame of mind Iwish you to be; may it continue.

I cannot tell you what has become of Mrs. Prevost's affairs. About twomonths ago I received a very polite letter from her. She wasapprehensive that the commissioners would proceed. It seems theythreatened to go on. I wrote them on the subject, but I have not heardthe event. I am at this place, on my way to a superior court inBergen. If possible, I shall wait on the good gentlewoman. At Bergen Ishall inquire into the state of the matter. It will, indeed, turn upof course. You shall soon hear from me again. Adieu. May health andhappiness await you

WILLIAM PATERSON.

The precarious and unsettled state of Colonel Burr's health, in theautumn of 1779 and the beginning of 1780, was such that he was unableto adopt and adhere to any regular system of study. Among his mostintimate personal friends was Colonel Robert Troup. He, too, haddetermined to retire from public service, and was anxious to study inthe same office with Burr. His letters cast much light on theirpursuits at the time they were written.

FROM COLONEL TROUP.

Philadelphia, 16th January, 1780.

My dear Friend,

Watkins was kind enough to deliver me yours of the 8th of December,written, I presume, at Paramus. I almost envy you the happiness youhave enjoyed. From the first moment of my acquaintance with Mrs.Prevost and her sister, I conceived an admiration for them both, whichis much increased by the opinion you entertain of them. How, then, amI flattered by their polite manner of mentioning my name. To whom am Iindebted but to you, my friend, for this unmerited favour? Surelythese ladies saw nothing in me at Governor Livingston's which wasworthy of remembrance, unless a terrible noise, which some people calllaughter, could be worth remembering. With the best intention,therefore, to serve me, you have done me an injury, Aaron. I shall beafraid to see our favourites in the spring, because I shall fallinfinitely short of their ideas of cleverness. Pray, do you recollectthe opinion which Judge Candour solemnly pronounced upon us both, in acourt of reason held at the Indian King? Why, then, will you expose myweakness by ascribing to me imaginary excellences? If you persist insuch cruel conduct, sir, I will make you feel the weight of myresentment, by publishing to the world the purity of my esteem foryour public and private character.

I am happy to find our plan of studying together appears more and morerational to you. It really does to me, and I hope we shall follow it.Since you left Philadelphia, some circ*mstances have turned up whichrender my office so disagreeable to me that I am determined to resign.Vous pouvez compter sur moi. Besides the disgust I have taken, I amled to it by ambition, which has a small share of influence over me aswell as you.

But I am desirous of a change in our plan, which I request you tothink of seriously. I am inclined to believe it would be best for usto study the law with Mr. Stockton, at Princeton. This, I know, willsurprise you; but your surprise will be lessened when you hear myreasons.

The practice of Connecticut differs so materially from the practice ofNew-York and New-Jersey, that we should lose time by being with Mr.Osmer. For, after being eighteen months or two years with him, itwould be necessary to continue nearly the same time in another office,to get a competent knowledge of the practice. This is a matter ofconsequence, especially as it is my object to qualify myself forpractice as soon as possible.

I have the highest opinion of Mr. Osmer, and, did I intend to followthe law in Connecticut, there is no man I would sooner study with. Ibelieve he would ground us well in the knowledge of the dead-letter ofthe law; but I wish to have the practice and the theory accompanyingeach other. Mr. Stockton has been polite enough to make me an offer,and has promised to spare no pains to instruct me. He would be glad toinstruct you likewise; for I have heard him express himself of you inthe most friendly manner. I propose to lodge at some substantialfarmer's house, about a mile from the main road, and have made asolemn league and covenant with my own mind to seclude myself from thepleasures of the world. This I know I can do. And have you not as muchphilosophy as I have?

It is true, Mr. Stockton has unmarried daughters, and there is anumber of genteel families in and near Princeton. But why should weconnect ourselves with any of them, so as to interrupt our studies?They will be entitled to a civil bow from us whenever we meet them;and, if they expect more, they will be disappointed. Indeed, l shalltake care to inform them of my intentions, and if they afterwardscomplain of my want of politeness in not visiting them, it will giveme little uneasiness.

I entreat you, my dearest and best friend, to reflect on this matter,and favour me with your answer without a moment's loss of time. Myhappiness, and my improvement in the law, depend entirely uponpursuing my studies with you. The change I now propose is conformableto the sentiments and wishes of all my friends, particularly ofChancellor Livingston, who is certainly a judge.

I forgot to mention that Mr. Stockton is universally allowed to be oneof the best speakers we ever had in this part of the continent, and itwill therefore be in his power to teach us the eloquence of the bar,which may be considered as a capital advantage.

I have communicated my sentiments on this subject more fully to ourmutual friend, Colonel Wadsworth, who will deliver you this letter,than I have to you in writing. He will explain them to you, and, I amsure, will give you his own with the utmost candour and sincerity. Ihave left several messages at the house Dr. ——- lodges when he is intown; but cannot get an answer, and see little prospect of gettingyour money unless you write him a dunning letter. I shall leave onefor him to-morrow, and will endeavour to have the affair settled thisweek.

I write this at my lodgings, where I have not a single newspaper.Colonel Wadsworth will leave town in the course of an hour; and, if Ican find time, I will go to the office and collect all I can find.There have been none, however, since you left town, which are worthreading. Wadsworth will tell you all the news I have, which is, thatold Roger Sherman is metamorphosed, by some strange magical power,into a very honest man.

God bless you, and may Dom. Tetard soon have the pleasure of drinkinga glass of wine with us both, in his house at Kingsbridge. I mean,after the British gentry have left it. I should have written to youbefore, but I have been waiting these three weeks past for ColonelWadsworth to leave Philadelphia. He will inform you of the cursedslavish life I lead at the treasury office. I am obliged to attend iteven on Saturday nights, which places me below the level of a negro inpoint of liberty. Pray present my best respects to Tetard, and assurehim of my wishes to serve him at all times, and on all occasions.

Yours,

ROBERT TROUP.

FROM COLONEL TROUP.

Philadelphia, February 14th, 1780.

My Dear Burr,

I have resigned my office, and am now preparing to leave Philadelphiato go to Princeton, agreeable to the plan in my letter by ColonelWadsworth. This week I expect to finish a little private business Ihave on hand, and, by the latter end of the next, to be settled in aregular course of study with Mr. Stockton. What think you of thisalteration in the plan we settled? Can you leave Mr. Osmer withoutinjury? I assure you, the only motive I have to prefer Stockton is adesire to qualify myself for practice as soon as possible. All myfriends are against my studying in Connecticut, for the reasonmentioned in my last; and they all recommend Stockton to me. I amtherefore determined to study with him.

I am very much afraid that Princeton will be disagreeable to you onmany accounts, and particularly on account of the number ofacquaintances you have in and near it. This is a misfortune, to besure; but do as I shall, neglect them all; it is matter of perfectindifference to me whether I affront them or not. My object is tostudy with the closest attention. I must do it. I have no otherresource.

Permit me to declare, like a sincere friend, that my happiness is sointimately connected with yours, that I shall be chagrined to anextreme if you find it inconvenient to join me. We could be useful toeach other. Besides facilitating each other's progress in the law, wecould improve ourselves in writing and speaking. In one word—I amconfident I should acquire as much knowledge in three years with youas in six years without you. I never was more serious. Come,therefore, immediately, and bring Mr. Tetard with you to perfect us inthe French language, which I have paid little attention to since Iwrote you, and indeed since you left me.

Pray why have you neglected to answer my letter by Colonel Wadsworth?I suspect something extraordinary is the matter with you. Or are youso angry as not to think I merit an answer? Whatever your reason was,let me request you to favour me with an answer to this by the firstopportunity. If it is sent under cover to Mr. Stockton, it willperhaps reach me sooner.

It is reported, and pretty general believed, that Sir Henry Clinton,with the fleet that came from New-York about six weeks ago, hastouched at Georgia; taken Prevost's troops with him, and gone eitherto St. Augustine or the Havannah. This is very important news, iftrue; but it seems to wait confirmation.

Your unalterable friend,

ROBERT TROUP.

TO WILLIAM PATERSON.

Middletown, February 16th, 1780.

Your friendly letter of September has at length found its way to me. Iam once more a recluse. It accords with my feelings. I shoulddoubtless be happier if I enjoyed perfect health and the society of afriend like you; but why do I say like you? No likeness couldcompensate for the absence of the original.

I am something at a loss how to regulate my motions for the comingsummer. The prospect of peace is still distant. It is an object ofimportance with me to be not only secure from alarms, but remote fromthe noise of war. My present situation promises at least thoseadvantages. Perhaps yours does equally. Events only can determine.

My health, which was till of late very promising, seems to decline alittle. This circ*mstance will oblige me to alter my course of life. Ishall be in your state in May or June, perhaps sooner. If you have aprospect of tranquillity, I Shall have no thought of returning.Colonel Troup, a worthy, sensible young fellow, and a particularfriend of mine, wishes to know where I shall prosecute my studies, andis determined, he says, to be my companion. A gentleman who has beenlong eminent at your bar, and whom we both know perfectly well, hadmade Troup some polite offers of his service as an instructor. He waspleased with the scheme, and as he knew the gentleman was professedlymy friend, urged me to put myself also under his tuition. I mentionedto him in a late letter the objections which had been decisive withme, and I fancy he will view them in the same light. He is thecompanion I would wish in my studies. He is a better antidote for thespleen than a ton of drugs. I am often a little inclined to hypo.

My best respects attend Mrs. Paterson. Speak of her in your letters. Iwould not feel indifferent to one so near to you, even if no personalacquaintance had confirmed my esteem. You would have heard from mesooner, but no post has rode this fortnight. I have been pursuing thetrack you marked out for me, though not with the ardour I could wish.My health will bear no imposition. I am obliged to eat, drink, sleep,and study, as it directs. No such restraint interrupts your bliss. Mayyou feel no bonds but those of love and friendship—no rules but thosethat lead to happiness. Adieu.

Yours sincerely,

A. BURR.

FROM COLONEL TROUP.

Philadelphia, 29th February, 1780.

MY DEAR BURR,

Your favours of the 1st and 5th inst. came to hand last night, and areboth before me. I am very much indebted to you for your candour instating the objections which are against Princeton, as well as Mr.Stockton. I had anticipated them all. They are far from beinggroundless. But my situation was peculiar when I determined to livewith Mr. Stockton. In my last a principle of delicacy induced me to bemore reserved than is consistent with the sincerity of our affectionfor each other. Forgive my criminal reserve. I will be plain with younow.

By a strange kind of contracted system, which pervades all the civilestablishments of Congress, I was reduced to the necessity ofresigning my office at least six weeks sooner than I expected. ThoughI laboured both day and night, with as much drudgery as a negro on aplantation in the West Indies, the board of treasury did not thinkthemselves authorized to report a warrant in my favour for money toanswer the common demands of living. They confined me to my salary often thousand dollars [3] per annum. Finding that I had not the mostdistant prospect of getting a decent support while I continued inoffice, and that I was obliged to pay four or five thousand dollarsout of my own private purse for necessaries, I cursed and quit themthe beginning of this month.

Being thus out of office, I thought it would be prudent to settlemyself at the law without a moment's delay, both on account of theheavy expense of living in this city, and the loss of time, which isof the greatest consequence to me. I did not forget Mr. Paterson whenI gave the preference to Mr. Stockton. The private character of theformer is infinitely superior to that of the latter, and so is hispublic. But he is immersed in such an ocean of business, that Iimagined it would be out of his power to bestow all the time and painson our improvement we would wish. Besides, I was afraid of being moreconfined to the drudgery of copying in his office than I ought. Thisis inseparable from an office in which there is a good deal done,however well disposed a lawyer may be to promote the interest of hisclerk. You observe that his present office expires next summer. Igrant it. Yet he may be chosen attorney-general again; and this Ibelieve will be the case, for there is not a man of sufficientabilities in the state, except him and Morris, to whom the peoplewould give the office. Morris, I fancy, will not accept it if offeredto him, as he has lately resigned his seat on the bench; and I willventure to predict that Paterson will be continued, though against hisinclination.

Upon the whole, then, I feel extreme regret in telling you that I mustgo and sit down at Princeton the latter end of this week at farthest.The die is cast. My honour forbids me to act contrary to theengagement I have entered into with Mr. Stockton. Had I received yourkind letter before my absolute determination, I should certainlyhave followed your advice. Our plan, therefore, will be frustrated.Painful the reflection! You would hurt me exceedingly if you came tolive at Princeton, and subjected yourself to the inconveniences youmention, merely to please me.

I am glad to hear your health is mending, and should be still morehappy if it was unnecessary to make use of the mineral springs in theClove. I have always suspected that the law would disagree with yourdelicate constitution. It requires the most intense study. Yourambition to excel will stimulate you to the closest application, and Idread the effects it may produce. You should therefore be cautions.Health is a source of more substantial pleasure than the mostcultivated understanding.

A few days ago Dr. Edwards left a bundle of bills, amounting, as hesays, to one thousand pounds, at Dr, Rush's for me, to be sent to you.I have not yet counted it, but I suppose it is right. To-day orto-morrow I shall leave a receipt for it at Dr. Rash's. I believe Ishall presume so far upon your friendship as to borrow a part of itfor my own use for about a fortnight. I am much disappointed inreceiving a small sum to pay my debts in town. I sold two thousanddollars in certificates to Mr. Duer just before he left town, and hegave me an order upon a lady for the money. I find she will not beable to pay it for some time hence, and I am so pressed for cash thatI have written to Duer, at Baskenridge, for the certificates or moneyimmediately. I expect an answer every moment; and, till I receive it,shall consider part of yours as my own. The remainder I shall transmityou by the first safe conveyance. I think it would be wrong to trustthe post with it.

I thank you sincerely for your offer of a horse. The present state ofmy finances is such that I cannot afford to keep one. If I could itmight detach me from my studies. Beware of temptation, saith theScripture, and so saith my interest.

I suppose you have read the king's speech. He makes no mention of hisrebellious subjects in America, or of any allies, and is resolved toprosecute the war. The debates in the House of Lords, as well asCommons, on the motion for an address of thanks, were very warm. LordNorth, in one of his speeches, makes no scruple of declaring that theyhave no allies to assist them. That they can get none. That thecombined fleets have a decided superiority; and that it would havebeen highly dangerous for the English fleet to have fought them lastfall. The bills on Spain and Holland sell very fast. They will all bedisposed of in a very short time. There are large arrivals in Virginiaand Maryland; and there are several vessels below, waiting for theriver to be cleared of ice, which will be in three or four days. Poorcontinental is still going down hill. Fifty-eight was refusedyesterday; and I have no doubt it will be seventy for one beforeten days hence. Adieu. As long as you are Aaron Burr, I will be

ROBERT TROUP.

FROM MAJOR R. ALDEN.

I intended to have wrote you a letter in answer to your last, butneither head or heart will enable me at present. Although I amanswerable for my conduct, yet I cannot govern the animal fluids. I amso much of a lunatic thermometer, that both moon and atmospherevery much influence my aerial constitution. My brain is subject tosuch changes, and so much affected by external objects, that I maybe properly compared to a windmill. You may make the similitudes asyou please. I have not a single sentiment in my head, or feeling in myheart, that would pay for expressing. At any rate, my mill will notgrind. What is all this says my friend Aaron? The pleasure I enjoyedyesterday in feasting in good company, and in a variety of otheragreeables, at the nuptial anniversary of our dear and happy friends,Mr. and Mrs. Thaddeus Burr, has deprived me of that common share ofsensibility which is generally distributed through the days of theyear, and rather destroyed the equilibrium. I set out for camp thelast of this week; may I expect letters from my friend? Be assured ofmy warmest friendship, and make me happy by the like assurance, as itwill afford the sincerest pleasure to,

Yours, with affection,

R. ALDEN.

FROM WILLIAM PATERSON.

Rariton, April 14th, 1780.

MY DEAR BURR,

I take the earliest opportunity of acknowledging the receipt of yourdateless letter, and returning you my best thanks for it. Mr. andMrs. Reeve [4] have been so kind as to tarry a night with me. Weendeavoured to prevail upon them to pass a few days with us, andshould have been happy if we could have succeeded. This letter goeswith them. That circ*mstance cannot fail, of making it still morewelcome to your honest and. benevolent heart.

I wrote you the latter end of January from the Hermitage, andintrusted the letter to Mrs. Prevost. It was a mere scrawl. This is ofthe same cast. However, I promise, the very first leisure hour, todevote it entirely to you in the letter way. Although I do not writefrequently to you, yet, believe me, I think frequently of you. Oh,Burr! may you enjoy health, and be completely happy; as much so as Iam—more I cannot wish you. Nor will you be able to attain highfelicity until you experience such a union as I do. Mrs. Paterson isin tolerable health, and gives you her best respects. I wish hersafely through the month of May, and then I shall be still more happy.

When you come to Jersey I shall certainly see you. If I do not, itwill be treason against our friendship.

Peace is distant. There is no prospect of it in the present year. Nordo I think that Britain will come to terms while she fancies herselfsuperior on the ocean. The war, however, goes southward, and there issome hope that we shall be more in quiet this year than we have beensince the commencement of hostilities. On the opening of the campaignwe shall be able to judge better. Adieu.

WILLIAM PATERSON.

FROM COLONEL TROUP.

Princeton, April 27th, 1780.

MY DEAR BURR,

I wrote to you yesterday, and happened to put the letter into thepostoffice a little after the post had gone. In that letter Irequested you to come here as soon as possible, for it was highlyprobable that I should leave Princeton entirely, and determine tofollow our original plan. The event has confirmed my conjecture. Icame here from General Morris's yesterday, and exerted all theinfluence I was master of to get new lodgings, but could not, withoutlodging in the town, which would be disagreeable to me on manyaccounts. I have now given over all thoughts of staying here; and,having an excellent pretext for changing my ground, I shall write toMr. Stockton, who is still in Philadelphia, and acquaint him with myintentions of going away. Nothing is therefore wanting but yourself,with a horse and chair, to make me completely happy. I wish to God Icould push off eastward immediately, but I cannot. I have no horse,neither is it practicable to borrow or hire one. I must, then, waitfor you; and I request you, in the most pressing terms, to lose not amoment's time in coming for me at General Morris's, about six milesfrom this, near Colonel Van Dyke's mill, on the road to Somerset,where I shall wait impatiently for you.

I am extremely uneasy lest this letter should reach you after you haveleft home, and begun your journey northward. In that case I shall bevery unfortunate; and, to prevent too great a delay, I write to Mr.Reeves at Litchfield, and enclose him a letter for you, and desire himto forward it to you, wherever you are, with all expedition. I shalllikewise enclose another for you to Mrs. Prevost, who will be kindenough to give it to you the moment you arrive there.

If we once get together, I hope we shall not be soon parted. It wouldafford me the greatest satisfaction to live with you during life. Godgrant our meeting may be soon. You have my best and fervent wishes forthe recovery of your health, and every other happiness. Adieu.

ROBERT TROUP.

TO COLONEL TROUP.

Fairfield, 15th May, 1780.

MY DEAR BOB,

I wrote you from this place the 12th inst. This follows close upon it,that I may rest assured of your having heard from me.

I go to-morrow to Middletown, from whence I shall hasten my departureas much as possible. No trifling concerns should command me a moment;but business of importance, and some embarrassments too serious to belaughed out of the way, will, I fear, detain me this month. But themonth is already gone before you can receive this. I hope yourphilosophy will not have forsaken you. Far from you be gloom anddespondency. Attune your organs to the genuine ha! ha! 'Tis to me themusic of the spheres; the sovereign specific that shall disgrace thephysician's art, and baffle the virulence of malady. Hold yourselfaloof from all engagements, even of the heart. We will deliberateunbiased, that we may decide with wisdom. I form no decision on thesubject of our studies till I see you.

I write from the house of our friend Thaddeus, in a world of company,who are constantly interrupting me with impertinent questions. Yoursummons came unexpected, and found me unprepared. Nevertheless, myassiduity shall convince you that you may command

A. BURR.

FROM COLONEL TROUP.

At General Morris's, near Princeton, 16th May, 1780.

MY DEAR BURR,

I wrote you, about three weeks ago, a very pressing letter, andrequested you to come for me here as soon as possible. My anxiety tosee you is extreme, and, lest my letter should have miscarried, Icannot help troubling you with another. Every thing, my dear Burr, hassucceeded to my wishes. I have left Mr. Stockton upon the mostfriendly terms imaginable, and I am still at General Morris's to avoidexpense, but am so situated that I cannot study. I assure you, myfuture prosperity and happiness in life depends, in a greater measurethan you may imagine, on my living and studying with you; and thesooner we get seated in some retired place, where we may live cheaplyand study without interruption, the better. I know myself—I think Iknow you perfectly. I am more deceived than ever I was if we do notlive happily together, and improve beyond our most sanguineexpectations. Delay not, therefore, a single moment, my dear Burr, butcome for me yourself. A horse or a chair without you will beunwelcome. I want to consult you about several matters of importanceto me before I leave this state. I say leave this state, for ouroriginal plan of studying with Mr. Osmer appears the most rational tome on many accounts.

I am so much attached to you, my dear Burr, and feel myself so muchinterested in every thing which concerns you, that I believe, and hopesincerely, it will be many years before we separate if we can once sitdown together. As long as my slender fortune will permit me to livewithout business, we will, if you find it agreeable, enjoy thepleasures of retirement. And when we enter on the theatre of theworld, why not act our parts together? Heaven grant that we may. Irepeat it again, my dearest friend, lose not a moment's time in comingfor me. It is painful to trespass so long upon General Morris'sbounty, though he be my friend, and I have not any means of stirringan inch from him unless I walk. For fear you should not be atMiddletown, I shall enclose a copy of this letter to Mr. Reeves, andrequest him to forward it to you immediately if you should not be withhim.

With what pleasure did I receive yours of the 24th ult., at Princeton,the other day, when I went to pay Mr. Stockton a visit after hisreturn from Philadelphia. I cordially congratulate you on theimprovement of your health by rash experiments. May it be as wellestablished as my own, which is perfectly capable of the closestapplication. But I was not a little mortified to find you say nothingabout your intention to ride to Jersey. Let me entreat you once moreto set off as soon as possible. Every moment is precious, and ought tobe employed to advantage. I shall wait for you with the greatestimpatience; and, in the meantime, I am, what I always wish to be,

Your affectionate and sincere friend,

ROBERT TROUP.

FROM COLONEL TROUP.

Society-Hall, General Morris's, 23d May, 1780.

MY DEAR AARON,

My patience is almost exhausted. I have been waiting for you thismonth past. Here I am, a pensioner upon the bounty of my good friendGeneral Morris, and am likely to continue so, unless you are kindenough to come and carry me away. This is the fifth or sixth letter Ihave written you on the subject. What can be the reason of the greatdelay in forwarding letters by the post? Your last was above afortnight old before it got to Princeton; and, upon inquiry, DaddyPlumb informs me the riders are ordered to ride forty miles a dayduring the season. Must I attribute it to the fatality which hasalready separated us, and, I fear, is determined to put an eternal barto our junction? Such an event would blast all my hopes of futurehappiness. My dear Aaron, I want words to express my pleasure inanticipating the satisfaction of retiring from the cares of the worldwith you, and living in all the simple elegance of ancientphilosophers. We should make a rapid improvement in every branch ofuseful literature; and when we came to act our parts on the theatre ofthe world, we might excite admiration, and, what would be infinitelymore pleasing to us, we should be better men and better citizens.

After Mr. Stockton returned from Philadelphia, I communicated to himmy situation and my intentions. He approved of my determination to goaway, and gave me some advice, which you shall know when you see me.Thus I have left Mr. Stockton without causing the least uneasiness,and I am now ready to enter upon our old plan, which appears the mostconsistent with our present views. As I said in all my letters to youon the subject, I am here from a principle of economy; but it isdisagreeable to stay so long as a visitor, and I am therefore obligedto request you to alter your intention about coming here, and set offthe moment you receive this. I have no horse, and depend entirely uponyou. Besides the time we lose by postponing our settlement, I have amatter of great importance to us both to communicate to you, that hasno connexion with our studying, and which makes it necessary for me tosee you immediately.

Poor Mr. Stockton is incurable. He cannot survive the summer.

Yours,

ROBERT TROUP.

FROM COLONEL TROUP.

Baskenridge, June 27th, 1786.

MY DEAR AARON,

After a very disagreeable ride indeed, I came here the day beforeyesterday in the afternoon; and yesterday morning, just as I was goingto mount my horse, I was seized with a violent fever, which lastedtill sunset. This morning I feel much better, though I am exceedinglyweak. In a few minutes I shall take an emetic; after which I supposethe bark will be necessary. The fever seems to be of the intermittentkind, and, I think, is occasioned principally by riding in the hotsun. I am so agreeably situated here, that I shall stay till Irecover, which I hope will be in three or four days. The family arevery polite and attentive to me, and Dr. Cutting, who quarters in theneighbourhood, is both my physician and apothecary.

The Miss Livingstons have inquired in a very friendly manner aboutyou, and expect you will wait upon them when you pass this way. SinceI have been here, I have had an opportunity of removing entirely thesuspicion they had of your courting Miss De Visme. [5] They believenothing of it now, and attribute your visits at Paramus to motives offriendship for Mrs. Prevost and the family.

Wherever I am, and can with propriety, you may be assured I shallrepresent this matter in its true light.

I have obtained a few particulars of ——-, which I was beforeunacquainted with, and which I cannot forbear communicating. He is theson of the vice-president of Pennsylvania, who I always understood inPhiladelphia was a respectable merchant, and I believe is worth amoderate fortune, though I am not certain. His family was not rankedin the genteeler class before the war; but at present may be calledfashionable, or á la mode. The girls here think him handsome,genteel, and sensible, and say positively he is no longer engaged toMiss Shippen. He has frequently spoken to them in raptures, latterlyof Miss De Visme, and once declared he was half in love with her. Ihave taken care to touch this string with the greatest delicacy.

How is your health? Better or worse? Pray neglect no opportunity ofwriting to me. Present my most respectful compliments to Mrs. Prevostand the family, and also the ladies on the hill.

Miss Susan Governor Livingston desires her compliments to you and thetwo families. So do Susan and Eliza Baskenridge.

Yours affectionately,

ROBERT TROUP.

FROM PETER COLT. [6]

Weathersfield, 7th July, 1780.

MY DEAR SIR,

Will you allow me that appellation, who have so long neglected toinform you of the situation of your affairs left in my hands? Butfigure to yourself the thousand embarrassments that have attended mein conducting my public concerns towards a close, and you will beled to put a more favourable construction on my conduct than I shouldotherwise expect.

My last informed you of the loss of the Hawk, being chased on shorethe back side of Long Island. It was a few days after she went out onher last cruise, and before she had any success. Of course, about£20,000, the amount of her last outfits, were thrown away. I fear thiswill make her die in debt. Though all her goods are either sold ordivided, yet her accounts are not settled. I wish I could see atolerable prospect of their being speedily closed. But the agents areembarrassed. As soon as I can get her accounts, will inform you of thestate of this unlucky adventure. There is on hand some clothing, someduck, and rigging, out of which I hope to raise hard money. What shallI do with the other articles, a small parcel of glassware and rum, andthe money arising from the sales of the vessel's sea-coat, &c.? I amadvised to sell every thing for continental money, at the presentgoing prices, and exchange it for hard. What is the exchange with you?With us it is from sixty to seventy for one. Let me know what I am todo with your money when I get it into my hands. I have not settled anyof your accounts but Stanley's.

Your friends are generally well, and wish to hear from you. MissH——- has been quite unwell since you left us, as she tells me shehears you are. You will not be vain when I add, she has more than oncelamented your ill state of health, and expressed some fears that itwas not growing better. The Sallys beg me to make their best wishesfor your health and happiness acceptable to you. Shall I add, theirlove also?

Friend Wadsworth has engaged in the supplies for the French navy andtroops. I think it will keep him employed, and much to his advantage.

Yours sincerely,

PETER COLT.

FROM PETER COLT.

Weathersfield, July 16th, 1780.

DEAR SIR,

I have to acknowledge the receipt of your polite and friendly letterof the 1st inst. My little family would have been too much elated withyour attention to them had you not dashed the pleasure with theaccount of your ill state of health. Pray be more attentive to therecovery of it, even should it interfere with your study of the law.Let your diet and exercise be simple and regular; directed byexperience. The former not too low. It is a good old maxim—bereligious, but not superstitious. So respecting health, be exactlyattentive, but not whimsical. Excuse the term, for invalids are buttoo apt to be governed by whim rather than reason and experience.

Enclosed you have an account current with the agents of the Hawk.Indeed, take it altogether, it is but a poor adventure. I shallendeavour the settlement of your account with Friend ——-, and remityou. In the meantime, it will not be amiss to send me an account ofmoney advanced to him.

As to news, must refer you to the newspapers, where you will get alarge supply. I wish our printers did not deal so much in themarvellous. It is in vain for them to attempt copying Rivington. [7]They had better stick to the truth.

Yours, &c.,

PETER COLT.

FROM COLONEL TROUP.

Rariton, July 18th, 1780.

MY DEAR BURR,

Mr. Paterson went to Brunswick court this morning. The few lines byDr. Brown are the first I have had from you since I left Paramus;where the other letters you refer to stay, I know not.

I am charmed with my present situation in every respect. It could notbe more agreeable to my wishes. I shall have reason to thank you, aslong as I live, for my change. The man I lodge with is an ablefarmer—has a large house—is fond of me, and is possessed of everything a reasonable person could expect or wish for. I studyattentively, and have no interruption whatever. There is an agreeableneighbourhood in this part of the country, and, when I choose, I canunbend myself in very genteel company.

I am reading Wood at present. I have almost done with his 4th chapter,and am looking over his chapter on courts. I confine my wholeattention to the practice, for reasons I will tell you when we meet. Iam translating Burlamaqui's Politic Law. Reading Robertson's CharlesV., Dalrymple on Feudal Property, and Swift's Works. The morning Idevote to the law. I am up sometimes before, generally at sunrise.From two to half after three in the afternoon, and from nine to elevenin the evening, I apply to other matters. I am in a fair way, ifpublic affairs will suffer me, to be retired.

Paterson is the very man we want. He is sensible, friendly, and, asfar as I am capable of judging, profound in the law. He is to examineme on Saturday or Monday on what I have read, and I am preparingaccordingly. I have heard him examine Noel yesterday on the practice,and I find his examinations are critical. In a couple of months Iexpect to be as far advanced in the practice as Noel. I cannot bearthat he should be before me. It must not, it shall not be.

My health is perfectly restored, and I am now as well as ever I was. Iam happy to hear you grow better. May you soon be well enough to joinme. The weather is so intensely hot, and I am so closely engaged instudy, that I cannot determine when I shall pay you a visit.

Yours, &c.,

ROBERT TROUP.

FROM COLONEL TROUP.

On the Rariton, 21st August, 1780.

MY DEAR BURR,

The account I have given of my situation is far from a fiction. Youwill find it a pleasing reality when you come here, which I supposeyou will postpone till you see me, as I have no doubt at present thatthe second division of the French fleet has arrived, with are-enforcement of 4000 troops. This event will render it necessary forme to be ready to move at a moment's warning; and, presuming therewill be no delay in commencing our operations, I think, in the courseof a fortnight, or three weeks at most, I shall be at Paramus.

Will your health permit you to join the army? I fear not. Fatigue andbad weather may ruin it. I confess I am much disappointed in myopinion of the mineral waters. From your letters, I conclude the stockof health you have gained since I left you is scarcely perceptible.Something else must be tried. Life is precious, and demands everyexertion and sacrifice to preserve it. Mr. Paterson and I have oftenspoken together on this subject, and we both agree that a ride to thesouthward next winter, and a trip to the West Indies in the spring,would be of infinite service to you. This might be done with ease infive or six months.

Mrs. Paterson is perfectly recovered, and her little girl growsfinely, and promises to be handsome. Mrs. Paterson often asks aboutyou, and seems anxious to have you among us. When you come, rememberto bring with you the book you took with you on our way to Paramus. Ibelieve it is an essay on health. Mrs. Paterson wants it, the idea yougave me of her is just. She is easy, polite, sensible, and friendly.Paterson is rather deficient in the graces, but he possesses everyvirtue that enters into the composition of an amiable character.

I can hardly go out anywhere without being asked a number of questionsabout you. You seem to be universally known and esteemed. Mr. Morris'sfamily are exceedingly particular in their inquiries concerning yourhealth. It would be easier for you to conceive, than for me to tellyou, how much they like you. They insist upon our paying them a visitas soon as you are settled here, which I have promised, on your partas well as my own.

Let me entreat you to avoid engaging any of your French books in
Connecticut, especially Chambaud's Exercises, to any person whatever.
I, and perhaps you, will stand in need of them all.

I am greatly indebted to the good family for their favourablesentiments, which, as I said once before, must proceed more fromaffection to you than what they find meritorious in me. I am certain,however, that their esteem for me cannot exceed mine for them, andthis you will be kind enough to hint to them when you present myrespectful compliments. Assure Dom. Tetard of my friendship for him,and fixed determination to use all endeavours to metamorphose him intoa Crassus after the war is ended. Adieu

ROBERT TROUP.

Footnotes:

1. Late President of the United States.

2. The residence of Mrs. Prevost.

3. Continental paper dollars—equal in value to sixty for one silverdollar.

4. Judge Tappan Reeve, whose lady was the sister of Colonel Burr.

5. The sister of Mrs. Prevost

6. Deputy quartermaster-general; subsequently commissary for theFrench army, and treasurer of the state of Connecticut.

7. Printer to the king in the city of New-York.

CHAPTER XIII.

FROM WILLIAM PATERSON.

Morristown, 27th August, 1780.

MY DEAR BURR,

I was not at Rariton when the doctor, who was the bearer of yourletter, passed that way. It would have given me pleasure to have shownhim every mark of attention and esteem in my power.

I dare say you count it an age since I have written you; and, indeed,I must confess that the time has been long. Your good-nature, however,will induce you to forgive me, although I cannot expect it from yourjustice. I hope the water you drink will prove medicinal, and soonrestore you to health; although I am more disposed to think that itwill take time, and be effected gradually. Persons indisposed (I speakfrom experience) are generally impatient to become well, and that veryimpatience has a natural tendency to prevent it. Do not be restless,my dear Burr; nor think that, because you do not get well in a month,or in a season, you will not get well at all. The heat of this summerhas been intense, nor is it as yet much abated. Perhaps that too mayhave had some effect upon you. The hale and hearty could scarcely bearup under it. May health soon visit you, my good friend.

Mrs. Paterson is well. Our little pledge, a girl, Burr, [1] has beenmuch indisposed, but is at present on the mending hand. I am from homeas usual. My official duty obliges me to be so. I grow quite uneasyunder it, and I find ease and retirement necessary for the sake of myconstitution, which has been somewhat broken in upon by unceasingattention to business. The business has been too much for me. I havealways been fond of solitude, and, as it were, of stealing alongthrough life. I am now sufficiently fond of domestic life. I haveevery reason to be so. Indeed, I know no happiness but at home. Suchone day will be your situation.

My compliments to the family at the Hermitage. I shall write youbefore I leave this place.

Yours, &c.

WILLIAM PATERSON.

FROM WILLIAM PATERSON.

Morristown, 31st August, 1780.

MY DEAR BURR,

It is now near the midnight hour, and yet, late as it is, I could notacquit myself to my conscience if I had not again written you before Ileft this place, which will be early tomorrow. My life is quite in themilitant style—one continued scene of warfare. From this place I godown to the Supreme Court at Trenton, which will be on Tuesday next,and the Tuesday after that I shall return once more to Morristown, andwhen I shall leave it will be uncertain. I rejoice when the hour ofrest comes up, and sicken at the approach of day. Business fairlybears me down. The truth is, that I am tired of writing, tired ofreading, tired of bustling in a crowd, and, by fits, heartily tired ofmyself.

I hope you go on gaining strength, and that you will in a little whileget the better of your disorder. The mind and the body affect eachother extremely. To a person in your state, hilarity, cheerfullness, aserene flow of spirits, are better than all the drugs in a doctor'sshop. Gentle exercise is of infinite service. I hope you are notwanting in any of these. If you are, I cannot easily pardon you,because they are all within your power.

Make my compliments acceptable to the family at the Hermitage. I havea high regard for them, and sincerely wish their happiness. I reallypity and admire Mrs. Prevost. Her situation demands a tear; herconduct and demeanour the warmest applause. Tell Mrs. Prevost that shemust remember me among her friends; and that I shall be happy torender her all the service in my power.

Since I have been at this place I have had a letter from Mrs.Paterson, who is well. Our little girl, who was indisposed when I lefthome, is not worse. I flatter myself I shall find her better when Ireturn. Alas, that I cannot be more at home. A husband and a parenthave a thousand tendernesses that you know nothing of. Adieu, my dearBurr; live and be happy.

WILLIAM PATERSON.

FROM COLONEL TROUP.

Morristown, October 23d, 1780.

MY DEAREST FRIEND,

I want words to express the pleasure I feel at the receipt of yours ofthe 22d, by the boy who came for your horse. It relieved me from aburden which had sunk my spirits lower than I recollect them to havebeen by any calamity I have met with during the war. My imaginationhad crowded my mind with a thousand melancholy reflections from themoment I got your letter by Dr. Cutting, who, like a modern well-bredgentleman, left it at my lodgings only three days ago. Some evilgenius certainly interrupts our correspondence. I write letterswithout number, and yet you seldom hear from me, and when you do, theletter is as old as if it had come from the other side of theAtlantic. It is exactly the case with yours.

Mr. Paterson has been more unfortunate than I. He has often complainedof your neglect, as he thought it; but I informed him of the fate myletters shared, and he was easy. However, he desired me last night togive you a hint, that he had lately written you several long letterswithout receiving an answer to either. He is now at Princeton,attending court. I shall forward your letter that accompanied mine tohim by a safe conveyance. Paterson really loves you with the tenderestaffection, and can scarcely speak of your state of health withoutshedding a friendly tear. As God is my judge, I could not forbearshedding several when I read yours by Dr. Cutting, which is the firstI have had from you in near five weeks. I was afraid all fartherattempts to recover your health, so as to qualify you to execute ourplan, would be fruitless. In short, I thought you on the brink ofeternity, ready to take your final farewell of this wrangling world.The critical situation of your sister increased my distress, andextinguished every hope. How much more happy should I be if yoursister's health took the same fortunate turn. Your ride to Litchfieldmust be doubly agreeable, as it will tend to establish your health andbetter hers.

I must now communicate to you a disagreeable piece of news respectingmyself. It shows how rare it is to find a man of real disinterestedbenevolence. Sears and Broome, I understand by Mr. Noel, who returnedfrom Philadelphia a few days ago, have protested the bill I drew uponthem last summer. Colonel Palfrey bought it, and has it returned tohim, for what reasons I cannot say positively, but I suspect they aredetermined not to assist me, although they were lavish of their offerswhen they supposed I never would be reduced to the necessity ofaccepting them. Such conduct is characteristic of excessive meannessof spirit, and I confess I am deceived in my opinion of them mostegregiously. True it is, that instances of this kind of behaviouroften occur in our intercourse with mankind; but, from the fortunesthese men have made since the war, and the frequent reports of theirgenerosity, I was led to imagine there was something more than mereidle compliment and ostentatious parade in their offers. I wasdeceived, and I hope it will be the last time. This affair has woundedmy pride so sensibly, that I shall be extremely cautious in future. Imust and will endeavour to adopt some mode of drawing supplies from mycertificates, which will be three years old next spring, and thereforeought to be taken up by Congress By the table of depreciationpublished by Congress to regulate the payment of the principal oftheir certificates, I am entitled to three hundred and fifty pounds,at the very lowest calculation, and this sum in specie.

When you come here you must exert all your abilities in finance, tomake me no longer dependant upon the bounty of friends; or rather, Ishould say, your bounty, for you are the only person I have borrowedmoney of. Till that time, my dear friend, can you keep me above water,and do justice to yourself? Will you be able to extricate me from thedifficulties attending this bill? In plain terms, can you spare me theamount of it? My reputation suffers by having the bill protested, andI must, in a short time, send the money to Colonel Palfrey, for I ampersuaded I have no farther ground to expect the least assistance fromSears and Broome. Fail not, by any means, to write me on this subjectbefore you leave Paramus, and be careful how you send the letter.

There is nothing but your health and my poverty that retards myprogress in study. They are fruitful sources of disquietude. When Ilay me down to sleep, they often prevent me from closing my eyes. WhenI look into a book, they present a variety of melancholy images to myimagination, and unfit me for improvement In all other respects I amsituated to my wishes: Paterson treats me as a bosom friend. He hasgone so far as to press me in the warmest terms to command his purse.How I shall be able to requite your friendship is a matter beyond mypenetration. I declare, before the Searcher of all hearts, that Iconsider your happiness and welfare as inseparable from my own, andthat no vicissitudes of fortune, however prosperous or calamitous theymay be, will ever tear you from my heart. Circ*mstanced as I now am,words are the only proofs I can give you of my gratitude andaffection. Time will prove whether they are the cant of hypocrisy orthe language of esteem.

I lent your horse to Mrs. Paterson about a week ago, to carry her toElizabethtown to see her brother, who was to meet her there fromNew-York; and disappointments in not seeing him, from day to day, havedetained her much longer than was expected, and it is probable thatshe will not return until Thursday next; I have therefore sent the boydown to Elizabethtown, or, more properly, shall send him in themorning, with Mr. Noel's horse, which will answer full as well in thewagon. This change will produce no inconvenience at all, and is betterthan to detain the boy till Mrs. Paterson returns. She was exceedinglywell when she left home, and so was her little girl, which ishandsome, good-tempered, fat, and hearty. I am very particular inpresenting her your respects, and she is as particular ininquiring about you.

Bring all the French books you can from Connecticut, particularlyChambaud's Exercises, and all the other elementary books you have. Ishould be fond of having the perusal of Rousseau's Social Compact, ifyou can borrow it of Mrs. Prevost for me. I am quite rusty in theFrench, for I have neglected it totally for two or three months. Thebusiness of the office has engrossed so much of my attention, that Ihave not lately read any other book but Blackstone. I am still in thethird volume. I digest thoroughly as I advance. I have unravelled allthe difficulties of the practice, and can do common business withtolerable dexterity.

The horse will be delivered to you without a saddle. Gales, a youngfellow who was studying with Mr. Paterson, requested me to lend it tohim to ride as far as Newark last August, and he ran off to New-York,and I never could get the saddle again. This piece of villany I couldnot foresee, and it surprised almost as much as Arnold's. The grasshas been very short, and I fancy the horse will be leaner than youexpect. He is a most excellent saddle-horse.

I am extremely sorry to hear Mrs. Prevost and her sister are unwell.Remember me to them in the most friendly manner. Give my complimentsalso to Dr. Latimer, and all friends in the army near you. Don'tforget Mrs. De Visme, the children, Dom. Tetard, and the family on thehill, although I hear they are strongly prejudiced against me. Mrs.Judith Watkins, as you well know, has spoken maliciously. She is farfrom being your friend. Every thing that passed one day at dinner inconfidence respecting our reception at her house, has been told to herand her husband, with no small exaggerations, by some person of thecompany. Governor Bill Livingston related some particulars thatastonished me, and added, that he and Mr. and Mrs. Watkins thought itcruel in you to put such an unfair construction upon Watkins'sbehaviour to us. All this talk is beneath our notice. What I said toBill was sufficient to erase any unfavourable impression from a candidmind. If it has not produced that effect, any further attempt torefute the calumny will only serve to confirm it.

Mrs. P. Livingston is here, and desires her respects to you. She wasglad to hear of the prospect you have of growing hearty. She is anamiable woman, and loves you. Your friend,

ROBERT TROUP.

The preceding correspondence contains in itself a tolerable history ofColonel Burr's situation and employment from the summer of 1779 untilthe autumn of 1780. After retiring from the army, he suffered mostseverely from ill health—that ill health was, in a great degree,produced by the fatigues and exposure on the 27th and 28th of June,1779, at the battle of Monmouth. His constitution was feeble, and hadbeen shattered by his unparalleled vigilance in the winter of 1778-79,while commanding the advanced post in Westchester. But the battle ofMonmouth seemed to have given it the finishing stroke.

The letters of Judge Paterson and Colonel Troup afford the bestevidence of his ill health, and of their affectionate devotion to himas friends. They are given at some length, because they present rareand extraordinary examples of fidelity in friendship. Both thesegentlemen preceded Colonel Burr to the tomb. Both continued torespect, to esteem, and to love him, to their last hour. Theircharacter requires no panegyric. Colonel Troup lived until the year1832. In manhood, for more than half a century, he venerated ColonelBurr for his genius, his talents, his chivalry, his intrepidity ofcharacter, his disinterestedness, his generosity. He deplored hisweaknesses, and abhorred his vices. But when he viewed the whole man,from youth to more than threescore and ten years, he loved andrespected him. Both these distinguished citizens, as politicians, wereopposed to Colonel Burr from the year 1788 until the close of theirlives.

In the autumn of 1780, Colonel Burr commenced the study of law withJudge Paterson, who resided at that time on the Rariton, about twentymiles from Brunswick, in New-Jersey. Here he remained till the springof 1781. The judge was a man governed by fixed and settled rules. Inthe application of these rules Colonel Burr found that his study ofthe law would require much more time to prepare him for an examinationthan he was willing to devote. He concluded that there must be ashorter mode to get at the mechanical or practical part; and, havingdetermined to make the experiment, he left the office of JudgePaterson.

From New-Jersey, in the spring of 1781, he removed to Haverstraw, thenin Orange county, State of New-York. Residing at this place was ThomasSmith, Esq., formerly of the city of New-York, and brother to WilliamSmith, the king's attorney-general. Thomas Smith had a good lawlibrary, which had been removed from the city into the Highlands forsafety. With Smith, Colonel Burr made an arrangement to study on aplan of his own. By the contract, for a specified sum to be paid,Smith was to devote certain portions of his time to Burr. At theseinterviews, he was to answer such questions as Burr propounded. Theanswers were taken down in writing, and formed the basis of additionalinterrogatories; while, at the same time, they aided in directing hisattention to those legal points or authorities which were necessaryfor him to examine or read. During the time he remained at Haverstraw,he studied from sixteen to twenty hours a day.

In the summer of 1780, Major Andre, of the British army, was incorrespondence with Mrs. Arnold (the wife of General Arnold), under apretext of supplying her, from the city of New-York, with millineryand other trifling articles of dress. On the 23d of September, 1780,Major Andre was captured, and the treason of the general discovered.When this news reached West Point, Mrs. Arnold became, apparently,almost frantic. Her situation excited the sympathy of some of the mostdistinguished officers in the American army. Mrs. Arnold, havingobtained from General Washington a passport, and permission to joinher husband in the city of New-York, left West Point, and on her waystopped at the house of Mrs. Prevost, in Paramus, where she stayed onenight. On her arrival at Paramus the frantic scenes of West Point wererenewed, and continued so long as strangers were present. Mrs. Prevostwas known as the wife of a British officer, and connected with theroyalists. In her, therefore, Mrs. Arnold could confide.

As soon as they were left alone Mrs. Arnold became tranquillized, andassured Mrs. Prevost that she was heartily sick of the theatrics shewas exhibiting. She stated that she had corresponded with the Britishcommander—that she was disgusted with the American cause and thosewho had the management of public affairs—and that, through greatpersuasion and unceasing perseverance, she had ultimately brought thegeneral into an arrangement to surrender West Point to the British.Mrs. Arnold was a gay, accomplished, artful, and extravagant woman.There is no doubt, therefore, that, for the purpose of acquiring themeans of gratifying an inordinate vanity, she contributed greatly tothe utter ruin of her husband, and thus doomed to everlasting infamyand disgrace all the fame he had acquired as a gallant soldier at thesacrifice of his blood. Mrs. Prevost subsequently became the wife ofColonel Burr, and repeated to him these confessions of Mrs. Arnold.

The preceding statement is confirmed by the following anecdote. Mrs.Arnold was the daughter of Chief-justice Shippen, of Pennsylvania. Shewas personally acquainted with Major Andre, and, it is believed,corresponded with him previous to her marriage. In the year 1779-80,Colonel Robert Morris resided at Springatsbury, in the vicinity ofPhiladelphia, adjoining Bush Hill. Some time previous to Arnold'staking command of West Point, he was an applicant for the post. On aparticular occasion Mrs. Arnold was dining at the house of ColonelMorris. After dinner, a friend of the family came in, andcongratulated Mrs. Arnold on a report that her husband was appointedto a different, but more honourable command. The information affectedher so much as to produce hysteric fits. Efforts were made to convinceher that the general had been selected for a preferable station. Theseexplanations, however, to the astonishment of all present, produced noeffect. But, after the treason of Arnold was discovered, the family ofColonel Morris entertained no doubt that Mrs. Arnold was privy to, ifnot the negotiator for, a surrender of West Point to the British, evenbefore the general had charge of the post.

In the autumn of 1781 Colonel Burr left Haverstraw and went to Albany,with a determination to make an effort to be admitted to the bar. Hecontinued his studies with the most untiring industry. He had his ownapartments and his own library, sleeping, when he did sleep, in ablanket on the floor.

Colonel Burr's liberality in pecuniary matters had tended to impairhis private fortune. No man possessed a more benevolent heart. Thefollowing letter presents one case out of many which might beenumerated, evincing his generosity, and the delicate manner in whichhe could confer a favour. Major Alden had become embarrassed in hiscirc*mstances, and was greatly at a loss for a profession, at theapproaching close of the war, by which he might acquire a decentsupport. These reflections rendered him gloomy and desponding. Atlength he unbosomed himself to Colonel Burr, who thus replies to hisletter:—

TO MAJOR R. ALDEN.

Rariton, February 15th, 1781.

DEAR SIR,

If it will solace your woes to know there is a heart that feels themas its own, that heart is mine. The thwarts of delicacy, which youwould exclude from the catalogues of distress, are certainly thekeenest humanity can feel. I know their force. I have felt them in alltheir pungency.

A want of uniformity in the mode and object of my pursuit has beenlong my misfortune, and has, I fear, been yours. There is apersevering firmness that will conquer embarrassment, and, aided withthe secret smile of an approving conscience, cannot fail to put usabove the power of adversity. Thus "we shall shun misfortunes, orshall learn to bear them."

I have ever found the moment of indecision to be the moment ofcompletest anguish. When our resolutions are taken with determinedfirmness, they engross the mind and close the void of misery. Yes, myfriend, save the pang of sympathy, I am happy. These are my halcyondays. Let us taste them together. We shall mutually heighten theirrelish. Let us rescue some moments of rational enjoyment from thewreck of impetuous time. Friendship shall smooth the rugged path ofscience, and virtue cheer the way.

If law is your object, this situation is favourable to the pursuit.You shall have access to the library and office, without the customaryexpense. Your ostensible reason for coming here shall be to pursueyour studies with me, under my friend Mr. Paterson. The two boys [2] Iwish you to instruct are of the sweetest tempers and the softesthearts. A frown is the severest punishment they ever need. Four hoursa day will, I think, be fully sufficient for their instruction. Thereare hours enough left for study—as many as any one can improve toadvantage; and these four will be fully made up to you by theassistance you will derive from such of us as have already made somesmall progress.

If it is possible, we live together. At any rate, you shall live nearme; we shall at least meet every day, or oftener, if we please.Nothing will interrupt us. We will regulate our own amusem*nts andpursuits. Here are no expensive diversions of any kind. Your salaryshall be a genteel maintenance in such a situation. You shall havesixty pounds, New-York currency, which is more than I expend here. Youwill find it impossible to spend a farthing except board and clothing.If, from this short sketch, you think the situation adapted to yourviews, of which I feel a pleasing assurance, acquaint me immediately,that I may prepare for your reception.

I purpose bringing the boys here the beginning of April. Be here bythat time, if possible. Get Mr. Thaddeus Burr to enclose your letterto Loudon the printer, who will be careful to forward it to me. Howcould I write to you How divine your residence? Never again harbour,for a moment, a surmise that derogates from my sincerity.

My health is nearly established. I have not enough to despise theblessing, but enough to relish every enjoyment of life. Adieu, myfriend; may that cheerfullness of which you have been robbed return,and be as permanent as your merit or my affection.

A. BURR.

FROM THOMAS SMITH.

Haverstraw, 1st March, 1781.

DEAR SIR,

The preparations at New-York look this way, and that inclines me toseek an asylum in New-Jersey, any part of which I believe will besafe, if Hudson's river is the object of the enemy. If I could getMrs. De Visme's place, it would be most agreeable to Mrs. Smith. A fewweeks will determine me, and then I shall be in a situation to giveyou and Colonel Troup every assistance in my power. As it is yourobject to fit yourselves as soon as possible for admission to the bar,without submitting to the drudgery of an attorney's office, in whichthe advancement of the student is but too often a secondaryconsideration, I should cheerfully devote a sufficient part of my timeto lead you through the practice of the law in all its parts; and makeno doubt, with close application on your part, I should be able in ashort time to introduce you to the bar, well qualified to dischargethe duties of the profession, with honour to yourselves, and safety toyour clients.

My library is now in a situation to be removed. Two boxes are missing,and I fear have fallen a sacrifice to the liberty of the times. I onlywait till the roads will permit me to remove the remainder down, as Ithink my books by no means safe where they now are, if the fortsshould be attacked.

Your obedient servant,

THOMAS SMITH.

At this period Colonel Burr was closely engaged in his studies. Hisconstitution was somewhat renovated. His correspondence now becamelimited, and was principally confined to Mrs. Prevost. Here again thepeculiarity already referred to was in full operation. The greaterpart of this correspondence is in cipher. But portions of it that arenot thus written are highly interesting, and give evidence that Mrs.Prevost possessed a cultivated mind. Her health was very feeble, andcontinued so, after she became the wife of Colonel Burr, until herdecease. Some extracts from her letters will be given.

FROM MRS. PREVOST.

Litchfeld, February 12th, 1781

I am happy that there is a post established for the winter. I shallexpect to hear from you every week. My ill health will not permit meto return your punctuality. You must be contented with hearing once afortnight.

Your opinion of Voltaire pleases me, as it proves your judgment abovebeing biased by the prejudices of others. The English, from nationaljealousy and enmity to the French, detract him. Divines, with morejustice, as he exposes himself to their censure. It is even their dutyto contemn his tenets; but, without being his disciple, we may dojustice to his merit, and admire him as a judicious, ingenious author.

I will not say the same of your system of education. Rousseau hascompleted his work. The indulgence you applaud in Chesterfield is theonly part of his writings I think reprehensible. Such lessons from soable a pen are dangerous to a young mind, and ought never to be readtill the judgment and heart are established in virtue. If Rousseau'sghost can reach this quarter of the globe, he will certainly haunt youfor this scheme—'tis striking at the root of his design, anddestroying the main purport of his admirable production. Lesfoiblesses de l'humanité, is an easy apology; or rather, a license topractise intemperance; and is particularly agreeable and flattering tosuch practitioners, as it brings the most virtuous on a level with thevicious. But I am fully of opinion that it is a much greater chimerathan the world are willing to acknowledge. Virtue, like religion,degenerates to nothing, because it is convenient to neglect herprecepts. You have, undoubtedly, a mind superior to the contagion.

When all the world turn envoys, Chesterfield will be their properguide. Morality and virtue are not necessary qualifications—thoseonly are to be attended to that tend to the public weal. But whenparents have no ambitious views, or rather, when they are of the moreexalted kind, when they wish to form a happy, respectable member ofsociety—a firm, pleasing support to their declining life, Emiliusshall be the model. A man so formed must be approved by his Creator,and more useful to mankind than ten thousand modern beaux.

If the person whose kind partiality you mention is Paterson, I confessmyself exceedingly flattered, as I entertain the highest opinion ofthe perspicuity of his judgment. Say all the civil things you pleasefor his solicitous attention to my health. But if it should be Troup,which I think more probable, assure him of my most permanentgratitude.

Affectionately,

THEODOSIA PREVOST.

FROM MRS. THEODOSIA PREVOST.

Litchfield, 6th March, 1781.

——Where can ——- be? Poor suffering soul; worthy a better fate.Heaven preserve him for his own sake; for his distressed mother's. Ipity her from my heart, and lament my inability to alleviate hersorrows. I invoke a better aid. May her "afflicted spirit find theonly solace of its woes"—Religion, Heaven's greatest boon to man; theonly distinction he ought to boast. In this, he is lord of thecreation; without it, the most pitiable of all created things.

How strangely we pass through life! All acknowledge themselves mortaland immortal; and yet prefer the trifles of to-day to the treasures ofeternity. Piety teaches resignation. Resignation without piety losesits beauty, and sinks into insensibility. Your beautiful quotation isworth more than all I can write in a twelvemonth. Continue writing onthe subject. It is both pleasing and improving. The better I amacquainted with it, the more charms I find. Worlds should not purchasethe little I possess. I promise myself many happy hours dedicated atthe shrine of religion,

Yours, affectionately,

THEODOSIA PREVOST.

FROM MRS. THEODOSIA PREVOST.

Litchfield, May, 1781.

Our being the subject of much inquiry, conjecture, and calumny, is nomore than we ought to expect. My attention to you was ever pointedenough to attract the observation of those who visited the house. Youresteem more than compensated for the worst they could say. When I amsensible I can make you and myself happy, I will readily join you tosuppress their malice. But, till I am confident of this, I cannotthink of our union. Till then I shall take shelter under the roof ofmy dear mother, where, by joining stock, we shall have sufficient tostem the torrent of adversity.

You speak of my spirits as if they were at my command, or depressedonly from perverseness of temper. In these you mistake. Believe me,you cannot wish their return more ardently than I do. I would thismoment consent to become a public mendicant, could I be restored tothe same tranquillity of mind I enjoyed this time twelvemonth. Theinfluence my letters may have on your studies is imaginary. The ideais so trite that I ask in hopes it was worn from your mind. My lastyear's trials are vouchers. I was always writing with a view to pleaseyou, and as often failed in the attempt. If a desire for my ownhappiness cannot restore me to myself, pecuniary motives never can. Iwish you to study for your own sake; to ensure yourself respect andindependence; to ensure us the comforts of life, when Providencedeigns to fit our hearts for the enjoyment. I shall never look forwardwith confidence till your pride extends to that. I had vainlyflattered my self that pride was inseparable to true love. In yours Ifind my error; but cannot renounce my idea of its being a necessarysupport to, and the only security for, permanent affection.

You see by the enclosed how ready my friends are to receive you, andpromote your interest. I wish you may be fortunate in executing auntClark's business. My health and spirits are neither better nor worsethan when you left me. I thank you for your attention to Bird'sprescription.

Adieu,

THEODOSIA PREVOST.

FROM MRS. THEODOSIA PREVOST.

Sharon, September 11th, 1781.

My friend and neighbour, Mr. Livingston, will have the pleasure ofpresenting you this. You will find him quite the gentleman, and worthyyour attention. Enclosed is a letter to my sister, which must bedelivered by yourself. You know my reasons too well to infer from mycaution that I entertain the least doubt of Mr. Livingston'spunctuality.

Monsieur Tetard is gone to the manor, summoned by Mrs. Montgomery, onpretence of his being the only surviving witness to the general'swill. The business that was to have detained him but a few days haskept him these six weeks. I cannot account for his delay, unless hisextravagant encomiums on the progress of a friend of yours has proveda stimulation to those of superior talents. He exaggerates exceedinglyin extolling his pupils. Those whose expectations are raised from hisdescription must prepare themselves for disappointment.

Mr. and Mrs. Reeve were well a few days ago. She rides every morningto visit the boy, and returns before breakfast. I fear they willdisappoint me in the promised visit.

We were obliged to Dr. Cutting for the most pleasing account of yourhealth and spirits. Also, of your great progress in law. Judge Hobartexpects Colonels Burr and Troup will make his suite to the Octobercourt, where he hopes to usher them, with all the eclat due to theirmerit. He counts the weeks, which he has now reduced to five. Whilethe warmth of friendship animates his countenance, his heart swellswith pride at the honour of patronising two such characters. He mustnot be disappointed; this must be the route, or he will believehimself slighted. I am obliged to his zeal, as it will procure us thepleasure of seeing you. The sight of an old acquaintance is quite aphenomenon. I am not surprised that genuine hospitality is fled tocottages. You will find it à la rustique chez votre amie.

THEODOSIA PREVOST.

FROM MAJOR R. ALDEN.

Fairfield, 26th February, 1781.

DEAR BURR,

Your letter of the 15th inst. pleases me. You have a heart that feels:a heart susceptible of tender friendship. Life has not a single charmto compare with such sensations. You know too well how to excite suchemotions. Happy for us. These expel the keenest pangs. There is nosuch thing as real happiness. At best, it is but a delusion. We makeour own pleasures as we do our troubles. Friendship will heighten theone and moderate the other.

I have been tortured with the anxiety of suspense. It has given me themost poignant distress. It disordered my mind; at times, almost droveme to despair. Some of my friends saw the effect, but could notconjecture the cause. You alone could penetrate the feelings of myheart; you alone are in possession of that evidence which will convictme of my weakness; my want of fortitude. I dare intrust you. I feelthe influence of your friendship. To a heart like yours, this willprove the sincerity and affection of mine. I bid adieu to camp, havingcompleted my business, with my thanks to our worthy commander-in-chieffor his attention to my character. The discharge he gave me equalledmy wishes and exceeded my expectations. I have enjoyed the mostrational satisfaction for three days past. I have commenced student.Dr. Johnson has given me my plan of studies, and free access to hislibrary. My ambition is not great, nor my views unbounded. I shallproportion the means to the object. If I persevere with attention, Ihave something more than wishes to build upon. Nothing within thecompass of my abilities, that is justifiable, will be left untried, togratify my reasonable desires.

I know that your request proceeded entirely from your friendship forme, and that you felt happy that it was in your power to oblige me. Ifeel the force of your kindness, but must deny myself the pleasure ofspending some months with my friend. My time is short; age pressesupon me. Four years have been devoted to my country, for which I havereceived no compensation.

It gives me pleasure to hear that your health is such that you can bethankful for the blessing, and are in a situation to enjoy yourself inthe pursuit of your studies. My heart is sincerely interested in yourhappiness. Let me know your feelings, that I may know how to refinemine. Your friendship and letters add a continual charm to my life,and will always please the heart and secure the affection of, yours,

With sincerity,

R. ALDEN.

TO MRS. PREVOST.

Albany, 5th June, 1781.

I was absent when yours of the 10th ultimo came, and therefore did notreceive it till the first inst. You may be assured will one day repenthis insolence. Uniformity of conduct and great appearance ofmoderation are all that can be put in practice immediately. The maximof a man whom neither of us esteem very highly is excellent on thisoccasion—"Suaviter in modo, fortiter in re." See, my dearTheodosia, what you bring upon yourself by having once piddled atLatin. The maxim, however, would bear sheets of comment and days ofreflection. I second the just pride of ——, in being averse to crouchto a villain. Your letter to E. would have every influence that minepossibly could.

These crosses are of that class which, though they may perplex for amoment (a moment is too much), yet cannot affect our real happiness.That mind is truly great which can bear with equanimity the triflingand unavoidable vexations of life, and be affected only by thoseevents which determine our substantial bliss. Every period, and everysituation, has a portion of these trifling crosses; and those whoexpect to avoid them all, or conquer them all, must be wretchedwithout respite. Witness ——-. I am half vexed at the manner in whichyou speak of what you term "the sorrows of ——-." They are just ofthis trifling kind. Say and think no more of them. Their impressionwas momentary, and is long past.

G.'s uniformity of conduct for some time has established hischaracter, and crushed the malice of his enemies. He has, however,mingled some address in his deportment—has made visits, and some actsof civility, to his avowed enemies, by which means he has gained someand silenced others. His whole conduct, his language, and even histhoughts, seem to have in view the happiness of. I believe this ideais impressed on him every hour of his life.

Yours,

A. BURR.

TO CHIEF-JUSTICE MORRIS.

Albany, 21st October, 1781.

SIR,

I do myself the honour to enclose you several letters, which wereintended, I believe, to introduce me to your acquaintance, perhaps toyour friendship. I am particularly unfortunate to see neither Mr.Hobart nor yourself on the present occasion; the more so, as I find arule of unexpected rigour, which, if strictly adhered to, musteffectually exclude me from this bar. Mr. Judge Yates gives me reasonto hope this rule may be enlarged. If it should be deemed unadvisableto make one of such latitude as may include me within a generaldescription, perhaps my particular situation may be thought to claimparticular indulgence. Before the revolution, and long before theexistence of the present rule, I had served some time with an attorneyof another state. At that period I could have availed my self of thisservice; and, surely, no rule could be intended to have suchretrospect as to injure one whose only misfortune is havingsacrificed his time, his constitution, and his fortune, to hiscountry.

It would give me sensible regret were my admission to establish aprecedent which might give umbrage to the bar; but, should youropinion accord with my wishes, with respect to the indulgence due tomy particular case, the expression of it, to any gentleman of theprofession, would doubtless remove the possibility of discontent.Perhaps I assume a freedom which personal acquaintance only couldwarrant. I beg, sir, you will ascribe it to the reliance I am taughtto place on your goodness, and the confidence with which yourcharacter inspires even those who have no other title to your notice.

Whatever may be the success of my present designs, I shall do myselfthe honour of waiting on you, and assuring you, in person, of therespect and esteem with which I am your obedient servant,

A. BURR.

Colonel Burr frequently impressed upon those with whom he was in thehabit of a regular correspondence, the advantage of committing topaper daily, in the form of a journal, such thoughts or ideas asoccurred and were deemed desirable to repeat. He adopted this form inhis communications with Mrs. Prevost. The following is a specimen:—

Albany, Thursday, December 3d, 1781.

I am at length arrived at my destined haven, and, what is very unusualfor me, have been successful in several trivial circ*mstances, such asgetting over the ferry (which is difficult at this season), findingtemporary quarters for my chevaux without difficulty or delay. Icannot help regarding these as harbingers of good luck. I am, however,not fortunate in finding Judge Yates. He is from home. G. civil, butunwell. The room promised me is not fitted; must therefore seek otherlodgings. Bon soir. Visit me in my slumbers.

Friday night, December 4th.

Till sunset I was in doubt whether I should not be obliged to leaveAlbany for want of quarters. Have at length found tolerable. No priceyet fixed. Probably not less than trois piasters the week. A daycompletely lost, and I, of course, in ill humour with every thing butthee.

Saturday, December 5th.

A sick headache this whole day. I earned it by eating last night ahearty supper of Dutch sausages, and going to bed immediately after. Iam surprised it did not operate in the way of my disorder, which wasformerly the certain consequence of every error in diet; but nosymptom of that, though I was very restless.

I took the true Indian cure for the headache. Made a light breakfastof tea, stretched myself on a blanket before the fire, fasted tillevening, and then tea again. I thought, through the whole day, that ifyou could sit by me, and stroke my head with your little hand, itwould be well; and that, when we are formally united, far from deeminga return of this disorder un malheur, I should esteem it a fortunateapology for a day of luxurious indulgence, which I should nototherwise allow myself or you.

Most unexpectedly, Lewis called upon me this evening, civilly offeredme his house, and asked me to dine. I was wrong, I think, to accepthis invitation, but this did not strike me till I had engaged. Mustdine there to-morrow.

Sunday, 6th December.

This is the third day in town, and no business done. These two dayspast I have been studying the second volume of Rousseau. G. isreturned. He never appeared more unlike himself. I was somehowuncommonly stupid, and, would you believe it, even awkward. Said verylittle, and that little with hesitation. You know there are days whenevery thing goes against one. Paid little attention to anybody (thatlittle, somehow, ill timed), and received still less from them.

How could we forget Latimer? He has sung Theodosia's praise among thesouthern army in terms with which her best friends must be pleased. Hehas also established the character of A. Burr. Quackenbush isdetermined to be civil. Says his visits will be frequent.

Yates is returned. More of him to-morrow. An old, weather-beaten lady,Miss Depeyster, has given the whole history of Burr, and much ofTheo., but nothing unfavourable. In a place where Burr thought himselfa stranger, there is scarce any age or sex that does not, either fromin formation or acquaintance, know something of him.

I am surprised I forgot to advise you to get a Franklin fireplace.They have not the inconvenience of stoves, are warm, save wood, andnever smoke. The cost will not be, probably, more than ten or fifteendollars, which will be twice saved this winter in wood and comfort,and they may be moved anywhere. If you have fears about brat,[Foonote: Mrs. Prevost's youngest child.] I have none. He will neverburn himself but once; and, by way of preventive, I would advise youto do that for him. It will be put up in a few hours by anybody. I amin doubt whether it will be best to have it in the common room or oneof the back rooms. The latter will have many advantages. You may thenhave a place sacred to love, reflection, and books. This, however, asyou find best; but that you have one I am determined, unless you cangive some better reason against it than I at present know of. Indeed,I would wish you had two. You will get them with no trouble from theSalisbury furnace. It is of the first importance that you suffer aslittle as possible the present winter. It may, in a great measure,determine your health ever after. I confess I have still sometransient distrusts that you set too little value on your own life andcomfort. Remember, it is not yours alone; but your letters shallconvince me. I waive the subject.

I am not certain I shall be regularly punctual in writing you in thismanner every day when I get at business; but I shall, if possible,devote one quarter of an hour a day to you. In return, I demand onehalf of an hour every day from you; more I forbid, unless on specialoccasions. This half hour is to be mine, to be invariably at the sametime, and, for that purpose, fixed at an hour least liable tointerruption, and as you shall find most convenient. Mine cannot be soregular, as I only indulge myself in it when I am fatigued withbusiness. The children will have each their sheet, and, at the givenhour, write, if but a single word Burr, at this half hour is to be akind of watchword.

Monday, 7th December.

I keep always a memorandum for you, on which, when I think of anything at any time of day that I wish to write, I make a short note ina manner which no other person would understand. When I sit down towrite I have nothing to do but look at my memorandum. I wouldrecommend the same to you, unless you rather choose to write at themoment when you think of any thing.

I have continually felt some apprehensions about the success of Troupwith the court. The Springs are but twenty-eight miles from Albany; Iwill meet you there.

Phil. Van Rensselaer, whom I have never before seen, has been tointroduce himself, and tender his services of every kind. He is of themost respectable and richest inhabitants.

Tuesday, 8th December.

No place yet; but, that time need not be lost, I have been lookingover Rousseau's 4th volume. I imagine ——- gathered thence hissentiments on the subject of jealousy. If so, he has grossly mistakenthe ideas of Rousseau. Do you discover a symptom of it? Far otherwise.You see only confidence and love. That jealousy for which you are anadvocate, he condemns as appertaining to brutes and sensualists.Discard, I beseech you, ideas so degrading to true love. I ammortified with the reflection that they were ever yours.

I think ——- must have taken pains to have overlooked the followingparagraph, when, in enumerating the duties of a woman towards a loveror husband, he makes it principally to consist "in respectingthemselves, in order to acquire respect. How delightful are theseprivileges! How respectable are they! how cordially do men prize them,when a woman knows how to render them estimable." I fear ——- will beconvinced of this but too late. I am glad to find, however, that theidea so often urged (in vain) by me, is not a mere vagary of my ownbrain, but is supported by so good authority.

Wednesday, 9th December.

I have this day made a feint at law. But, were my life at stake, itcould not command my attention.

Thursday, 10th December.

We have about twelve or fourteen inches of snow. When you read myletters I wish you would make minutes at the time of such facts asrequire an answer; for, if you trust your memory till the time ofwriting, you will omit half you would otherwise say.

Friday, 11th December.

I really wish much to know the conduct of ——-. It is, however, morecuriosity than anxiety. It would be childish to build any part ofone's happiness on a basis so unstable.

The Van Rensselaer before mentioned, and henceforth to be designatedby Ll., proves to be a phenomenon of goodness and (can you believeit) even tenderness. Tenderness, I hear you cry, in a Hollandois! Buthold your injustice; the character and fine heart of Van Rensselaerwill, I think, in future, remove your prejudice, especially when youadd to this his marked attention and civility.

Saturday, 12th December.

Van Rensselaer finds fault with my quarters, which, indeed, are farremoved from elegance, and, in some respects, from convenience. Heinsists that I suffer him to provide me better.

I have not hitherto had an hour of Yates. His reasons, however, havebeen good. On Monday we are to mangle law.

Sunday, 13th December.

Van Rensselaer has succeeded perfectly to my wish. I am with twomaidens, aunts of his, obliging and (incredible!!) good-natured. Thevery paragon of neatness. Not an article of furniture, even to ateakettle, that would soil a muslin handkerchief. I have two upperrooms. I was interrupted at the line above, and cannot now, for mylife, recollect what I was intending to write. I leave it, however, toplague you as it has done me.

Monday, 14th December.

I really fear Yates is playing the fool with me. Still evasive, thoughplausibly so. I have just had an interview. To-morrow I must and willcome to a positive eclaircissem*nt.

I am determined, in future, when doubt arises in my mind whether Ishall write a thing or not, invariably to write it. You recollect——-'s advising that Carlos [3] should learn the violin.

G. was unkind enough to remind him that he was formerly opposed tothat opinion. There was a degree of insult in this reproach of which Idid not think G. capable. I truly believe he did not reflect on thetendency of it. I do not remember that he is apt to take such unfairadvantage of his friends. Happy they who can make improvement of eachother's errors. The necessary, but dear-bought knowledge ofexperience, is earned at double cost by those who reap alone.

Since I left you, I have not taken pen in hand without intending towrite you. I am happy in having done it, for I now feel perfectlyrelieved.

Tuesday, 15th December.

Yesterday was partly a day of business. The evening wholly andadvantageously so. This day has been rather a feint. Yates engaged. Ibeg ten thousand pardons of Miss Depeyster; she is our warm friend andadvocate. One Bogart, at Tappan, is the scoundrel.

Wednesday, 16th December.

I perceive this letter-writing will not answer; though I write verylittle, it is still half my business; for, whenever I find myselfeither at a loss what to do, or any how discomposed or dull, I fly tothese sheets, and even if I do not write, I ponder upon it, and inthis way sacrifice many hours without reflecting that time passesaway. Yates still backward, but the day tolerably spent.

I have also been busy in fixing a Franklin fireplace for myself. Ishall have it completed to-morrow. I am resolved you shall have one ortwo of them. You have no idea of their convenience, and you can at anytime remove them.

I expect to despatch Carlos to-morrow. I think I have alreadymentioned that I wrote you from Kinderhook, and also this week byColonel Lewis, enclosed to our friend at Sharon.

An engagement of business to-day and this evening with Yates, preventsme preparing for Carlos as I expected.

A. BURR.

Footnotes:

1. The lady of the Hon. Stephen Van Rensselaer

2. The sons of Mrs. Prevost, Frederick and John B. The latter wasJudge Prevost, of Louisiana. Mrs. Prevost was unable to expend such asum on these young gentlemen. it was a means adopted by Colonel Burrdelicately to assist, from his own purse, a desponding son of science.Similar instances of his liberality, in the course of his life, werenumerous.

3. A negro boy belonging to Colonel Burr.

CHAPTER XIV.

In the autumn of 1781, as may be seen by the preceding correspondence,Colonel Burr was in Albany, preparing himself for admission to thebar. Judge Yates rendered him essential service on the occasion. Hisfriendship and kindness were appreciated, and gratefully recollected.At that time Chief-justice Richard Morris, Robert Yates, and JohnSloss Hobart composed the bench of the Supreme Court of the State ofNew-York. All these gentlemen were friendly to Burr, and treated himwith the utmost courtesy; but for Judge Yates he entertained, duringthe continuance of his life, the most profound respect and veneration.

By the rules of the court it was required that candidates foradmission should have pursued a course of legal studies not less thanthree years previous to presenting themselves for examination. ColonelBurr applied to the court to dispense with this rule in his case. Theapplication was opposed with great zeal by all the members of the bar;and, as no counsellor would make the necessary motion on the subject,Burr was not only compelled to do it himself, but to argue thequestion with the ablest of the profession.

After hearing the argument, the court determined that, as he had beenemployed in the service of his country, when he might, under othercirc*mstances, have been a law-student, they would dispense with therigour of the rule so far as it applied to the period of study; butthat no indulgence would be granted in reference to the necessaryqualifications. In pursuance of this decision he underwent a severeand critical examination by some of the most eminent members of thebar, who were anxious for his rejection. The examination, however,resulted in a triumphant admission that the candidate was dulyqualified to practise; and he was accordingly licensed as an attorney,on the 19th day of January, 1782. And at "a supreme court ofjudicature, held for the State of New-York, at the City Hall of thecity of Albany, on the 17th day of April, 1782, Aaron Burr having, onexamination, been found of competent ability and learning to practiseas counsellor," it was ordered that he be accordingly admitted.

Soon after Colonel Burr commenced the practice of law in the city ofAlbany, he invited his friend and brother soldier, Major W. Popham, tojoin him, and pursue a course of legal studies. This invitation wasgiven with his accustomed kindness. About the period of Burr'smarriage, Major Popham replies.

FROM MAJOR W. POPHAM [1]

Fishkill, August 16th, 1782

Yesterday I was accidentally favoured with your friendly letter of the3d of May, from Litchfield, which was peculiarly agreeable, as itcontained the first official accounts I have had of you since myleaving Albany, and dispelled a train of gloomy reflections which yoursupposed long silence had suggested.

The approbation you have given of my conduct, in an affair in whichyou have so generously interested yourself, is very flattering. Adetail of the circ*mstances which rendered it necessary to postponethe prosecution of my intended plan, would be too prolix for thesubject of a letter. They would not present one pleasing reflection;and I love you too well to give you pain. Suspend, therefore, yourcuriosity and your opinion, until the duties of the field permit me tosee you, when you shall be satisfied.

I hope the alterations you have made in your plan of life may equalyour most sanguine wishes. I am pleased that you have taken a house inAlbany, and sincerely congratulate you on an event that promises youso much happiness. May you long enjoy all the blessings which can flowfrom that happy state, for which Heaven has so remarkably designedyou.

But why am I requested to "say nothing about obligations," while youcontinue to load me with new ones? Or, why should I be denied thecommon privilege of every liberal mind, that of acknowledging theobligation which I have not the power of cancelling? Yes, my friend,your generous offer claims my warmest thanks; but the very principlewhich excites my gratitude forbids me to accept it. Dr. L informs meyou have written twice to me. One of the letters is lost. Will youspeedily supply the deficiency? If you can spare an hour frombusiness, retirement, or love, let me entreat you to devote it to yourfriend. I cannot tell you how much I long to hear from you. Adieu.

Yours sincerely,

W. POPHAM.

To Mrs. Prevost.

Albany, December 23d, 1781.

My dear Theodosia is now happy by the arrival of Carlos. This was notwishing you a happy Christmas, but actually making it so. Let all ourcompliments be henceforth practical. The language of the world soundsfulsome to tastes refined by the sweets of affection.

I see mingle in the transports of the evening the frantic littleBartow. [2] Too eager to embrace the bliss he has in prospect;frustrating his own purposes by inconsiderate haste; misplacing everything, and undoing what he meant to do. It will only confuse you.Nothing better can be done than to tie him, in order to expedite hisown business. That you might not be cheerful alone, I have obeyed theorders of your heart (for you cannot, even at this distance, concealthem) by a determination to take a social, friendly supper with VanRensselaer.

You wrote me too much by Dom. I hope it was not from a fear that Ishould be dissatisfied with less. It is, I confess, rather singular tofind fault with the quantity, when matter and manner are sodelightful. You must, however, deal less in sentiments and more inideas. Indeed, in the letter in answer to my last, you will need to beparticularly attentive to this injunction. I think constantly of theapproaching change in our affairs, and what it demands. Do not let us,like children, be so taken with the prospect as to lose sight of themeans.

Remember to write me facts and ideas, and don't torment me withcompliments, or yourself with sentiments to which I am already nostranger. Write but little, and very little at once. I do not know forwhat reason, Theodosia, but I cannot feel my usual anxiety about yourhealth, though I know you to be ill, and dangerously so. One reasonis, that I have more belief in your attention to yourself.

Your idea about the water was most delightful. It kept me awake awhole night, and led to a train of thoughts and sensations whichcannot be described. Indeed, the whole of your letter was marked witha degree of confidence and reliance which augurs every thing that isgood. The French letter was truly elegant, as also that enclosed incompliance with my request.

If Reeves has received the money upon the order I gave him, he maysend me by Carlos about twenty-five guineas, if he can spare so muchof it. I am in no present want.

Pardon me for not answering your last. My mind is so engrossed by newviews and expectations, that I cannot disengage it. I have not, thesefive days past, slept more than two hours a night, and yet feelrefreshed and well. Your presentiments of my illness on a certainevening were wide from truth: believe me, you have no talent that way.Leave it to others.

I think, if you keep Carlos two nights, it will serve; but keep himlonger rather than fatigue yourself. Adieu.

A. BURR.

On the 2d of July, 1782, Colonel Burr was married to Mrs. TheodosiaPrevost. In April preceding he had entered into the practice of thelaw in the city of Albany. His attention to business was unremitted.In consequence, he soon found himself crowded with clients from everyquarter of the state. During his residence in Albany, his mind wasexclusively engrossed with his profession and his family. In theeducation of Mrs. Burr's children by her first husband he took a deepinterest. Neither labour nor expense was regarded. It was his wishthat they should be accomplished, as well as educated men.

The preliminary treaty of peace having been signed, Colonel Burrresolved to remove his family to the city of New-York so soon as theBritish should evacuate it. Here he anticipated (and in this he wasnot disappointed) an extensive practice. On the 20th of November,1781, the legislature of the State of New-York passed an actdisqualifying from practice, in the courts of the state, all"attorneys, solicitors, and counsellors at law," who could not producesatisfactory certificates, showing their attachment and devotion tothe whig cause during the then pending war with Great Britain. Thisact was in full force at the peace of 1783, and remained so, withoutany attempt to modify it, until March, 1785, when a bill wasintroduced into the legislature to repeal certain sections of it, sofar as they operated upon individuals therein named. The bill waslost. But, on the 4th of April, 1786, the restriction thus imposed onthe tory lawyers was removed by an act of the legislature.

The law of 1781, previous to its repeal, had operated most favourablyfor the Whig lawyers. Those of talents and standing, such as ColonelBurr and others, had obtained a run of business which enabled them tocompete with the most profound of their tory rivals.

It was supposed that the British troops would evacuate the city ofNew-York in the spring or early in the summer of 1783; but theyremained until the 25th of November of that year. Colonel Burr appliedto his friend, Thomas Bartow, to procure him a house for theaccommodation of his family, which he accordingly did.

FROM MR. BARTOW.

New-York, April 16th, 1783

DEAR SIR,

I received your agreeable favour a few days ago, and am happy tocongratulate you on the establishment of a peace: hope I shall soonhave the pleasure of seeing you in town. I have procured you a goodhouse in Maiden-lane, at the rate of two hundred pounds a year. Therent to commence when the troops leave the city. Doctor Brown caninform you more particulars about it, as he went with me to view it.Before I engaged this house, I consulted Mrs. Clark She proposed herhouse in Broadway, but could not get the tenant out, so that she gaveher consent to this.

Very respectfully yours,

THOMAS BARTOW.

FROM MRS. BURR.

Albany, 25th March, 1783.

Some think absence tends to increase affection; the greater part thatit wears it away. I believe neither, but that it only tends to provehow far the heart is capable of loving; or rather, whether it is realor imaginary. When the latter, every object that amuses, blots out theidea of the absent, we find that they are not so necessary to ourhappiness as we had fancied. But when that love is real, what canamuse, what engage the mind, to banish, for a single instant, theobject of its delight? It hates every necessity that wrests it aninstant from the contemplation of its beauties; its virtues are everpresenting themselves to increase our regret, and suggest innumerablefears for its safety. Such have been the occupations of this day. Itremble at every noise: new apprehensions are ever alarming me. Everytender sensation is awake to thee.

26th March.

My extreme anxiety operated severely upon my health. I have not had soill a turn in some months. The remedies of S. prove but little moreefficacious than those of G. I do without either. Various are theconjectures respecting your errand. All think me of the party. Myspirits need, my heart grows impatient for your return. Everycountenance speaks for you, while Theodosia grieves.

27th March.

My health is rather better. I have just this moment heard of GeneralSchuyler's going; have only time to tell you I rejoice at theenclosed. It will save your hurry and anxiety Popham has written andengaged for your attendance.

THEODOSIA BURR

When the British were about to evacuate the city of New-York, and itwas ascertained that Colonel Burr had made the necessary arrangementsto settle there, his whig friends became anxious that he shouldreceive an appointment. Among those who urged this measure was JudgeHobart, who had ever entertained an exalted opinion of his talents andbusiness habits. As soon as Colonel Burr was informed of the friendlyviews entertained by the judge, he wrote him, expressing hisunwillingness to be considered a competitor with any gentleman for anappointment. To this he received an answer.

FROM JUDGE HOBART.

June 17th, 1783.

SIR,

Your favour has been received. However pure your views may be, I fearyou must be contented with the character of a private gentleman solong as you determine to avoid a competition; for I am told there arelong lists of applicants for all the offices in the city and county ofNew-York.

With great respect, yours,

JOHN SLOSS HOBART.

FROM MRS. BURR.

Albany, August 14th, 1783.

How unfortunate, my dearest Aaron, is our present separation. I nevershall have resolution to consent to another. We must not be guided byothers. We are certainly formed of different materials; and ourundertakings must coincide with them.

A few hours after I wrote you by Colonel Lewis, our sweet infant [3]was taken ill, very ill. My mind and spirits have been on the rackfrom that moment to this. When she sleeps, I watch anxiously; when shewakes, anxious fears accompany every motion. I talked of my lovetowards her, but I knew it not till put to this unhappy test. I knownot whether to give her medicine or withhold it: doubt and terror arethe only sensations of which I am sensible. She has slept better lastnight, and appears more lively this morning, than since her illness.This has induced me to postpone an express to you, which I have had inreadiness since yesterday. If this meets you, I need not dwell upon mywish. I will only put an injunction on your riding so fast, or in theheat, or dew. Remember your presence is to support, to console yourTheo., perhaps to rejoice with her at the restoration of ourmuch-loved child. Let us encourage this hope; encourage it, at least,till you see me, which I flatter myself will be before this can reachyou. Some kind spirit will whisper to my Aaron how much his tenderattention is wanted to support his Theo.: how much his love isnecessary to give her that fortitude, that resolution, which naturehas denied her but through his medium. Adieu.

THEODOSIA

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, March 22d, 1784.

My Aaron had scarce quitted the door when I regretted my passiveness.Why did I consent to his departure? Can interest repay the sacrifice?can aught on earth compensate for his presence? Why did I hesitate todecide? Ten thousand fears await me. What thought suggested my assent?The anxiety he might suffer were he to meet with obstacles to raisingthe sum required; should his views be frustrated for want of theprecaution this journey might secure; his mortification; mine, at nothaving the power to relieve him, were arguments that silenced mylonging wish to hold him near me; near me for ever. My Aaron, dark isthe hour that separates my soul from itself.

Thus pensive, surrounded with gloom, thy Theo. sat, bewailing thydeparture. Every breath of wind whistled terror; every noise at thedoor was mingled with hope of thy return, and fear of thyperseverance, when Brown arrived with the word—embarked—the windhigh, the water rough. Heaven protect my Aaron; preserve him, restorehim to his adoring mistress. A tedious hour elapsed, when our son wasthe joyful messenger of thy safe landing at Paulus Hook.

Stiff with cold, how must his papa have fared? Yet, grateful for hissafety, I blessed my God. I envied the ground which bore my pilgrim. Ipursued each footstep. Love engrossed his mind; his last adieu toBartow was the most persuasive token—"Wait till I reach the oppositeshore, that you may bear the glad tidings to your trembling mother."O, Aaron, how I thank thee! Love in all its delirium hovers about me;like opium, it lulls me to soft repose! Sweet serenity speaks, 'tis myAaron's spirit presides. Surrounding objects check my visionary charm.I fly to my room and give the day to thee.

THEODOSIA.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, October 29th, 1784.

Mr. Watts this instant acquaints me that he is just setting off forNew-York. I run from court to waft you a memorandum of affection. Ihave been remarkably well; was fortunate in my journey. The trial ofLivingston and Hoffman is now arguing. It began on Thursday of lastweek, and will not conclude till to-night. No other business has beenor will be done this term. All this cursed long absence for nothing.

I cannot leave this till Sunday or Monday. Then to Westchester Court.The return to joy and Theo. cannot be till Thursday or Friday, andthat depending on my business in Westchester. Miss Yates is on herpassage to New-York to spend eight or ten days.

I read your memorandum ten times a day, and observed it as religiouslyas ever monk did his devotion. Yesterday I burnt it. To me it seemedlike sacrilege.

I fear I did not caution you enough against sleeping in the new house.For Heaven's sake (or rather for my sake), don't think of it till Icome and judge. I left you an immensity of trouble, which I fear hasnot promoted your health. Kiss our dear little flock for me. Adieu.

A. BURR.

Late in the autumn of 1783 Colonel Burr removed from Albany into thecity of New-York. In the spring of 1784 he was elected a member of thestate legislature. At that early period political parties had notassumed either form or shape. The simple and intelligible terms ofwhip and tory were universally used. Colonel Burr's mind was occupiedwith his professional business. The legislature met in the city ofNew-York. He attended two sessions as a member. The first commenced onthe 12th of October, 1784. He was in the house only a small portion ofthe time, and never interfered in what might be considered theordinary business of the day. On great questions he took an active anddecided part. His character for sagacity, discrimination, andfirmness, was well established; and he would, therefore, havepossessed great influence, if such had been his object; but hisambition, at this time, was not political; or, if it was, he haddetermined to smother it "until a more convenient season."

The second session while he was a member commenced on the 27th ofJanuary, 1785. During this he was more attentive than at the precedingsession, but governed by the same system of policy, acting only whengreat and important questions were under consideration. On the 14th ofFebruary a joint committee of the two houses was appointed to revisethe laws of the state. Colonel Burr was chairman of the committee onthe part of the house. He introduced, on leave granted him, severalimportant bills. One in relation to the public lands, another relativeto the titles to real estate, &c. On the 25th of February a bill waspending for the gradual abolition of slavery within the State ofNew-York. It provided that all born after its passage should be bornfree. Burr moved to amend, and proposed to insert a provision, thatslavery should be entirely abolished after a day specified. Hisamendment being lost, he voted for the bill as reported. He was amember of the legislature, and supported the law in 1799, by which,ultimately, slavery within the state was abolished.

The question upon which he took the most prominent part related to anapplication of some tradesmen and mechanics in the city of New-Yorkfor an act of incorporation. The advocates of this bill had unitedtheir interest with certain land speculators, and by these means itwas supposed both bills might be carried through the legislature.Both, however, failed. Colonel Burr was the only member from the cityof New-York that opposed what was termed the Mechanics' Bill. Hisopposition produced so much feeling and excitement, that a man of lessfirmness would have been driven from his course. Riots werethreatened, and by many it was supposed his house would be assaulted.His friends volunteered their services to protect him, but he declinedreceiving their aid, averring that he had no fears of any violation ofthe laws by men who had made such sacrifices as the whigs had made forthe right of self-government, and that he could and would protecthimself, if, contrary to his expectations, it should become necessary.That he was prepared to resist any attack was universally known, butnone was attempted, and perhaps for that reason.

The Mechanics' Bill passed the legislature late in February, and wassent to the Council of Revision. At that time the chancellor and thejudges of the Supreme Court formed a Council of Revision, and had aqualified negative on all bills. If they considered a billunconstitutional, they returned it to the house in which itoriginated, with their objections; after which, if it received thevote of two thirds of both houses, it became a law. This bill wasreturned on the 9th of March by the council, with their objections,and, two thirds not voting in favour, it was lost. These objections,in substance, were precisely what had been urged against it by ColonelBurr on the floor of the assembly. The petitioners were forty-three innumber. The bill gave them unlimited powers in some particulars. Itdid not incorporate their successors, only so far as they pleased toadmit them. They might hold landed estate in perpetuity to anunlimited amount, provided their income did exceed fifteen hundredpounds beyond their outgoings. Their by-laws were to be approved bythe city corporation; thus, by rendering the one dependant on theother, either the mechanics would influence the magistrates, and thepowers of the corporation of the city and county of New-York be made,at some future day, instruments of monopoly and oppression; or, whichwas more probable, the corporation of the city and county of New-Yorkobtain a controlling power over the mechanics, and thus add to theextensive influence which that corporation already enjoyed, therebyrendering it dangerous to the political freedom of the people. Suchwere some of the objections entertained and urged by Colonel Burragainst this bill. The great body of the community were prepared tosustain him; and, before the succeeding session of the legislature,the intelligent among the mechanics were so well satisfied with thecorrectness of his views, that a similar application was neverafterward made,

From the year 1785 until the year 1788, Colonel Burr was unknown as apolitician. His practice was extensive and lucrative. His domesticrelations seemed to occupy all his leisure time. His family was large,and to direct the education of his children was to him the mostdelightful employment. His zeal for their improvement is evinced insome of the preceding letters. His own health was precarious, whilethat of Mrs. Burr caused him constant alarm and apprehension. He hadbut one child, a daughter; but the children of his wife by her firsthusband (Colonel Prevost) he reared as his own, and with all thetenderness of an affectionate father. The subjoined letters presentMrs. Burr in a most estimable point of view, while they cast somelight upon Colonel Burr's character as a parent and a husband. Theycannot be read, it is believed, by even the giddy and the thoughtlesswithout feeling an interest in the destiny of their writers.

In the office of Colonel Burr, as students, were his two stepsons,Frederick and John Bartow. When absent from home on professional orother business, one of them frequently accompanied him as anamanuensis. On these occasions all his instructions in relation tolawsuits in which he was employed as counsel, or papers connectedtherewith, were communicated to the attorney or clerk in the officethrough Mrs. Burr. She appeared to be held responsible for thepunctual and prompt performance of any duty required of them. To himshe was indeed a helpmate; for she not only had charge of his domesticconcerns, but was counselled with, and intimately associated in, allhis business transactions.

TO MRS. BURR.

Princeton, April, 1785.

I had just embarked in the stage at Paulus Hook when I learned that itwent no further than Newark; so that, after being three hours closepacked with rabble, I trudged an hour more to find a conveyance toElizabethtown, where I arrived at eight o'clock, chilled, fatigued,and with a surly headache. A comfortable bed and tea made amends.

We arrived here at six o'clock this evening. I am fortunate incompany, and find the travelling much less fatiguing than I imagined.Remind Frederick of the business with Platt. Write me by the nestpost, and by every stage. If I should even have left Philadelphia, Ishall meet the letters. Speak of Harriet, and sur tout des troisTheo's. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, April, Saturday, 1785.

I did not write you on Friday, as promised in my letter fromPrinceton, for which I will apologize when we meet. I arrived here ingood plight on Friday evening. Augustine came down about noon onSaturday. We have made some satisfactory progress in our business.Seeing the great men of other countries puts me in more conceit ofthose of my own.

I shall be released on Tuesday evening, which will permit me to seethee on Thursday morning. Mr. Colt will inform you about every thing.Unfortunately, a gentleman with whom part of our business is has lefttown. If he should return to-morrow morning, I shall be the happiestof swains on Wednesday morning. I am very minute in thesecalculations, because I make them very often. Does Theodosia employherself ever in the same way?

I have been to twenty places to find something to please you, but cansee nothing that answers my wishes; you will therefore, I fear, onlyreceive

Your affectionate

A. BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, April, Saturday, 1785.

I persuade myself this is the last day you spend in Philadelphia. Thatto-morrow's stage will bring you to Elizabethtown; that Tuesdaymorning you will breakfast with those who pass the tedious hoursregretting your absence, and counting time till you return. Evenlittle Theo. gives up her place on mamma's lap to tell dearpapa—"come home." Tell Augustine he does not know how much he owesme. 'Tis a sacrifice I would not make to any human being but himself,nor even to him again. It is the last time of my life I submit to yourabsence, except from necessity to the calls of your profession. All iswell at home. Ireson gone on his intended journey. Morris very littlehere. The boys very attentive and industrious; much more so for beingalone. Not a loud word spoken by the servants. All, in silentexpectation, await the return of their much-loved lord; but allfaintly when compared to thy

THEO.

TO MRS. BURR.

Since writing to you last evening, every thing has conspired to harassand delay me. I was really in hopes of surprising you on Wednesdaymorning; but am now most unfortunately and cruelly detained here tillto-morrow evening; shall therefore, with the usual luck of stages,embrace you on Thursday morning.

I have been walking, in the course of this day, hunting offices,records, &c., &c., above eight hours, and am not fatigued. I mustreally be very robust. Thine,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, April, 1785.

I arrived here on Tuesday evening very late, though little fatigued.Wednesday afternoon I went with Sill to Bethlehem (Nichols), dranktea, supped, and breakfasted. I am pleased with our friend's choice,of which more next Tuesday evening. I am vexed you were not of myparty here—that we did not charter a sloop. I have planned acircuit with you to Long Island, with a number of pleasant &c.s,which are also reserved to a happier moment.

I shall succeed in all Mrs. Clarke's business except that of thelands, in which I hope little.

I feel impatient, and almost angry, that I have received no letterfrom you, though I really do not know of any opportunity by which youcould have written; but it seems an endless while to wait tillSaturday night before I can hear from you. How convenient would alittle of the phlegm of this region be upon such occasions as these!I fear very much for our dear petite. I tell every one who asks methat both she and you are well, because I abhor the cold, uninterestedinquiries, which I know would be made if I should answer otherwise. Doyou want the pity of such? Those you thought your very good friendshere have forgotten you.

Mademoiselle Y. is very civil. Are the Wadsworths with you? Have younot been tormented with some embarrassments which I wickedly left youto struggle with? I hope you don't believe the epithet. But why thesequestions, to which I can receive no answer but in person? Inevertheless fondly persuade myself that I shall receive answers tothem all, and many more about yourself, which I have in mind,notwithstanding you will not have seen this. There is such a sympathyin our ideas and feelings, that you can't but know what will mostinterest me.

Give Johnstone the enclosed memorandum; or, if he has gone home, to
Bartow; the business is of importance, and admits of no delay.

Affectionately adieu,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Chester, Friday, May, 1785.

I arrived here about eleven o'clock this forenoon, with littlefatigue, my horse being an excellent one. Appearances are hostile;they talk of twenty or twenty-five days at least. I believe I shallnot hold out so long. The commissioners are met, but not all theparties, so that the business is not yet begun. The gentlemen fromAlbany are not yet arrived or heard of. We shall probably do nothingtill they come. I have comfortable clean quarters.

Tell one of the boys to send me some supreme court seals; about six. I
forgot them. Write me what calls are made at the office for me.
Distribute my love. Let each of the children write me what they do.
You may certainly find some opportunity. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Chester, May, 1785.

I strayed this morning for an hour or two in the woods, where I lay ona rock to enjoy the wild retreat. The cheerfullness of all around meled me to ask why all animated nature enjoyed its being but man? Whyman alone is discontented, anxious—sacrificing the present to idleexpectations;—expectations which, if answered, are in like mannersacrificed. Never enjoying, always hoping? Answer, tu mihi magnaApollo. I would moralize, but time—and my companions are coming in.Let me hear of your health. Avoid all fatigue. Judge Yates proposes tocome down with me. Quoi faire?

My good landlady is out of tea, and begs me to send for a pound. Putit up very well. I am in better health than spirits. Adieu.

A. BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, May, 1785.

I am vexed that I did not inquire your route more particularly. Icannot trace you in imagination, nor find your spirit when at rest;nor dare I count the hours to your return. They are still toonumerous, and add to my impatience. I expect my reward in the healthyou acquire. If it should prove otherwise, how I shall hate myacquiescence to your departure. I anticipate good or evil as myspirits rise or fall; but I know no medium; my mind cannot reach thatstage of indifference. I fancy all my actions directed by you; thistends to spur my industry, and give calm to my leisure.

The family as you left it. Bartow never quits the office, and isperfectly obliging. Your dear little daughter seeks you twenty times aday; calls you to your meals, and will not suffer your chair to befilled by any of the family.

Judge Hobart called here yesterday; says you are absent for a month. Ido not admit that among possibilities, and therefore am not alarmed. Ifeel obliged to Mr. Wickham for his delay, though I dare not givescope to my pen; my heart dictates too freely. O, my Aaron! how manytender, grateful things rush to my mind in this moment; how muchfortitude do I summon to suppress them! You will do justice to theirsilence; to the inexpressible affection of your plus tendre amie.

Bartow has been to the surveyor-general; he cannot inform him theboundaries of those lots for J. W. There is no map of them but one inAlbany.

THEODOSIA.

TO MRS. BURR.

Chester, May, 1785.

I joined the commissioners and parties in the woods, near this place,on Wednesday noon; found the weather severe, and roads bad. Have,since my arrival, been following the commissioners in their surveys.Nothing transpires from which we can conjecture their intentions.

This morning came your kind, your affectionate, your truly welcomeletter of Monday evening. Where did it loiter so long? Nothing in myabsence is so flattering to me as your health and cheerfullness. Ithen contemplate nothing so eagerly as my return; amuse myself withideas of my own happiness, and dwell on the sweet domestic joys whichI fancy prepared for me.

Nothing is so unfriendly to every species of enjoyment as melancholy.Gloom, however dressed, however caused, is incompatible withfriendship. They cannot have place in the mind at the same time. It isthe secret, the malignant foe of sentiment and love. Adieu.

A. BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, May, 1785.

Your dear letter was handed me this day, at a moment which, ifpossible, increased its value. I have a little fever hanging about me,which tends to depress my spirits for the time. Your moralizingchanged my dulness to a pleasing melancholy. I am mortified at theinterruption it met, and impatient to renew the theme; to renew it ina more pleasing manner than even your letters afford. When my healthis ill, I find your absence insupportable; every evil haunts me. It isthe last that must take place till term; that I must submit to. I ampleased with your account of your health and spirits; they are both asI wish.

When you write again, speak of your return. The uncertainty makes itmore irksome. The company you speak of will be as welcome as any atthis juncture; but my health and mind seem to require the calmrecreation of friendly sympathy; the heart that has long been unitedto mine by the tenderest esteem and confidence, who has made everylittle anxiety its own, to whom I can speak without reserve everyimaginary wo, and whose kind consolation shall appease those miseriesnature has imposed. But whatever present inconveniences may arise, Isubmit to them with perfect resignation, rather than, even in idea, toexpect the one mentioned by you when last at home. My mind isimpressed with a perfect dread of all of that kind. We never can haveone to give us so little trouble as E. W., and yet we found it great.We must avoid all such invitations, for the sacrifice on my part istoo great.

Friday morning.

I have passed a most tedious night. I went to bed much indisposed. M.absent; mamma also. Ten thousand anxieties surrounded me till three,when I fell asleep; waked at six, much refreshed, and in better healththan I could possibly have expected. I flatter myself your task willend sooner than you expected. Mr. Marvin calls for my letter thismorning, which will be delivered with a pound of green tea I havepurchased for your landlady at two dollars. He has called. I amhurried. Ten thousand loves

Toujours la vôtre.

THEODOSIA.

TO MRS. BURR.

Jane's in the Mountains, May, 1785.

I wrote my dear Theodosia a long letter of business and nonsense lastevening from Chester. I am now about twelve miles nearer to you, andshall sleep to-night within thirty-five miles (only six hours' ride),and shall to-morrow return surlily to Chester.

Our cavalcade is most fortunately composed. Some who abhor fatigue,others who admire good fare, by which by which combination we rideslow and live well. We have halted here half an hour to lounge andtake a luncheon. Of the last, I partook reasonably. The time whichothers devote to the former, I devote (of right) to you, and thuslounge with peculiar glee.

By return of Mr. Smith (who is obliging enough to deliver this), Iexpect much longer letters from our lazy flock. By the nextopportunity I determine not to write you, but some others who deservemore attention than I fear they will think I mean to give them.

The girls must give me a history of their time, from rising to night.The boys any thing which interests them, and which, of course, willinterest me. Are there any, or very pressing calls at the office? Theword is given to mount. I shall have time to seal this and overtakethem. Kiss for me those who love me.

A. BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, April, 1785.

Mrs. Wickham just called to tell me of an opportunity to Chester. Howjoyfully I embrace it. I had a most insupportable impatience tocommunicate to you my gratitude and thanks for your last visit. It wasa cordial to my health and spirits; a balm to my soul. My mind isflushed with pleasing hopes. Ten thousand tender thoughts rush to mypen; but the bearer may prove faithless. I will suppress them to ahappier moment, and anticipate the dear indulgence.

The family as you left it. Thy Theodosia's health and spirits increasedaily. Bartow's industry and utility are striking to the family andstrangers. Johnstone returned yesterday. Your letter was as eagerlyread as though I had not seen you. Write when you have leisure; if itdoes not reach me immediately, it will serve to divert some tediousmoment in a future absence; even when you are at home, engrossed bybusiness, I frequently find a singular pleasure in perusing thosetestimonies of affection.

I find I am continually speaking of myself. I can only account for itfrom my Aaron having persuaded me 'tis his favourite subject, and theextreme desire I have to please him induces me to pursue it. I take nowalks but up one stairs and down the other. The situation of my housewill not admit of my seeing many visitors. I hope some arrangementwill be accomplished by the next week.

A packet from Sill. He writes like a happy man—not the happy man of aday, or I am much deceived in him. She is certainly to be ranked amongthe fortunate. I wish she may be sensible of her lot.

I have fixed the time of seeing you. Till Saturday I will hope thebest. I cannot extend my calculations beyond it; four days of yourabsence is an age to come. My compliments to your chum, and who elseyou please. Pense avec tendresse de la vôtre.

THEODOSIA.

TO MRS. BURR.

Chester, May 12, 1785.

Nothing could be more welcome than your affectionate letters by Mr.Wickham. They met me on Tuesday evening, on our return from a tourthrough the mountains. I was for some hours transported home, topartake of that domestic tranquillity which you so feelingly paint.Continue to write if opportunity presents. They will cheer me in theserustic regions. If not, they will not be lost.

This being a rainy day, we have kept within doors. Tomorrow, if fair,we resume the business of climbing mountains, which will probably beour employment till about the middle of next week. After which a weekmore (at most) will finish the controversy.

Pay Moore nothing till I return, unless you see cause. Let himrough-cast, if he is confident of succeeding; but tell him I will notpay him till I am convinced it will bear weather, and last.

If the sheriff of Bergen (Dey) calls for his money, I enclose a notewith a blank for the name. You must speak to either Malcom or Lentefor their assistance, unless you can think of something moreconvenient, putting the matter in such light as your address shallthink proper. If for any reasons you should prefer to make use ofPopham's name, do it. The person whose name is put in the note mustendorse it, and the note be dated. Let one of the boys go over to Mrs.Baldwin for the certificate of the balance of the account, which, ifobtained, a deduction must be made accordingly. Perhaps, by payingthree or four hundred pounds, Mr. Morris will consent to wait myreturn. Perhaps, at your instance, he will wait that time without anypayment. All which is humbly submitted. I enclose two notes, that youmay take your choice.

Mr. Watrous's business respecting the land is not very material. If itshould have failed, you may inform him that I have long since filed acaveat which will cover his claim.

I bear the fatigues of our business to admiration. Have greatappetite, and sleep sound about ten hours a night. I am already asblack as a Shawanese. You will scarce know me if I continue thisbusiness a few days longer. Thank our dear children for their kindletters. But they are so afraid of tiring either me or themselves (Isuspect the latter), that they tell me few, very few, of thoseinteresting trifles which I want to know.

Let T. give them any new steps he pleases, but not one before theothers. If any one is behind or less apt, more pains must be taken tokeep them on a par. This I give in charge to you.

I fear you flatter me with respect to your health. You seem a littlestudied on that score, which is not very natural to you when speakingtruth. But, if it is not true, it is surely your own fault. Go to bedearly, and do not fatigue your self with running about house. And uponno account any long walks, of which you are so fond, and for which youare so unfit. Simple diet will suit you best. Restrain all gout forintemperance till some future time not very distant.

I do not nor can promise myself all you promise me with respect tothe children. I have been too much mortified on that subject to removeit at once.

This is the last expedition of the kind I shall ever undertake; andever since I have been here I have been planning ways to extricatemyself from it, but am defeated, and shall be absolutely detainedprisoner till the business is concluded. Johnstone can give you anaccount of my quarters and mode of life. You haunt me daily more andmore. I really fear I shall do little justice to the business whichbrought me here.

The children must pardon my not writing. I have a number ofmemorandums of business to make out for Johnstone. Thank them againfor their letters, and beg them not to be so churlish.

Let one of the boys haunt Moore. But you surely can do it withoutletting him vex you, even supposing he does nothing. I had much ratherthat should be the case than that you should be one minute out ofhumour with him.

The girls must go on with Tetard in his own way till I come, when Iwill set all right.

It is already late. I must be up at sunrise. Bon soir, ma chère amie.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR

Chester, 19th May, 2 o'clock P. M., 1785.

We have this day begun the examination of witnesses, which, togetherwith the arguments, will keep us the greater part, and probably thewhole, of next week. I find myself gaining strength exceedingly sincemy return from New-York, though perfectly out of humour with thebusiness, the distance, and the delay.

My trip to New-York has quite ruined me for business. I cannot confinemy mind to it. I am literally homesick, and think of nothing else. Awitness attending in court informs me of his going to New-York as soonas his testimony is finished. I desert a moment to tell you that I amwholly yours.

6 o'clock P. M., 19th May.

Since I wrote you at two o'clock our court is adjourned till nineto-morrow. We go on briskly and in great good nature. If you were halfas punctual or as fortunate (which shall I call it?), I shouldabsolutely fancy myself talking with you. It would be someindemnification for the distance and vexation. Make up in thinking ofme, and taking care of yourself, what you omit in writing. Thine atall moments.

9 o'clock at night, 19th May.

A thousand thanks for your dear affectionate letter of Tuesdayevening. I was just sitting pensively and half complaining of yourremissness, when your letter is received and dispels every gloomythought. I write this from the impulse of my feelings, and inobedience to your injunctions, having no opportunity in view.

The letters of our dear children are a feast. Every part of them ispleasing and interesting. Le Jenne is not expected to be in New-Yorkfor some weeks at least. I avoid the subject. I shudder at the idea ofsuffering any thing to mar the happiness I promise myself.

There is no possibility of my return till the middle of next week. Inone of my letters I put it to the last of next week, but we have thisday made unexpected progress. If we are equally fortunate and equallygood-natured, we may finish Wednesday night; but this is conjecture,and perhaps my impatience makes me too sanguine.

I broke off at the bottom of the other page to pay some attention tothose who deserve much from me (our dear children). To hear that theyare employed, that no time is absolutely wasted, is the mostflattering of any thing that can be told me of them. It ensures theiraffection, or is the best evidence of it. It ensures, in itsconsequences, every thing I am ambitions of in them. Endeavour topreserve regularity of hours; it conduces exceedingly to industry.

I have just heard of a Mr. Brown who goes down by water. As I may nothave another opportunity, I hazard it by him. He promises to leave itat old Mr. Rutherford's. Our business goes on very moderately thismorning. Witnesses all tardy. We have adjourned for want of somethingto do. Melancholy and vexatious. It has given me a headache. We shallbe holden, I fear, all next week. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Chester, 8 o'clock, 20th May, 1785.

Worse and worse. During the whole day we have not been five hours atbusiness. Our witnesses are so aged, and many so remote, that theywill not be in till Monday, so that, at this rate, we shall eke outthe whole of next week. I have at no time been so completely out ofpatience; just now particularly, being a little churlish with myheadache, which, though not very severe, unfits me for any thing butwriting to you.

I wrote you and the whole flock last evening, and added a line to youthis morning, and sent off the packet by a Mr. Brown, who goes bywater, and promised to deliver it him-self. He has business at old Mr.Rutherford's. If he is punctual, don't forget him in thinking of theletters. Do say something that will make me a little more content withthis vexatious delay and imprisonment. I am prompted to write ahundred things which I dare not, for fear I shall not find a safeconveyance: that was particularly the case last evening and thismorning. It is perhaps fortunate, or I should spend too much time withyou in this way. I believe I do as it is. Adieu, a little while. I amjust going to prepare some hot punch.

Ten o'clock.

I have been till this minute making and sipping punch, and with greatsuccess. It has thrown me into a perspiration, which obliges me to goto bed. I am very illy reconciled to leave you and bid you good-night,but so says my hard lot.

Saturday morning, 8 o'clock.

I lay awake till after three o'clock this morning; then got up andtook a large dose of medicine. It was composed posed of laudanum,nitre, and other savoury drugs, which procured me sleep till now: haveno headache; must eat breakfast, and away to court as fast aspossible.

Saturday Evening.

Every thing almost stands still. I begin to despair of getting away. Iam sure the whole of next week will not finish our business at thepresent rate. To make it more tedious and disagreeable, some of us areless good-humoured than at first. Not a line from you since that Ihave mentioned. I can find no opportunity for this. I am too vexed toutter one sentiment.

Sunday, 22d May.

No opportunity for this scrawl yet. I begin to be tired of seeing it,and wish it gone for this reason; and also, because I try to persuademyself you would be glad to receive it.

To-day we have fine scope to reflect how much better we might haveemployed it, had we been active in our business last week. I find thewhole might have been finished by yesterday (if the witnesses on bothsides had been ready) as well as a month hence.

My room is a kind of rendezvous for our side: have seldom, therefore,time either to think or write, unless at night or early in themorning. Judge Yates concludes to give us a few days of his company,and to accept of a room with us. The coming of Le Jeune uncertain; notprobably till fall. You will receive a pail of butter, perhaps, withthis. I have been contracting for the year.

Have you done running up and down stairs? How do you live, sleep, andamuse yourself? I wish, if you have leisure (or, if you have not, makeit), you would read the Abbé Mably's little book on the Constitutionof the United States. St. John has it in French, which is much betterthan a translation. This, you see, will save me the trouble of readingit; and I shall receive it with much more emphasis par la bouched'amour. Adieu. I seal this instantly, lest I be tempted to writemore. Again adieu.

A. BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, May 22d, 1785.

Your letter by Mr. Bayard was brought me on Saturday, and the first Ihad received since the one by Mr. Marvin till to-day. Mr. Brown verypunctually and civilly came with your welcome packet of Thursday, nineo'clock. It was just before dinner; the children were dispersed atdifferent employments. I furnished the mantelpiece with the contentsof the packet. When dinner was served up they were called. You knowthe usual eagerness on this occasion. They were all seated but Bartow,when he espied the letters; the surprise, the joy, the exclamationsexceed description. The greatest stoic would have forgot himself. Asilent tear betrayed me no philosopher. A most joyous repastsucceeded. We talked of our happiness, of our first of blessings, ourbest of papas. I enjoyed, my Aaron, the only happiness that couldaccrue from your absence. It was a momentary compensation; the onlyone I ever experienced. Your letters always afford me a singularsatisfaction;—a sensation entirely my own; this was peculiarly so. Itwrought strangely on my mind and spirits. My Aaron, it was repletewith tenderness! with the most lively affection. I read and re-read,till afraid I should get it by rote, and mingle it with common ideas;profane the sacred pledge. No; it shall not be. I will economize theboon. I will limit the recreation to those moments of retirementdevoted to thee. Of a sudden I found myself unusually fatigued. Ireflected on the cause, and soon found I had mounted the stairs muchoftener than I could possibly have done on any other occasion.

I am vexed with my last letter to you; 'tis impossible for me todisguise a single feeling or thought when I am writing or conversingwith the friend of my heart. I hope you have attended only to the lastparagraph, and avoided all unnecessary anxiety for her who wishes tobe a constant source of pleasure to thee. I have been in good healthsince Saturday morning. Since yesterday, unusually gay and happy;anticipating a thousand pleasures, studying every little arrangementthat can contribute to thy comfort. This wet weather is a bar to anyessential progress. The walls are still too damp to admit of eitherpaint or paper. I have a bed ready for the judge; ne vous genez paslâ-dessus. I am afraid some foolish reflections in my last willembarrass you. Your affection and tenderness has put them to flight."Let nothing mar the promised bliss." Thy Theo. waits withinexpressible impatience to welcome the return of her truly beloved.Every domestic joy shall decorate his mansion. When Aaron smiles,shall Theo. frown? Forbid it every guardian power.

Le Jeune perplexes me no longer. I am provoked with myself for havingrepeated it to you. Your dear little Theo. grows the most engagingchild you ever saw. She frequently talks of, and calls on, her dearpapa. It is impossible to see her with indifference. All moves as youwish it. All count the passing hours till thy return. Remember, I amin good health and spirits; that I expect the same account of yours.To think of me affectionately is my first command; to write me so, thesecond. Hasten to share the happiness of thy much loved and muchloving

THEODOSIA.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, August 28th, 1785.

The enclosed was to have gone yesterday, but the intended bearerdisappointed me. Young —— and his companions have just left us; attasting your Madeira he pronounced you a d——d clever fellow. Yourmerit increased with the number of glasses; they went away ingood-humour with themselves and the hostess. O my love, how earnestlyI pray that our children may never be driven from your paternaldirection. Had you been at home to-day, you would have felt as ferventin this prayer as your Theo. Our children were impressed with uttercontempt for their guest. This gave me real satisfaction.

I really believe, my dear, few parents can boast of children whoseminds are so prone to virtue. I see the reward of our assiduity withinexpressible delight, with a gratitude few experience. My Aaron, theyhave grateful hearts; some circ*mstances prove it, which I shallrelate to you with singular pleasure at your return. I pity A. C. frommy heart. She will feel the folly of an over zeal to accumulate.Bartow's assiduity and faithfullness is beyond description. My healthis not worse. I have been disappointed in a horse; shall have Pharaohto-morrow. Frederick is particularly attentive to my health; indeed,none of them are deficient in tenderness. All truly anxious for papa'sreturn; we fix Tuesday, beyond a doubt, but hope impossibilities.

I had a thousand things to write, but the idea of seeing you banishesevery other thought. I fear much the violent exertions you are obligedto make will injure your health. Remember how dear, how important itis to the repose, to the life of

THEODOSIA.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, August 29th, 1785.

As soon as Tuesday evening came, I sent repeated messages to Cape's,who persevered in the answer of there being no letter. I slept ill;found my health much worse in the morning; rode out; in spite ofexercise, continued ill till your dear letter was handed me. Iimmediately called for refreshment, and imagined I had recovered myhealth; my sensations still tell me so. Ten thousand thanks for thebest prescription that ever physician invented. I ride daily;breakfasted with Clem. Clarke this morning, who has scarce a trait ofhimself. He neither knows nor cares for anybody but his son, who isthree years and a half old, fair hair, but not handsome; muchhumoured; is introduced as a pet of the first value. Aunt more intemper than was expected. He dines here to-morrow with the two Blakes.I felt no other compulse to notice them than your wish.

Our little daughter's health has improved beyond my expectations. Yourdear Theodosia cannot hear you spoken of without an apparentmelancholy; insomuch that her nurse is obliged to exert her inventionto divert her, and myself avoid to mention you in her presence. Shewas one whole day indifferent to every thing but your name. Herattachment is not of a common nature; though this was my opinion, Iavoided the remark, when Mr. Grant observed it to me as a singularinstance.

You see I have followed your example in speaking first of myself. Iesteemed it a real trait of your affection, a sympathy in thefeelings, the anxiety of your Theo., who had every fear for yourhealth; more than you would allow her to express.

The garden wall is begun. I fear the front pavement will not answeryour intention. I write you again tomorrow. Much love awaits thee.Thine, unchangeably,

THEODOSIA BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, 25th September, 1785.

Your dear letter of Saturday morning has just reached me. I wasrelieved, delighted, till the recollection of the storm you have sinceweathered took place. How have you borne it? Ten thousand fears alarmme. I pursued thee yesterday, through wind and rain, till eve, when,fatigued, exhausted, shivering, thou didst reach thy haven, surroundedwith inattention, thy Theo. from thee. Thus agitated, I laid my headupon a restless pillow, turning from side to side, when thy kindredspirit found its mate. I beheld my much-loved Aaron, his tender eyesfixed kindly on me; they spake a body wearied, wishing repose, but notsick. This soothed my troubled spirit: I slept tolerably, but dare nottrust too confidently. I hasten to my friend to realize the delightfulvision; naught but thy voice can tranquillize my mind. Thou art theconstant subject of love, hope, and fear. The girls bewail thesufferings of their dear papa; the boys wish themselves in his place;Frederick frets at the badness of the horse; wishes money could puthim in thy stead. The unaffected warmth of his heart delights me. Ifaught can alleviate thy absence, 'tis these testimonies of gratitudeand affection from the young and guileless to the best of parents.They feel the hand that blesses them, and love because they areblessed. Thy orders shall be attended to. Mamma joins in the warmestassurances of sincere affection. Theodosia and Sally in perfecthealth. Beyond expression,

Yours,

THEODOSIA BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, 27th September, 1785.

I have counted the hours till evening; since that, the minutes, and amstill on the watch; the stage not arrived: it is a cruel delay. Yourhealth, your tender frame, how are they supported! Anxiety obliteratesevery other idea; every noise stops my pen; my heart flutters withhope and fear; the pavement from this to Cape's [4] is kept warm bythe family; every eye and ear engrossed by expectation; my mind is intoo much trepidation to write. I resume my pen after anothermessenger, in vain. I will try to tell you that those you love arewell; that the boys are very diligent; Ireson gone to Westchester. Mynew medicine will, I flatter myself, prove a lucky one. Sallyamazingly increased. Fream at work at the roof. He thinks it too flatto be secured. The back walls of the house struck through with thelate rain. M.Y. still at Miss W. You must not expect to find dancingon Thursday night. I should think it a degree of presumption to makethe necessary preparations without knowing the state of your health.Should this account prove favourable, I still think it best to delayit, as the stage is very irregular in its return. That of Saturday didnot arrive till Sunday morning; it brought an unfavourable account ofthe roads. Thus you probably would not partake, nor would I wishspectators to check my vigilance, or divide that attention which isever insufficient when thou art the object. O, my Aaron, how impatientI am to welcome thy return; to anticipate thy will, and receive thyloved commands. The clock strikes eleven. No stage. My letter must go.I have been three hours writing, or attempting to write, thisimperfect scrawl. The children desire me to speak their affection.Mamma will not be forgot; she especially shares my anxiousness. Adieu.

THEODOSIA BURR

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, October 30th, 1785. I have received your two affectionateletters. The enclosed was intended to have been sent by the stagewhich I met on my way up; but, by untoward accidents (needless todetail), yet lies by me. My disorder has left me almost since I leftthe city.

The person with whom I had business had gone from this place before myarrival, so that I should have been, ere this, on my return, but thatI have suffered myself to be engaged in two land causes (Van Hoesenand Van Rensselaer), which begin to-morrow, and will probably last thewhole week. I am retained for Van Hoesen, together with J. Bay and P.W. Yates. Such able coadjutors will relieve me of the principalburden. You may judge with what reluctance I engaged in a businesswhich will detain me so long from all that is dear and lovely. I darenot think on the period I have yet to be absent. I feel it in somesort a judgment for the letters written by the girls to N.W.

Your account of your health is very suspicious; you are not particularenough; you say nothing of the means you use to restore yourself;whether you take exercise, or how you employ your time.

I shall probably leave this on Sunday next; my horse will not take mehome in three days. I fear I shall not see you till Wednesday morningof next week; perhaps not even then, for I am engaged to attend thecourt at Bedford on Tuesday of next week. You shall hear again by thestage.

Will not these continued rains deprive us of the pleasure of thepromised visit of the W.'s? How is it possible you can write me suchshort letters, having so much leisure, and surrounded with all thatcan interest me? Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, 2d November, 1785.

I have lived these three days upon the letters I expected thisevening, and behold the stage without a line! I have been through therain, and dark, and mud, hunting up every passenger to catechise themfor letters, and can scarce yet believe that I am so totallyforgotten.

Our trial, of which I wrote you on Sunday, goes on moderately. It willcertainly last till twelve o'clock on Saturday night; longer itcannot, that being the last hour of court. Of course, I leave this onSunday; shall be detained at Westchester till about Thursday noon, andbe home on Friday. This is my present prospect; a gloomy one, Iconfess; rendered more so by your unpardonable silence. I have athousand questions to ask, but why ask of the dumb?

I am quite recovered. The trial in which I am engaged is a fatiguingone, and in some respects vexatious. But it puts me in better humourto reflect that you have just received my letter of Sunday, and aresaying or thinking some good-natured things of me. Determining towrite any thing that can amuse and interest me; every thing that canatone for the late silence, or compensate for the hard fate thatdivides us.

Since being here I have resolved that you in future accompany me onsuch excursions, and I am provoked to have yielded to your idle fearson this occasion. I have told here frequently, within a day or two,that I was never so long from home before, till, upon counting days, Ifind I have been frequently longer. I am so constantly anticipatingthe duration of this absence, that when I speak of it I realize thewhole of it.

Let me find that you have done justice to yourself and me. I shallforgive none the smallest omission on this head. Do not write by theMonday stage, or rather, do not send the letter you write, as it ispossible I shall leave the stage-road in my way to Bedford.

Affectionately adieu,

A. BURR.

Footnotes:

1. Major Popham, fifty-four years after the date of this letter,attended as a pall-bearer the funeral of Colonel Burr, the friend ofhis youth.

2. Mrs. Prevost's son.

3. The unfortunate Mrs. Alston, of whom much will be said hereafter.

4. Stagehouse.

CHAPTER XV.

FROM MRS. BURR

New-York, August, 1786.

Your letter was faithfully handed us by the boy from Hall's. Bartowhas enclosed the papers. Those you mentioned to me on the night ofyour departure I cannot forward, as I have forgot the names of theparties, and they cannot guess them in the office from my description,I hope the disappointment will not be irreparable.

If you finish your causes before court is over, cannot you look at us,even should you return to the manor? The two girls followed you to thestagehouse, saw you seated and drive off. Frederick's tooth preventedhis attendance. My heart is full of affection, my head too barren toexpress it. I am impatient for evening; for the receipt of your dearletter; for those delightful sensations which your expressions oftenderness alone can excite. Dejected, distracted with out them;elated, giddy even to folly with them; my mind, never at medium,claims every thing from your partiality.

I have just determined to take a room at aunt Clarke's till Sallyrecovers her appetite; by the advice of the physician, we have changedher food from vegetable to animal. A change of air may be equallybeneficial. You shall have a faithful account, I leave town at sixthis evening. All good angels attend thee. The children speak theirlove. Theodosia has written to you, and is anxious lest I should omitsending it. Toujours la vôtre,

THEODOSIA.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, August, 1786.

Your letter of Thursday evening was stuffed into one of the officepapers, so that I did not find it for half an hour after I receivedthe packet, during all which time I had the pleasure of abusing youstoutly. But I had only prepared myself for the most delightfulsurprise. I apologized with great submission.

Why are you so cautiously silent as to our little Sally? You do notsay that she is better or worse; from which I conclude she is worse. Iam not wholly pleased with your plan of meat diet. It is recommendedupon the idea that she has no disorder but a general debility. All thedisorders of this season are apt to be attended with fevers, in whichcase animal diet is unfriendly. I beg you to watch the effects of thiswhim with great attention. So essential a change will certainly havevisible effects. Remember, I do not absolutely condemn, because I donot know the principles, but am fearful.

Every minute of my time is engrossed to repair the loss of my littlebook. Thank the boys for their attention to the business I left themin charge. I wish either of them had given me a history of what isdoing in the office, and you of what is doing in the family. The girlsI know to be incorrigibly lazy, and therefore expect nothing fromthem. The time was—but I have no leisure to reflect.

Thine,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, August, eleven o'clock at night, 1786.

I have this day your letter by my express. I am sorry that you andothers perplex yourselves with that office nonsense. Am too fatiguedand too busy to say more of it. We began our Catskill causes thismorning, and have this minute adjourned to meet at seven in themorning. We shall be engaged at the same disagreeable rate tillSaturday evening. I think our title stands favourably; but the juryare such that the verdict will be in some measure hazardous. I havejudgment for Maunsel against Brown, after a laboured argument. Informhim, with my regards.

Since writing thus far, I have your affectionate letter by the stage,which revives me. I shall not go to the manor. But, if I succeed inour causes, shall be obliged to go to Catskill to settle with thetenants, make sales, &c. Of this you cannot know till Tuesday evening.

I am wrong to say that I shall not go to the manor. I am obliged toattend a Court of Chancery there. The chancellor had gone hence beforemy arrival. I cannot be home till Thursday evening. I hope your nextwill be of the tenour of the last. Your want of cheerfullness is theleast acceptable of any token of affection you can give me. Goodangels guard and preserve you.

A. BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, November, 1787.

What language can express the joy, the gratitude of Theodosia? Stageafter stage without a line. Thy usual punctuality gave room for everyfear; various conjectures filled every breast. One of our sons was tohave departed tomorrow in quest of the best of friends and fathers.This morning we waited the stage with impatience. Shrouder wentfrequently before it arrived; at length returned—no letter. We werestruck dumb with disappointment. Bartow set out to inquire who werethe passengers; in a very few minutes returned exulting,—a packetworth the treasures of the universe. Joy brightened every face; allexpressed their past anxieties; their present happiness. To enjoy wasthe first result. Each made choice of what they could best relish.Porter, sweet wine, chocolate, and sweetmeats made the most delightfulrepast that could be shared without thee. The servants were made tofeel their lord was well, are at this instant toasting his healthand bounty; while the boys are obeying thy dear commands, thyTheodosia flies to speak her heartfelt joys:—her Aaron safe, mistressof the heart she adores; can she ask more? has Heaven more to grant?"Plus que jamais à vous," dost thou recollect it? Do I read right? Ican't mistake; I read it everywhere; 'tis stamped on the blank paper;I sully the impression with reluctance; I know not what I write. Youtalk of long absence. I stoop not to dull calculations; thou hastjudged it best; thy breast breathes purest flame. What greaterblessing can await me? Every latent spark is kindled in my soul. Myimagination is crowded with ideas; they leave me no time forutterance; plus que jamais; but for Sally, I should set outto-morrow to meet you. I must dress and visit to-morrow. I have heardnothing of the W.s. Our two dear pledges have an instinctive knowledgeof their mother's bliss. They have been awake all the evening I havethe youngest in my arms. Our sweet prattler exclaims at every noise,There's dear papa, and runs to meet him. I pursue the medicine I beganwhen you left us, and believe it efficacious. Exercise costs me acrown a day; our own horse disabled by the nail which penetrated thejoint. I have grown less, and better pleased with myself; feelconfident of your approbation. W. hastens the first assembly. F.feigns herself lame, that she may not accompany M., who submits toevery little meanness, and bears all hints with insensibility. Hascalled here once. Clement sailed on Monday.

Your remark on the shortness of my letters is flattering. This is thelast you shall complain of. My spirits and nerves coincide in askingrepose. Your daughter commands it. Our dear children join in thestrongest assurances of honest love. Mamma will not be forgotten.Sweet sleep attend thee. Thy Theo.'s spirit shall preside. I wish youmay find this scrawl as short at reading as I have at writing. I amsurprised to find myself obliged to enclose it. Adieu.

THEODOSIA BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, Wednesday, November, 1787.

My health is better. As I fondly believe this the most interestingintelligence I can give thee, I make it my preamble. What would I notgive to have but those four small words from thee? Though I had butlittle hope, I found myself involuntarily counting the passing hours.My messenger met the stage at the door. I need not relate his success.I fancy many ills from the situation of your health when you lefthome, and pray ardently they may prove merely fanciful. I have stillthree tedious days to the next stage, when a line of affection shallrepay all my anxieties. Ireson returned to-day. The poor boys havereally been models of industry. They write all day and evening, andsometimes all night, nor allow themselves time to powder.

I feel as though my guardian angel had forsaken me. I fear every thingbut ghosts. Tell me, Aaron, why do I grow every day more tenacious ofthy regard? Is it possible my affection can increase? Is it becauseeach revolving day proves thee more deserving? Surely, thy Theo.needed no proof of thy goodness. Heaven preserve the patron of myflock; preserve the husband of my heart; teach me to cherish his love,and to deserve the boon.

THEODOSIA BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Poughkeepsie, 28th June, 1788.

This afternoon the stage will pass through this place. Your letterswill not come to me till the morning, so that I can only thank you forthem, and the kind things they contain, by anticipation. I havealready read them in the same way, and therefore do thank you forthem, de plein coeur. I have a convenient room for my business inone house, board at a different house, and bad lodgings at a thirdhouse. This is, indeed, not so convenient an arrangement as might bewished; but I could not procure these different accommodations at lessthan three houses in this metropolis and seat of government.

As the boys will wish to know something of the progress of businesshere, tell them that the cause of Freer and Van Vleeck has been thisday put off by the defendants, on payment of costs, on an affidavit ofthe want of papers. In Noxon's cause I have a verdict for thirty-fourpounds. The evidence clearly entitled Mr. Livingston to three or fourhundred pounds, and so was the charge of the judge; but landlords arenot popular or favoured in this county. I am now going to court todefend an action of trespass, in which I have been employed here; andshall try Mr. Lansing's cause to-morrow, which will close my businesshere. With how much regret I shall go further from home. Kiss our dearchildren.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Poughkeepsie, 29th June, 1788.

I have sat an hour at the door watching the arrival of the stage. Atlength it comes, and your dear packet is handed to me just in seasonto be acknowledged by Mr. Johnstone. He will tell you of the furtherprogress of my business and my intended movements. I go this eveningto Rhinebeck. How wishfully I look homeward. I like your industry, andwill certainly reward it as you shall direct.

My time is much engrossed. My health perfectly good. You say nothingof yours; but your industry is a good omen. You can write to me byMonday's stage, directed to be forwarded to me from Rhinebeck. I shallbe then at Kingston. Much love to the smiling little girl. I receivedher letter, but not the pretty things. I continually plan my returnwith childish impatience, and fancy a thousand incidents which renderit more interesting. Reserve your health and spirits, and I shall notbe deceived.

Affectionately,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, August 7th, 1788.

Oh Theo.! there is the most delightful grove—so darkened withweeping willows, that at noonday a susceptible fancy like yourswould mistake it for a bewitching moonlight evening. Thesesympathizing willows, too, exclude even the prying eye of curiosity.Here no rude noise interrupts the softest whisper. Here no harshersound is heard than the wild cooings of the gentle dove, the gaythresher's animated warbles, and the soft murmurs of the passingbrook. Really, Theo., it is charming.

I should have told you that I am speaking of Fort Johnson, where Ihave spent a day. From this amiable bower you ascend a gentledeclivity, by a winding path, to a cluster of lofty oaks and locusts.Here nature assumes a more august appearance. The gentle brook, whichmurmured soft below, here bursts a cataract. Here you behold thestately Mohawk roll his majestic wave along the lofty Apalachians.Here the mind assumes a nobler tone, and is occupied by sublimerobjects. What there was tenderness, here swells to rapture. It istruly charming.

The windings of this enchanting brook form a lovely island, variegatedby the most sportive hand of nature. This shall be yours. We willplant it with jessamines and woodbine, and call it Cyprus. It seemsformed for the residence o£ the loves and the graces, and is thereforeyours by the best of titles. It is indeed most charming.

But I could fill sheets in description of the beauties of thisromantic place. We will reserve it for the subject of many an amusinghour. And besides being little in the habit of the sublime orpoetical, I grow already out of breath, and begin to falter, as youperceive. I cannot, however, omit the most interesting and importantcirc*mstance; one which I had rather communicate to you in this waythan face to face. I know that you was opposed to this journey to FortJohnson. It is therefore with the greater regret that I communicatethe event; and you are not unacquainted with my inducements to it.

In many things I am indeed unhappy in possessing a singularity oftaste; particularly unhappy when that taste differs in any thing fromyours. But we cannot control necessity, though we often persuadeourselves that certain things are our choice, when in truth we havebeen unavoidably impelled to them. In the instance I am going torelate, I shall not examine whether I have been governed by merefancy, or by motives of expediency, or by caprice; you will probablysay the latter.

My dear Theo., arm yourself with all your fortitude. I know you havemuch of it, and I hope that upon this occasion you will not fail toexercise it. I abhor preface and preamble, and don't know why I havenow used it so freely. But I am well aware that what I am going torelate needs much apology from me, and will need much to you. If Iam the unwilling, the unfortunate instrument of depriving you of anypart of your promised gayety or pleasure, I hope you are too generousto aggravate the misfortune by upbraiding me with it. Be assured (Ihope the assurance is needless), that whatever diminishes yourhappiness equally impairs mine. In short, then, for I grow tediousboth to you and myself; and to procrastinate the relation ofdisagreeable events only gives them poignancy; in short, then, my dearTheo., the beauty of this same Fort Johnson, the fertility of thesoil, the commodiousness and elegance of the buildings, the greatvalue of the mills, and the very inconsiderable price which was askedfor the whole, have not induced me to purchase it, and probablynever will: in the confidence, however, of meeting your forgiveness,

Affectionately yours,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, 26th October, 1788.

I wrote you a few hours ago, and put the letter into the postofflce.Little did I then imagine how much pleasure was near at hand for me.Judge Hobart has this minute arrived, and handed me your letter ofMonday. I cannot thank you sufficiently for all the affection itcontains. Be assured it has every welcome which congenial affectioncan give.

The headache with which I left New-York grew so extreme, that findingit impossible to proceed in the stage, the view of a vessel offTarrytown, under full sail before the wind, tempted me to go on board.We reached West Point that night, and lay there at anchor near threedays. After a variety of changes from sloop to wagon, from wagon tocanoe, and from canoe to sloop again, I reached this place lastevening. I was able, however, to land at Rhinebeck on Thursdayevening, and there wrote you a letter which I suppose reached you onSaturday last.

My business in court will detain me till Saturday of this week, when Ipropose to take passage in sloop. I have just drunk tea with Mrs.Fairlie, and her daughter, five days old. Thank Bartow for the papersby Judge Hobart. When I wrote him this evening I had not receivedthem.

Yours,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, November, 1788.

I received your affectionate letter just as I was going into court,and under the auspices of it have tried with success two causes. Thebearer of this was my client in one of them, and is happy beyondmeasure at his success. Business has increased upon my hands since Icame here. My return seems daily more distant, but not to be regrettedfrom any views but those of the heart.

I hope you persevere in the regular mode of life which I pointed outto you. I shall be seriously angry if you do not. I think you had besttake less wine and more exercise. A walk twice round the garden beforebreakfast, and a ride in the afternoon, will do for the present, andthis will be necessary to fit you for the journey to Long Island.

A Captain Randolph will call with Mr. Mersereau: c'est un soldat ethonnête homme, donnez eux à boire. They will answer all yourquestions.

Yours truly,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, 23d November, 1788.

I thank you for your obliging letter of the 19th. It is not, indeed,so long as I had hoped, but your reason for being concise is tooingenious not to be admitted. I have, however, a persuasion that youare at this moment employed in the same manner that I am; and in thehope that your good intentions will not be checked by either want ofhealth or want of spirits, I venture to expect a much longer letter bythe coming post.

Your account of the progress of the measles is alarming. I am pleasedto find that you yet keep your ground. It persuades me that,notwithstanding what you have written, you do not think the hazardvery great. That disorder hath found its way to this city, but with nounfavourable symptoms. It is not spoken of as a thing to be eitherfeared or avoided.

I have no prospect of being able to leave this place before this dayweek, probably not so soon. You must, by return of post, assure methat I shall find you in good health and spirits. This will enable meto despatch business and hasten my return. Kiss those who love me.

A. BURR

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, 26th November, 1788.

The unusual delay of the post deprives me of the pleasure of hearingfrom you this evening. This I regret the more, as your last makes meparticularly anxious for that which I expected by this post.

I am wearied out with the most tedious cause I was ever engaged in.To-morrow will be the eighth day since we began it, and it mayprobably last the whole of this week. Write me whether any thing callsparticularly for my return so as to prevent my concluding my businesshere. I am at a loss what to write until I have your answer to myletters, for which I am very impatient.

Yours affectionately,

A. BURR.

From the commencement of the year 1785 until the year 1788, ColonelBurr took but little part in the political discussions of the day. Inthe year 1787 the opinion had become universal that the states couldnot be kept together under the existing articles of confederation. Onthe second Monday in May, 1787, a convention met in Philadelphia forthe avowed purpose of "revising the Articles of Confederation," &c.On the 28th of September following, that convention, having agreedupon a "new constitution," ordered that the same be transmitted tothe several legislatures for the purpose of being submitted to aconvention of delegates, chosen in each state, for its adoption orrejection.

In January, 1788, the legislature of New-York met, and warmdiscussions ensued on the subject of the new constitution. Thesediscussions arose on the question of calling a state convention.Parties had now become organized. The friends of the new constitutionstyled themselves federalists. Its opponents were designatedanti-federalists. The latter denied the right of the generalconvention to form a "new constitution," and contended that they werelimited in their powers to "revising and amending the Articles ofConfederation." The former asserted that the general convention hadnot transcended its powers.

Colonel Burr, on this point, appears to have assumed a neutral stand;but, in other respects, connected himself with what was termed theanti-federal party. He wished amendments to the constitution, and hadreceived, in common with many others, an impression that the powers ofthe federal government, unless more distinctly defined, would be soexercised as to divest the states of every attribute of sovereignty,and that on their ruins ultimately there would be erected a splendidnational instead of a federal government.

In April, 1788, Colonel Burr was nominated by the anti-federalists ofthe city of New-York as a candidate for the assembly. The feelings ofthat day may be judged of by the manner in which the ticket washeaded. It was published in the newspapers and in handbills asfollows:—

"The sons of liberty, who are again called upon to contend with thesheltered aliens, who have, by the courtesy of our country, beenpermitted to remain among us, will give their support to the followingticket:—

"William Deming, Melancton Smith, Marinus Willet, and Aaron Burr."

The federalists prevailed by an overwhelming majority. The strength ofthe contending parties was in the ratio of about seven federalists (ortories) for one anti-federalist (or whig). Such were the politicalcognomens of the day. The federalists styled their opponentsanti-federalists. The anti-federalists designated their opponentstories.

In April, 1789, there was an election for governor of the State ofNew-York. The anti-federal party nominated George Clinton. A meetingof citizens, principally federalists, was held in the city ofNew-York, and Judge Robert Yates was nominated in opposition to Mr.Clinton. Mr. Yates was a firm and decided anti-federalist. He wasknown to be the personal and political friend of Colonel Burr. At thismeeting a committee of correspondence was appointed. Colonel Hamiltonand Colonel Burr were both members of this committee.

In their address recommending Judge Yates they state, thatChief-justice Morris or Lieutenant-governor Van Courtlandt were thefavourite candidates of the federal party; but, for the sake ofharmonizing conflicting interests, a gentleman (Mr. Yates), known asan anti-federalist, had been selected, and they respectfully recommendto Mr. Morris and Mr. Van Courtlandt to withdraw their names, and tounite in the support of Mr. Yates. This address was signed byAlexander Hamilton as chairman. Mr. Clinton, however, was re-elected.

This support of Judge Yates did not diminish Governor Clinton'sconfidence in the political integrity, or lessen his respect for thetalents, of Colonel Burr. A few months after the election the governortendered to him the office of attorney-general of the state. At firsthe hesitated about accepting the appointment; but, on the 25th ofSeptember, 1789, addressed his excellency as follows:—

TO GOVERNOR GEORGE CLINTON.

SIR,

In case the office you were pleased to propose should be offered tome, I have, upon reflection, determined to accept it; at least untilit shall be known upon what establishment it will be placed. Myhesitation arose not from any dislike to the office, but from thecirc*mstances which I took the liberty to suggest in our conversationon this subject.

I have the honour to be

Your excellency's obedient servant,

A. BURR.

On the receipt of the above note, Governor Clinton nominated ColonelBurr to the council of appointment as attorney-general of the state,and the nomination was confirmed. This office was rather professionalthan political. It was, however, at the time, highly important, andimposed the most arduous duties upon the incumbent. Under the newconstitution of the United States, after the organization of thegovernment, many intricate questions arose. To discriminate betweenthe claims upon the respective states and those upon the federalgovernment, often required close investigation and no inconsiderabledegree of legal astuteness. The claims of individuals who had been inthe service of the state during the war of the revolution, or who hadotherwise become creditors, were now presented for adjustment. Therewere no principles settled by which their justice or legality could betested. All was chaos; and the legislature was about to be overwhelmedwith petitions from every quarter for debts due, or for injuriesalleged to have been sustained by individuals who had been compelledto receive depreciated money, or whose private property had been takenfor public use. In this dilemma the legislature passed an actauthorizing the appointment of commissioners to report on the subject.The commissioners were Gerard Bancker, treasurer, Peter T. Curtenius,state auditor, and Aaron Burr, attorney-general.

During the period that Colonel Burr was attorney-general, the seat ofgovernment was in the city of New-York. His official duties,therefore, seldom required his absence from home, when his privatebusiness, as a professional man, would not have rendered that absencenecessary. His correspondence, although more limited, lost none of itsinterest, and miscellaneous selections from it are thereforecontinued.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, 21st October, 1789.

MY DEAREST THEODOSIA,

I have this moment received your letter of Sunday evening, containingthe account of your alarming accident and most fortunate rescue andescape. I thank Heaven for your preservation, and thank you a thousandtimes for your particular and interesting account of it.

I left my sloop at Kinderhook on Monday morning, and came here thatday in a wagon. I wrote you on the passage, and attempted to leave theletter at Poughkeepsie, but the wind not permitting us to stop, I wenton board a Rhinebeck sloop, and there found Mrs. Peter R. Livingston,who offered to take charge of my letter.

I am relieved from much anxiety by your management of certainarrangements; I am glad M. W. is content. Mrs. Witbeck met with anaccident a little similar to yours; but she lost only her cap andhair.

I am delighted to find that you anticipate as a pleasure that by thispost you may write as much as you please. If you set no other bound toyour pen than my gratification, you will write me the history everyday, not of your actions only (the least of which will beinteresting), but of your thoughts. I shall watch with eagerness andimpatience the coming of every stage. Let me not be disappointed; youhave raised and given confidence to these hopes. We lodge at a neat,quiet widow's, near the Recorder Gansevoort's. Sill invited us veryfriendly.

Affectionately,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, 24th October, 1783.

With what pleasure have I feasted for three days past upon the lettersI was to receive this evening. I was engaged in court when the stagepassed. Upon the sound of it I left court and ran to the postoffice;judge of my mortification to find not a line from your hand. Surely,in the course of three days, you might have found half an hour to havedevoted to me. You well knew how much I relied on it; you knew thepleasure it would have given me, and the disappointment and chagrin Ishould feel from the neglect. I cannot, will not believe that theseconsiderations have no weight with you. But a truce to complaints. Iwill hope that you have written, and that some accident has detainedthe letter.

Your misfortunes so engrossed me, that I forgot to inquire aboutAugustine's horses; and to give a caution, which I believe isneedless, about the blank checks. Do not part with one till you see itfilled up with sum and date. T. P. is apt to make mistakes, and oncelost a check which was by accident detected before it was presentedfor payment. This is my fourth letter. Perhaps I write too much, andyou wish to give me an example of moderation.

Yours affectionately,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, 28th October, 1789.

The history of your sufferings, this moment received, is trulyunexpected and affecting. My sympathy was wholly with your unfortunateleft hand. The distressing circ*mstances respecting your face mustcertainly be owing to something more than the mere misfortune of yourburn. I cannot help feeling a resentment which must not be in this wayexpressed. I am sure your sufferings might have been prevented. I hadpromised myself that they were at an end many days ago.

Forgive my splenetic letter by the last post. I cannot tell you howmuch I regret it. When I was complaining and accusing you of neglect,you were suffering the most excruciating pain; but I could not haveimagined this unfortunate reverse. Impute my impatience to my anxietyto hear from you. I am pleased at the gayety of your letter. Do notthink a moment of the consequences which you apprehend from the wound.Let me only hear that you are relieved from pain, and I am happy. Thisis my fifth letter. Frederick is the laziest dog in the world for nothaving written me of your situation.

Yours, truly and affectionately,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Claverack, 27th June, 1791.

I have just arrived here, and find Mr. B. Livingston about to returnto New-York. He informs me that he left home on Saturday, and sent youword that he was to meet me here. It was kind in him. I cannot say asmuch of the improvement you made of his goodness.

It is surprising that you tell me nothing of Theo. I would by no meanshave her writing and arithmetic neglected. It is the part of hereducation which is of the most present importance. If Shepherd willnot attend her in the house, another must be had; but I had rather payhim double than employ another. Is Chevalier still punctual? Let meknow whether you are yet suited with horses, and how?

In your letters, speak of Brooks and Ireson's attendance. I wish youwould often step into the office, and see as many as you can of thepeople who come on business. Does young Mr. Broome attend? Other andmore interesting questions have been made and repeated in my formerletters; I will therefore, at present, fatigue with no moreinterrogatories. Adieu.

A. BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

New-York, 30th June, 1791.

My letter missed the post yesterday not from my neglect. It waited forBrooks's packet, which was not ready till the mail was gone. Mr. B.Livingston just handed me the one you intrusted to him. I was the morepleased with it, as he accompanied it with the most favourabie accountof your health I have received since your absence, and promises toforward this in the afternoon.

The Edwardses dine with me; they had taken lodgings previous to theirarrival, in consequence of a report made them by the little Bodowins(who were at Mrs. Moore's last winter), that my house was too smalland inconvenient to admit of a spare bed. I esteem it a lucky escape.It would have been impossible for me to have borne the fatigue.Charlotte is worn out with sleepless nights, laborious days, and ananxious mind. Hannah constantly drunk. Except William, who is a merewaiter, I have no servant.

My guests are come to dinner. I have solicited them, and shall again,to stay here; but, if they positively decline it, I will go toFrederick. I will steal a moment after dinner to add another page.

July 2d.

The person Mr. Livingston expected to forward my letter by did not go,nor could I hear of an opportunity, till, this moment, Mr. Williamsoffered to take charge of this. I had arranged every thing to set outfor Frederick this morning, when a mortification was found to havetaken place on Charlotte's child, and she could not be moved. As I hadcarted every thing on board, which I assure you was no small piece ofbusiness, I sent Natie with the three younger children, and keptLouise and Theo to go with me, whenever this disagreeable event ispast.

Theo never can or will make the progress we would wish her while shehas so many avocations. I kept her home a week in hopes Shepherd wouldconsent to attend her at home, but he absolutely declined it, as hispartners thought it derogatory to their dignity. I was thereforeobliged to submit, and permit her to go as usual. She begins tocipher. Mr. Chevalier attends regularly, and I take care she neveromits learning her French lesson. I believe she makes most progress inthis. Mr. St. Aivre never comes; he can get no fiddler, and I am toldhis furniture, &c. have been seized by the sheriff. I don't think thedancing lessons do much good while the weather is so warm; theyfatigue too soon. I have a dozen and four tickets on hand, which Ithink will double in value at my return. As to the music, upon thefooting it now is she can never make progress, though she sacrificestwo thirds of her time to it. 'Tis a serious check to her otheracquirements. She must either have a forte-piano at home, or renouncelearning it. For these reasons I am impatient to go in the country.Her education is not on an advantageous footing at present. Besides,the playfellows she has at home makes it the most favourable momentfor her to be at liberty a few weeks, to range and gain in health agood foundation for more application at our return, when I hope tohave her alone; nay, I will have her alone. I cannot live so great aslave, and she shall not suffer. My time shall not be an unwillingsacrifice to others; it shall be hers. She shall have it, but I willnot use severity; and without it, at present, I can obtain nothing;'tis a bad habit, which she never deserves when I have her to myself.The, moment we are alone she tries to amuse me with her improvement,which the little jade knows will always command my attention; butthese moments are short and seldom. I have so many triflinginterruptions, that my head feels as if I had been a twelvemonth atsea. I scarcely know what I speak, and much less what I write.

What a provoking thing that I, who never go out, who never dressbeyond a decent style at home, should not have a leisure moment toread a newspaper. It is a recreation I have not had since you lefthome, nor could I get an opportunity by water to send them to you.Albany will be a more favourable situation for every conveyance. But Idon't understand why your lordship can't pay your obeisance at home inthis four week vacation. I think I am entitled to a reason.

Brooks attends regularly. Ireson from six to twelve, and from two tosix, as punctual as possible. I should have made the office more mybusiness had I known it would have been agreeable to you. I shall beattentive for the future. Bartow is here every morning. Most peopleeither choose to wait for him, or call at some appointed hour when hecan be here. Mr. Broome is here every day.

God knows the quality of this epistle; but the quantity I am certainyou won't complain of. 'Tis like throwing the dice—a mere game athazard; like all gamblers, I am always in hopes the last will prove alucky cast. Pray, in what consists the pleasure of a familiarcorrespondence? In writing without form or reflection your ideas andfeelings of the moment, trusting to the partiality of your friendevery imperfect thought, and to his candour every ill-turned phrase.Such are the letters I love, and such I request of those I love. Itmust be a very depraved mind from whom such letters are notacceptable.

Neither the packet you left at Kingston, nor the money and greatcoatby Colonel Gausbeck, have yet reached me. I wish you could have passedthat leisure four weeks with me at Frederick's. How pleasant such aparty would have been. How much quiet we should have enjoyed.

July 3d.

I was interrupted yesterday by the death of Charlotte's child. Thougha long-expected event, still the scene is painful. The mother's tearswere almost too much for me. I hope nothing new will occur to impedemy journey. I set off to-morrow morning.

I am not so sick as when I wrote you last, nor so well as when youleft me. I confess I have neglected the use of those medicines I foundrelief from. The situation of my family has obliged me to neglectmyself, nor can I possibly use them at Frederick's. We shall be toocrowded. I will nevertheless take them with me. I live chiefly on ale.I buy very good for one dollar per dozen. I have had twenty-one dozenof your pipe of wine bottled. I think it very good.

I thank you for your remembrance per post of 30th June. It wasacceptable, though short. How is it possible you had nothing more towrite? I know the head may be exhausted, but I was in hopes the heartnever could. I am surprised at your not getting my letters. I fearseveral have either gone to Albany or are lost. I shall, from thisday, keep the dates. I wrote you last Sunday—so did Ireson.

You can have no idea how comfortable the house seems since the smalltribe have left it. A few weeks' quiet would restore my head. Itreally wants rest. You can't know how weak it is. I cannot guide asingle thought. Those very trifling cares were ever more toilsome tome than important matters; they destroy the mind. But I am beginninganother sheet; I am sure you must be tired of this unconnected medley.I will bid you adieu.

Theo. has begun to write several letters, but never finished one. Theonly time she has to write is also the hour of general leisure, and,when once she is interrupted, there is no making her return to work. Ihave nothing more to write, except that I am yours affectionately,

THEO. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, 17th July, 1791.

I returned yesterday from Johnstown, worn down with heat, fatigue, andbad fare. It is some small consolation that these tedious journeys arenot wholly unproductive.

At Johnstown I was very unexpectedly and agreeably surprised by yourletter of the 21st June, which was addressed to me at Kingston. It hadbeen intrusted to an Irishman, whom I at length met pretty much byaccident. It informs me of the villany of Frederick's servants, and ofhis wanting a rib. The latter I have equally at heart with you, andnever lose sight of it; but, really, the big mother will not do; thefather is not much better—reputable and rich, but coarse anddisgusting.

On my return to this place I found your letter of Wednesday morning. Ifear the bad road near Pelham will discourage you from riding. As youare likely to make considerable use of it, would it not be worth whileto have a few days' work done on it? About an hour after the receiptof the last-mentioned letter, I was made happy by the receipt of thatof the 10th instant, which came by sloop. You seem fatigued andworried, your head wild and scarcely able to write, but do not namethe cause. Whatever it may have been, I am persuaded that nothing willso speedily and effectually remove such sensations as gentle exercise(or even if it is not gentle) in the open air. The extreme heat of theweather, and the uncommon continuance of it, have, I fear, interruptedyour good intentions on this head, especially as you are no friend toriding early. I wish you would alter this part (if it is any part) ofyour system. Walking early is bad on account of the dew; but ridingcan, I think, in such weather, be only practised with advantage earlyin the morning. The freshness of the air, and the sprightliness of allanimated nature, are circ*mstances of no trifling consequence. I haveno letter from you by the last post, which put me almost out ofhumour, notwithstanding the receipt of the three above mentionedwithin forty-eight hours, of which, however, the latest is a week old.

I hope Theo. will learn to ride on horseback. Two or three hours a dayat French and arithmetic will not injure her. Be careful of greenapples, &c.

I have been persuaded to undertake a laborious piece of business,which will employ me diligently for about ten days. The eloquencewhich wrought upon me was principally money. I am now at wages. Whatsacrifices of time and pleasure do I make to this paltryobject—contemptible indeed in itself, but truly important andattractive as the means of gratifying those I love. No otherconsideration could induce me to spend another day of my life inobjects in themselves uninteresting, and which afford neitherinstruction nor amusem*nt. They become daily more disgusting to me; insome degree, perhaps, owing to my state of health, which is much aswhen I left New-York. The least fatigue brings a slight return offever.

Your exercise, your medicine, and your reading are three subjects uponwhich you have hitherto dwelt only in prospect. They must be all, insome degree, within your power. I have a partiality for the littlestudy as your bedroom. Say a word of each of these matters in yournext.

Continue and multiply your letters to me. They are all my solace inthis irksome and laborious confinement. The six last are constantlywithin my reach. I read them once a day at least. Write me of all Ihave requested, and a hundred things which I have not. You best knowhow to please and interest.

Your affectionate

A. BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

Pelham, 23d July, 1791.

I have just now received your welcome letter of the 17th inst. Thepleasure imparted by so flattering a testimony of your good-will, wastempered with a large portion of alloy in the confession of your illhealth. I was apprehensive travelling in the heat and badaccommodations would check your recovery. Do return home as soon aspossible; or, rather, come to Pelham; try quiet, and the good air, andthe attention and friendship of those who love you. You may commandBartow's attendance here whenever it suits you, and you have afaithful envoy in Frederick, who will go post with your commands asoften as you wish. It is, indeed, of serious consequence to you, toestablish your health before you commence politician: when once youget engaged, your industry will exceed your strength; your pride causeyou to forget yourself. But remember, you are not your own; there arethose who have stronger claims than ambition ought to have, or thepublic can have.

Why did you undertake that very laborious task you mention? 'Tiscertain I have a great pleasure in spending money, but not when it isaccompanied with the unpleasant reflection of sacrificing your healthto the pursuit.

Theo. is much better; she writes and ciphers from five in the morningto eight, and also the same hours in the evening. This prevents ourriding at those hours, except Saturday and Sunday, otherwise I shouldcheerfully follow your directions, as I rise at five or six every day.Theo. makes amazing progress at figures. Though Louisa has worked atthem all winter, and appeared quite an adept at first, yet Theo. isnow before her, and assists her to make her sums. You will really besurprised at her improvement. I think her time so well spent that Ishall not wish to return to town sooner than I am obliged. She doesnot ride on horseback, though Frederick has a very pretty riding horsehe keeps for her; but were she to attempt it now, there would be somuch jealousy, and so many would wish to take their turn, that itwould really be impracticable. But we have the best substituteimaginable. As you gave me leave to dispose of the old wheels as Ipleased, I gave them as my part towards a wagon; we have a good plainDutch wagon, that I prefer to a carriage when at Pelham, as theexercise is much better. We ride in numbers and are well jolted, andwithout dread. 'Tis the most powerful exercise I know. No Springseats; but, like so many pigs, we bundle together on straw. Four milesare equal to twenty. It is really an acquisition. I hope you will seeour little girl rosy cheeked and plump as a partridge. I rejoice withyou at the poor major's return. I grow lazy, and love leisure; and,above all, the privilege of disposing of my own time with quiet andretirement when it suits me. I have also made choice of the littlestudy for my own apartment; but with so large a family, and so fewconveniences, there can be no place of retirement. The vacation hoursof school, and Sunday, there is a constant hurlyburly, and every kindof noise, though it is really much better than I feared. I take allthings as philosophically as I know how; provided I have no real evilto struggle with, I pass on with the tumult. I am now writing in themidst of it. The variety of sounds almost dim my sight; but I writeon, and trust to good luck more than reflection, I find so much to saythat I need not hesitate for matter, though I might for propriety ofspeaking. My spirits are better: as to industry, it is of a veryflighty kind, and so variegated that it will not bear description. Itrequired some attention to get matters en train: it was like moving.My disorder I have not, nor am not able to attend to; 'tis attendedwith so many disagreeable circ*mstances that it is not practicable atpresent; but my general health is greatly improved, and my head muchrelieved. The hint you give respecting a rib for Frederick is moreelating than I can express. You say nothing of B. That part of mypetition was not less interesting. I humbly pray your honour may takeinto consideration the equity and propriety of my prayer, and grant menot only a hearing, but deign to give due consideration to the prayerof your humble petitioner, being confident she will find grace andmercy from your tribunal, with a full grant of all your endeavours toreinstate her in that desired tranquillity whose source is in yourbreast, to that happiness which is suspended on your will.

The heat and drought exceed all recollection. The town is extremelyunhealthy. It is fortunate we are here. There is always air—neverheat enough to incommode one. I am certain the child would havesuffered in town; she was much reduced; her voice and breast wereweak. Adieu. I think you must be tired before this. Attend toyourself. If you love us, you will. You will for your

THEODOSIA BURR.

FROM MRS. BURR.

Pelham, 27th July, 1791.

I have lost some of your letters, and I make no doubt some of minehave met the same fate; for this reason I am discouraged trusting anymore to the stage. I am obliged to wait with all the patience I cancommand till the boat returns from town. I have no prospect at presentof forwarding this. I write to repeat my thanks for yours of the 17th.It is the last I have received. I read it frequently, and always withnew pleasure. I was disappointed at not having a line from you by theSaturday's mail. It is not fair to stand on punctilio, when you knowthe disadvantages attending my situation here. You ought to be doublyattentive pour me soulager. It is not so practicable to send somemiles from home twice a week as you imagine.

Poor Dr. Wright had his house two days ago burnt to the ground, andall the furniture, with every article of clothing both of themselvesand the children. She is very disconsolate, and much to be pitied. Wecertainly see the old proverb very often verified. "That misfortunesnever come singly," that poor little woman is a proof. They talk of ageneral war in Europe; in that case le moulin will be an object. Wewait your return to determine all things. The Emperess of Russia is assuccessful as I wish her. What a glorious figure will she make on thehistorical page! Can you form an idea of a more happy mortal than shewill be when seated on the throne of Constantinople? How her ambitionwill be gratified; the opposition and threats of Great Britain, &c.will increase her triumph. I wish I had wit and importance enough towrite her a congratulatory letter. The ladies should deify her, andconsecrate a temple to her praise. It is a diverting thought, that themighty Emperor of the Turks should be subdued by a woman. How enviablethat she alone should be the avenger of her sex's wrongs for so manyages past. She seems to have awakened Justice, who appears to be asleepy dame in the cause of injured innocence.

Am I dreaming, or do you leave home again before you go toPhiladelphia? Tell all your intentions; I love to plan and arrange.Our blind state here is one of our most vexatious evils; that state ofuncertainty damps every view, and converts our most pleasing hopesinto the most disappointing reflections.

Hy! ho! for the major. [1] I am tired to death of living in a nursery.It is very well to be amused with children at an idle hour; but theirinterruption at all times is insupportable to a person of commonreflection. My nerves will not admit of it. You judge right as to theroads on the Neck.

Theodosia is quite recovered, and makes great progress at ciphering. Icannot say so much in favour of her writing. I really think she lostthe last month she went to Shepherd. She has not improved since lastspring. She is sensible of it, is the reason she is not very desirousto give you a specimen. We now keep her chiefly at figures, which shefinds very difficult, particularly to proportion them, and place themstraight under each other.

I will conclude my scrawl in the hope that Frederick will be able toforward it for me. Adieu. Remember to answer all my questions, and totake all my prayers in serious consideration. Be attentive to yourhealth, and you will add to the happiness of your

THEODOSIA.

TO MRS. BURR.

Albany, 31st July, 1791.

At length expectation is gratified, and my hopes—even my wishes,fulfilled. Your letters of the 16th and 23d came both by the lastpost. Their ease, their elegance, and, above all, the affection theycontain, are truly engaging and amiable. Be assured that petitions soclothed and attended are irresistible.

I anticipate with increasing impatience the hour of leaving thisplace, and am making every possible exertion to advance it. The delayof two days at Red Hook is indispensable, but will cost me muchregret.

I finished on Monday last, tolerably to my own satisfaction, and Ibelieve entirely to that of my employers, the business so oftenmentioned to you. I received in reward for my labour many thanks,twenty half joes, and promises of more of both of these articles.

The last post is the only one I have missed since I left Esopus. I wasin court upon a trial which gave me not a moment's intermission tillten o'clock that evening. Though I do not pay you in quality andmanner (for yours are, without flattery, inimitable), I believe I amnothing in arrear in number or quantity. The present is indeed a poorreturn for your two last; but though you miss of the recompense inthis sheet, you will find it in the heart of your

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 27th October, 1791.

I have this day received your letter dated Sunday morning. It came,not by Mr. Sedgwick, but by the post, and was not put into thepostoffice until Tuesday. It was therefore wicked of you not to add aline of that date. I am surprised to find that you had not received myletter from Brunswick. The illness I then wrote you of increased thenext day, so that I did not arrive in town until Sunday. I am still atMiss Roberts's, and unsettled, but hope to be to-morrow in tolerablewinter-quarters. I have had some trouble on that head, as well becauseI am difficult to please, as because good accommodations are difficultto find.

I receive many attentions and civilities. Many invitations to dine,&c. All of which I have declined, and have not eaten a meal except atmy own quarters. You see, therefore, how little amusem*nt you are toexpect. I called at Mrs. L.'s (the elder), but have not seen eitherher, or as yet called to see her daughter. I have no news of Brooks,and am distressed by his delay, having scarcely decent clothes. Iprudently brought a coat, but nothing to wear with it, and theexpectation of Brooks has prevented me from getting any thing here.Send me a waistcoat, white and brown, such as you designed. You know Iam never pleased except with your taste.

I wrote you the day after my arrival here, but it being past the posthour, kept it till Tuesday; made a small addition, and gave it to Mat.to carry to the office. He put it into his coat-pocket (I suppose withhis pocket-handkerchief, which you know be has occasion to flourishalong the street). On the day following, with a face of woe, he toldme he had lost the letter, but had concealed it from me in hopes tohave found it. I hope it may fall into good-natured hands, and so goteventually into the postoffice. It was short and stupid; unusually so,which perhaps vexed me the more for the loss. Be assured you havenothing to regret.

This letter can have nothing to recommend it but good-will and length,though the latter, without some other merit, ought to condemn it; andit would, I am sure, with any but you, who will give the bestconstruction to any thing from your

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 30th October, 1791.

I am at length settled in winter-quarters. The house stands abouttwenty yards back from the street, and is inhabited by two widows. Themother about seventy, and the daughter about fifty. The latter,however, has her home in the country, and comes to town occasionally.The old lady is deaf, and upon my first coming to take possession ofmy lodgings, she with great civility requested that I would neverattempt to speak to her, for fear of injuring my lungs without beingable to make her hear. I shall faithfully obey this injunction. Thehouse is remarkably quiet, orderly, and is well furnished. They havenever before taken a person to board, and will take no other.

The honour which I have always done to your taste, and which indeed itmerits, ought to have assured you that your advice requires noapology. I shall adopt your ideas about the wheels. If at the sametime you had caused the commission to be executed, you would haveadded civility to good intentions.

Theodosia must not attempt music in the way she was taught lastspring. For the present, let it be wholly omitted. Neither would Ihave her renew her dancing till the family are arranged. She canproceed in her French, and get some teacher to attend her in the housefor writing and arithmetic. She has made no progress in the latter,and is even ignorant of the rudiments. She was hurried throughdifferent rules without having been able to do a single sum withaccuracy. I would wish her to be also taught geography if a propermaster can be found; but suspend this till the arrival of the major.

It is remarkable I that you should find yourself so soon discouragedfrom writing, because you had written one letter before you hadreceived one. I had written you two before the receipt of your first.But I shall in future expect two or three for one, as the labour ofbusiness will prevent my writing frequently.

Remember the note to be put in the bank on Wednesday. If Bartow shouldnot arrive, send Strong for Willet. Adieu.

Yours,

A. Burr.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 14th November, 1791.

I recollect nothing of the letter I wrote to you, and which isreferred to in yours of the 9th. You have no forgiveness to ask or toreceive of me. If it was necessary, you had it even at the moment Iread your letter. You mistake the nature of my emotions. They hadnothing of asperity; but it is useless to explain them. I did itpartially in a letter I wrote soon after that which I sent you inanswer to yours. It was not such a letter as I ought to have written,or you would have wished to receive; I therefore retained it. In whatway, or to what degree, I am affected by your letter of the 9th, willnot be told until we meet. Be assured, however, that I look forward tothat time with impatience and anticipate it with pleasure. It restswholly with you, and your conduct on this occasion will be a betterindex to your heart than any thing you can write.

I enclose you a newspaper of this evening, containing a report by Mr.Jefferson about vacant lands. When you have perused it, send it toMelancton Smith. Take care, however, to get it back and preserve it,as it is one of Freneau's. I send you also three of Freneau's papers,which, with that sent this morning, are all he has published. I wishthem to be preserved. If you find them amusing, you may command themregularly. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 14th November, 1791.

I am to-day in much better heart than at any time since I leftNew-York. John Watts took me yesterday a long walk, and, thoughfatigued, I was not exhausted. He takes every occasion to show mefriendship and attention. I see no reason for your delaying to make avisit here. The roads are good and the season fine. If you do notchoose to come directly to my lodgings, which are commodious andretired, I will meet you either at Dr. Edwards's, two miles from theRed Lion, or at the Red Lion, which is twelve miles from this city.Your first stage will be to Brunswick, your second Trenton, and yourthird here.

I expressed myself ill if I led you to believe that I wished anyevidence or criterion of Theodosia's understanding. I desire only topromote its growth by its application and exercise. Her presentemployments have no such tendency, unless arithmetic engages a part ofher attention. Than this, nothing can be more useful, or betteradvance the object I have in view. Other studies, promising similaradvantages, must, perhaps, for the reasons you mention, be for thepresent postponed.

I hope this weather will relieve you from the most depressing of alldiseases, the influenza. Exercise will not cure, but will prevent thereturn of it. I prescribe, however, what I do not practice. You haveoften wished for opportunities to read; you now have, and, I hope,improve them. I should be glad to know how your attention is directed.Of the success I have no doubt.

To the subject of politics, which composes a part of your letter, Ican at present make no reply. The mode of communication would notpermit, did no other reasons oppose it.

I have no voice, but could undoubtedly have some influence in theappointment you speak of. For the man, you know I have alwaysentertained much esteem; but it is here said that he drinks. Theeffect of the belief, even of the suspicion of this, could not becontroverted by any exertion or influence of his friends. I had not,before the receipt of your letter, heard of his wishes on the subjectyou mention. The slander, if slander it be, I had heard often and withpain.

Sincerely yours,

A. BURR.

TO MISS THEODOSIA BURR. [2]

Philadelphia, 1st December, 1791.

Enclosed in Bartow's last letter came one which, from the handwriting,I supposed to be from that great fat fellow, Colonel Troup. Judge ofmy pleasure and surprise when I opened and found it was from my dearlittle girl. You improve much in your writing. Let your next be insmall hand.

Why do you neither acknowledge nor answer my last letter? That is notkind—it is scarcely civil. I beg you will not take a fortnight toanswer this, as you did the other, and did not answer it at last; forI love to hear from you, and still more to receive your letters. Readmy last letter again, and answer it particularly.

Your affectionate

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 4th December, 1791.

I fear I have for the present deprived you of the pleasure of readingGibbon. If you cannot procure the loan of a London edition, I willsend you that which I have here. In truth, I bought it for you, whichis almost confessing a robbery. Edward Livingston and Richard Harrisonhave each a good set, and either would cheerfully oblige you.

To render any reading really amusing or in any degree instructive, youshould never pass a word you do not understand, or the name of aperson or place of which you have not some knowledge. You will saythat attention to such matters is too great an interruption. If so, dobut note them down on paper, and devote an hour particularly to themwhen you have finished a chapter or come to a proper pause. After anexperiment of this mode, you will never abandon it. Lempriere'sDictionary is that of which I spoke to you. Purchase also Macbeau's;this last is appropriated to ancient theocracy, fiction, andgeography; both of them will be useful in reading Gibbon, and stillmore so in reading ancient authors, or of any period of ancienthistory.

If you have never read Plutarch's Lives (or even if you have), youwill read them with much pleasure. They are in the City Library, andprobably in many private ones. Beloe's Herodotus will amuse you.Bartow has it. You had better read the text without the notes; theyare diffuse, and tend to distract the attention. Now and then theycontain some useful explanation. After you have read the author, youwill, I think, with more pleasure read the notes and remarks in courseby themselves.

You expressed a curiosity to peruse Paley's Philosophy of NaturalHistory. Judge Hobart has it. If you read it, be sure to make yourselfmistress of all the terms. But, if you continue your Gibbon, it willfind you in employment for some days. When you are weary of soaringwith him, and wish to descend into common life, read the Comedies ofPlautus. There is a tolerable translation in the City Library. Suchbooks give the most lively and amusing, perhaps much the most justpicture, of the manners and degree of refinement of the age in whichthey were written. I have agreed with Popham for his share in the CityLibrary.

The reading of one book will invite you to another. I cannot, I fear,at this distance, advise you successfully; much less can I hope toassist you in your reading. You bid me be silent as to myexpectations; for the present I obey. Your complaint of your memory,even if founded in fact, contains nothing discouraging or alarming. Iwould not wish you to possess that kind of memory which retains withaccuracy and certainty all names and dates. I never knew it toaccompany much invention or fancy. It is almost the exclusive blessingof dullness. The mind which perceives clearly adopts and appropriatesan idea, and is thus enlarged and invigorated. It is of little momentwhether the book, the time, or the occasion be recollected.

I am inclined to dilate on these topics, and upon the effects, ofreading and study on the mind; but this would require an essay, and Ihave not time to write a letter. I am also much prompted to convinceyou, by undeniable proof, that the ground of your complaint does notexist except in your own apprehensions, but this I reserve for aninterview. When I am informed of your progress, and of the directionof your taste, I may have something further to recommend.

There is no probability of an adjournment of Congress during theholydays, or for any longer time than one day. The possibility of mybeing able to leave the business of Congress, and make a visit toNew-York, diminishes daily. I wish much to see you, and, if you areequally sincere, we can accomplish it by meeting at Trenton. I can bethere on Friday night, but with much greater convenience on Saturdaynoon or forenoon, and stay till Monday morning at least. Congressadjourns every week from three o'clock on Friday until eleven o'clockon Monday following. If, therefore, you write me that you will be atTrenton at the times above mentioned, you may rely on seeing me there:I mean at Mrs. Hooper's. This, though very practicable at present,will not long be so, by reason of the roads, which at present aregood. If you make this trip, your footman must be on horseback; theburden will be otherwise too great, and I must have timely notice byletter. Mr. and Mrs. Paterson have invited you to make their houseyour home at Brunswick.

Mat. laughs at your compliments, as you know he does at every thing. Iexpect Theodosia's messages to be written by herself. I inquire aboutyour health, but you do not answer me.

Yours affectionately,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, December 13th, 1791.

I regret the disappointment of the Trenton visit, but still more theoccasion of it. Are you afflicted with any of your old, or with whatnew complaint?

Tell Bartow that I have this evening received his letter by Vining,who arrived in town last Monday. Beg him never again to write by aprivate hand about business when there is a post. After the lapse offive or six days without an answer, he should have sent a duplicate.You have herewith the note for 4500 dollars.

I was charmed with your reflections on the books of two of our eminentcharacters. You have, in a few words, given a lively portrait of themen and their works. I could not repress the vanity of showing it to afriend of one of the authors.

The melancholy news of the disasters of our western army has engrossedmy thoughts for some days past. No public event since the war hasgiven me equal anxiety. Official accounts were received from GeneralSinclair on Sunday. The reports which preceded, and which havedoubtless reached you before this time, had not exaggerated the lossor the disgrace. No authentic estimate of the number of the killed hasyet been received; I fear it will not be less than eight or ninehundred. The retreat was marked with precipitation and terror. The mendisencumbered themselves even of their arms and accoutrements. It issome small consolation to have learned that the troops which fled toFort Jefferson have received a supply of provisions, and are securefrom any attack of the savages.

I approve, and hope at some time to execute, your plan of literaryrepose. Tell Bartow to send a deed for me to execute to Carpenter,pursuant to our contract. Pray attend to this; you will see that itmay be a little interesting to me.

Yours truly,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 15th December, 1791

The post which arrived this afternoon (Thursday) brought the mailwhich left New-York on Tuesday, and with it your sprightly andengaging letter of the 12th. I thank you for your attention to myfriend, and still more for the pleasure you express at his visit. Your"nonsense" about Voltaire contains more good sense than all thestrictures I have seen upon his works put together.

Next to your own ideas, those you gave me from Mr. J. were mostacceptable. I wish you would continue to give me any fugitive ideas orremarks which may occur to you in the course of your reading; and whatyou call your rattling way is that of all others which pleases me themost.

In short, let the way be your own, and it cannot fail to beacceptable, to please, and to amuse.

I enclose this evening's paper. It contains Strictures on Publicola,which you, perhaps, may find worth reading.

From an attentive perusal of the French Constitution, and a carefulexamination of their proceedings, I am a warm admirer of the essentialparts of the plan of government which they have instituted, and of thetalents and disinterestedness of the members of the National Assembly.Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 18th December, 1791.

Mr. Learned arrived yesterday with your letter of the 15th. Heappeared pleased with your attentions, which you know gratified me.

I cannot recollect what hint I gave to Major P. which could haveintimated an expectation of seeing you in New-York during the currentyear; unless, indeed, some of those wishes which I too often cherishshould have escaped me. We shall have no intermission of businessduring the holy-days. If I should find it at any time practicable toabsent myself for a few days, it will most probably be about themiddle of next month. You have indeed, in your last letter, placedyourself before me in the most amiable light; and, without soliciting,have much more strongly enticed me to a visit. But for the present Imust resist. Will it not be possible for you to meet me at Trenton,that we may travel together to New-York? If you assent to this, I willname a day. Yet do not expose your health. On this subject you leaveme still to apprehension and conjecture.

Your account of Madame Genlis surprises me, and is a new evidence ofthe necessity of reading books before we put them into the hands ofchildren. Reputation is indeed a precarious test. I can think atpresent of nothing better than what you have chosen.

I am much in want of my maps of the different parts of North America.It will, I believe, be best to send them all, carefully put up in abox which must be made for the purpose. You may omit the map ofNew-Jersey. The packing will require much care, as many are in sheets.Ask Major P. for the survey he gave me of the St. Lawrence, ofdifferent parts of Canada, and of other provinces, and send them alsoforward. They may be sent by the Amboy stage, taking a receipt, whichtransmit to me.

You would excuse the slovenliness, and admire the length of thisscrawl, if you could look into my study, and see the file ofunanswered, and even _un_perused letters; bundles of papers on publicand on private business; all soliciting that preference of attentionwhich Theodosia knows how to command from her

AARON.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 27th December, 1791.

What can have exhausted or disturbed you so much? You might surelyhave given some hint of the cause. It is an additional reason forwishing you here. If I had, before I left New-York, sufficientlyreflected on the subject, I would never have consented to this absurdand irrational mode of life. If you will come with Mr. Monroe, I willsee you to New-York again; and if you have a particular aversion tothe city of Philadelphia, you shall stay a day or two at Dr.Edwards's, ten miles from town, where I can spend the greater part ofevery day.

You will perhaps admire that I cannot leave Congress as well asothers. This, if a problem, can only be solved at a personalinterview.

You perceive that I have received your letter of the 18th. It wastruly acceptable, and needed no apology. I do not always expectletters of wit or science; and I beg you will write wholly withoutrestraint, both as to quantity and manner. If you write little, Ishall be glad to receive it; and if you write more, I shall be stillmore glad; but when you find it a troublesome or laborious occupation,which I have the vanity to hope will never happen, omit it. I take,and shall continue to use, this freedom on my part; but I am for everobliged to put some restraint on myself, for I often sacrifice thecalls of business to the pleasure of writing to you.

27th December, at night.

This evening I am suffering under a severe paroxysm of the headache.Your letters, received to-night, have tended to beguile the time, andwere at least a temporary relief. I am now sitting with my feet inwarm water, my head wrapped in vinegar, and drinking chamomile tea,and all hitherto to little purpose. I have no doubt, however, but Ishall be well to-morrow. As I shall not probably sleep till morning,and shall not rise in season to acknowledge your kind letters, I haveattempted this line. I am charmed with your account of Theodosia. Kissher a hundred times for me.

The reports of my style of life are, I should have thought, tooimprobable to be related, and much too absurd to gain belief, or evenattention.

I have been these three weeks procuring two trifles to send you; butam at length out of all patience with the stupidity andprocrastination of those employed; especially as the principal articleis a piece of furniture, a personal convenience, which, when done,will not cost five dollars. The other is something between a map and apicture. Though they will not arrive at the season I wished, they willat any season be tokens of the affection of

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 2d January, 1792.

My Dear Theodosia,

Mr. Trumbull is good enough to engage to deliver this. You have longknown and admired the brilliancy of his genius and wit; I wish youalso to know the amiable qualities of his heart.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 19th February, 1792.

Yesterday I received your truly affectionate letters; one dated
Thursday evening, the other without date.

You may expect a host of such falsehoods as that about the Indian war.I have not been offered any command. When the part I take in the billon that subject shall be fully known, I am sure it will give entiresatisfaction to my friends.

It will not do for me at present to leave this place. I shalltherefore expect you here; and if you cannot spare the time to comehere, I will meet you either at Princeton or Trenton (preferring thelatter) any evening you shall name. Saturdays and Sundays, you know,are our holydays. I can with ease be at Trenton at breakfast onSaturday morning, or even on Friday evening, if thought more eligible.But I expect this letter will pass you on your way here. My rooms atNo. 130 South Second-street are ready to receive you and Mrs. A., ifshe chooses to be of the party. But the tenour of your last induces meto think that you intend a very short visit, or rather, that you willcome express. Arrange it as you please, provided I see you somewhereand soon.

I have a letter from Witbeck of a later date than that by Strong, andof much more satisfactory tenour. I believe he will not disappoint theexpectations of my friends. He requests that some persons in New-Yorkmay write to him and others in and about Albany, giving an account ofthe expectations in Ulster, Dutchess, and the Southern District, andnaming persons who may be corresponded with.

My lodgings are on the right hand as you come. Drive directly up awhite gate between two lamps, and take possession. If I should be out,the servant will know where, and will find me in a few minutes. Do nottravel with any election partisan (unless an opponent).

Yours,

A. BURR.

TO MISS THEODOSIA BURR.

Albany, 5th August, 1792.

MY DEAR THEO.,

I have received your letter, which is very short, and says not oneword of your mamma's health. You talk of going to Westchester, but donot say when or how.

Mr. and Mrs. Witbeck and their daughter talk very much about you, andwould be very glad to see you.

See what a letter I have got from little Burr, [3] and all his ownwork too. Before I left home I wrote him a letter requesting him totell me what I should bring him; and in answer, he begs me to bringmamma and you. A pretty present, indeed, that would be!

Your father,

A. BURR.

FROM DR. BENJAMIN RUSH.

Philadelphia, 24th September, 1792.

DEAR SIR,

This letter will be handed to you by Mr. Beckley. He possesses a fundof information about men and things. The republican ferment continuesto work in our state; and the time, I think, is approaching very fastwhen we shall universally reprobate the maxim of sacrificing publicjustice and national gratitude to the interested ideas ofstock-jobbers and brokers, whether in or out of the legislature of theUnited States.

Your friends everywhere look to you to take an active part in removingthe monarchical rubbish of our government. It is time to speak out, orwe are undone. The association in Boston augurs well. Do feed it by aletter to Mr. Samuel Adams. My letter will serve to introduce you tohim, if enclosed in one from yourself. Mrs. Rush joins me in bestcompliments to Mrs. Burr, with

Yours sincerely,

BENJAMIN RUSH.

TO MISS THEODOSIA BURR.

Westchester, 8th October, 1792.

—I rose up suddenly from the sofa, and rubbing my head—"What bookshall I buy for her?" said I to myself. "She reads so much and sorapidly that it is not easy to find proper and amusing French booksfor her; and yet I am so flattered with her progress in that language,that I am resolved that she shall, at all events, be gratified.Indeed, I owe it to her." So, after walking once or twice brisklyacross the floor, I took my hat and sallied out, determined not toreturn till I had purchased something. It was not my first attempt. Iwent into one bookseller's shop after another. I found plenty of fairytales and such nonsense, fit for the generality of children of nine orten years old. "These," said I, "will never do. Her understandingbegins to be above such things;" but I could see nothing that I wouldoffer with pleasure to an intelligent, well-informed girl of nineyears old. I began to be discouraged. The hour of dining was come."But I will search a little longer." I persevered. At last I found it.I found the very thing I sought. It is contained in two volumesoctavo, handsomely bound, and with prints and registers. It is a workof fancy, but replete with instruction and amusem*nt. I must presentit with my own hand.

Your affectionate

A. BURR

Footnotes:

1. Major Prevost, who was a widower, and whose children were left inthe care of Mrs. Burr while he made a voyage to England.

2. In the ninth year of her age.

3. Nephew of Colonel Burr

CHAPTER XVI.

The correspondence in the last chapter between Mr. and Mrs. Burr hasbeen selected and published that the world may judge him as husbandand parent, so far as his letters afford a criterion. As literaryproductions they cannot fail to interest and amuse.

On the 8th day of March, 1790, the legislature passed an actappointing Gerard Bancker, treasurer, Peter Curtenius, auditor, andAaron Burr, attorney-general, a board of commissioners to report onthe subject of the various claims against the state for servicesrendered, or injuries sustained, during the war of the revolution. Thetask was one of great delicacy, and surrounded with difficulties. OnColonel Burr devolved the duty of making that report. It was performedin a masterly manner. When presented to the house, notwithstanding itsmagnitude, involving claims of every description to an immense amount,it met with no opposition from any quarter. On the 5th of April, 1792,the report was ordered to be entered at length on the journals of theassembly, and formed the basis of all future settlements with publiccreditors on account of the war. In it the various claimants areclassified; legal and equitable principles are established, andapplied to each particular class. The report occupies eighteen foliopages of the journals of the assembly. An extract from it is made, asjustly meriting a place in this work.

The said report is in the words and figures following:——"Thetreasurer, the auditor, and the attorney-general, pursuant to the actentitled An act to receive and state accounts against this state,did forthwith, after the passing of the said act, give such notice oftheir appointment and duties, and of the times and places for theexecution thereof, and of the period by the said act limited forreceiving and auditing claims, as is directed by the said act. And doherewith transmit to the legislature their report upon the accountsand claims against the state, which have been thereupon exhibited.

"The anxiety of the commissioners to render the execution of thistrust useful and acceptable has occasioned a delay of some weeks; iftheir success in this attempt has been in any degree proportioned totheir attention to the subject, it will furnish their excuse; indeed,when the legislature shall have seen the number, the variety, andintricacy of the matters which have been submitted to theconsideration of the commissioners, it is hoped that a further apologywill be thought unnecessary.

"The commissioners have endeavoured to reduce these various demandsinto classes, in such manner as to present to the legislature, in oneview, all which have appeared to depend on similar principles.Notwithstanding their utmost attention to this object, they have foundit necessary to report on a considerable number of single cases. Asthe authority under which they have acted required of them a state offacts, together with their opinion thereupon, whenever there was awant of uniformity either in the facts submitted or in the principlesto be applied in the determination, they have thought that strictjustice could not be done to the merit of the claim without a separatediscussion, though this has tended to lengthen the report beyond whatcould have been wished, and to a degree which perhaps may in someinstances be thought prolix, yet the commissioners supposed it ofmoment that their investigation should be not only satisfactory tothemselves, but that it should be apparent to the citizens upon whoseclaims they have pronounced, that each hath received a distinctattention, and that demands substantially different from each otherhave not been inconsiderately blended. If the perusal of theproceedings now submitted shall give an impression of this kind, itwill, in the opinion of the commissioners, tend to produce a morecheerful acquiescence in the determination of the legislature, whenthat determination shall reject the demand, and prevent a revival ofclaims which shall now be extinguished. The commissioners have thoughtthat these were desirable objects, and have therefore been cautious ofgeneralizing, so as to destroy real distinctions, or suppress a facteven of the lightest importance.

"In order to preserve uniformity in their opinions, the commissionershave adopted certain principles, from which the hardship of anyparticular case hath not induced them to depart. The most general andimportant of these are,

"First. Where any species of claims is barred by an act of thelegislature, they have considered the act as a bar to theirinvestigation, farther than to ascertain it to be unquestionablywithin the meaning of the law. This principle will be found to extendto all claims for pay and rations alleged to be due for militiaservice; to most of the demands against forfeited estates; to allclaims for property sequestered, when the sequestration was warrantedby the resolutions of the convention and the authority of thecommissioners; to all claims of payment of state agents' notes, and tosome other particular cases, which will appear in the report. Insupport of this principle the commissioners have considered, that tosanction by their opinion the admission of claims against the spiritand letter of the statute would be an impeachment of the wisdom ofthose laws; would be arrogating an authority not exercised by, orpermitted to, any court of law or equity, and would open a door to theimportunate and perhaps least deserving class of citizens, whileothers, having similar demands, had withdrawn them from a spirit ofsubmission to the laws, by which these demands were precluded. Thecommissioners have been confirmed in the propriety of their ideas by areflection that, if it shall for any reasons seem expedient to thelegislature to repeal or suspend the limitation of these or any ofthose statutes, the avenues to redress will at once be open throughthe ordinary officers of the state, without farther legislativeinterposition; and that the opportunities of recompense would then benotorious and equal; but that the redress, if any should be obtainedthrough the medium of the commissioners, would be partial in itsoperation, and to the exclusion of those who with equal merits hadacquiesced in the known laws.

"Second. In the cases of claims for services done and suppliesfurnished during the war, when the demand, though originating underthe authority of this state, is properly against the United States,the opinion of the commissioners is against the allowance of anyrecompense, because those claims should more properly be preferred toCongress; and for that this state can have no credit with the UnitedStates for payment or assumptions after the 1st day of October, 1788.

"And that, therefore, the claimants having neglected to exhibit theirdemands within the period during which this state could without losshave assumed them, cannot complain if they are now referred to theproper tribunal. Payments by the state were in such cases, at alltimes, of favour, and not of right.

"Third. All claims for the subsistence and services of the leviesand militia, or other troops, composing a part of the continentalarmy, or destined to join the army, and moving to such places ofdestination, or under the command or orders of a continental officer,and all claims for supplies and services beforehand for such troops,are considered as proper against the United States only, and areclassed accordingly; the commissioners have been led to a more strictattention to this distinction by the reasons just before mentioned,and are warranted by the practice of the continental commissioners forsettling accounts, in declaring that such accounts and demands wereproper against the United States.

"Principles of more limited operation, and other remarks, will appearin those parts of the report to which they apply.

"Explanatory of particular parts, and of the general form of thereport, it may be proper to observe,

"That where the claim or account appears, upon the face of it, to beevidently against the United States only, or for other reasonspalpably inadmissible, the commissioners have thought it would havebeen superfluous to state the proof, and have therefore, in thosecases only, given such abstracts of the claim or account as suffice torender the exception apparent.

"In giving their opinion, the commissioners have not detailed all thereasons which led to it, but have given a summary of such as appearedto them most conclusive; and, as well in this as in stating the facts,have aimed at as much brevity as appeared to them to consist withperspicuity. If they shall be found in any instances obscure, areference to the claim and proofs will probably elucidate them. Whenthe claim is provided for by existing laws, the opinion of thecommissioners refers the claimant to the mode pointed out by such law.

"Demands of different natures by the same person are placed under thehead which comprises the greater demand. The claim and vouchers beingin such cases usually contained in the same paper or annexed together,it was necessary so to place them in the report that there might be noconfusion in the references.

"To produce facility in the review of these proceedings, the documentsreferred to are all herewith delivered, and are in bundles, markedagreeably to the heads under which they are classed.

"Claims for Militia Pay.

[In the report a number of cases are here inserted.]

"By an act passed the 27th of April, 1784, entitled An act for thesettlement of the pay of the levies and militia for their services inthe late war, and for other purposes therein mentioned, the mode inwhich the rolls and abstracts for pay and subsistence are to be madeout and settled is particularly pointed out, and competent powers anddirections for the liquidation of those accounts are thereby given tothe treasurer and auditor."

"By the 14th section of an act passed the 21st of April, 1787,entitled An act for the relief of persons who paid money into thetreasury, &c., the aforesaid act of the 27th of April, 1784, isrepealed. The commissioners consider this repeal as an exclusion ofall further claims for pay and subsistence of the militia and levies.They are constrained to adopt this opinion, not only from the obviousintention of the act, but because, by the absolute repeal of the actof the 27th of April, 1784, there remains no prescribed mode ofauthenticating these demands; that any rules which the discretion ofthe commissioners should lead them to adopt would have been unknown tothe claimants, who could therefore have had no opportunity of adaptingtheir demands to such rules; and because, if the legislature shall bedisposed to direct compensations for such services, it will, in theopinion of the commissioners, be most properly effected by a revivalof the said act of the 27th of April, 1784, with such furtherprovisions and checks as may be thought necessary; or by some othergeneral statute, to be passed for those purposes, and which may giveequal opportunities to the claimants, and place the liquidation andsettlement of such demands in the hands of the ordinary officers ofthe state.

"Claims for services, supplies, and losses, which, if admissible, canbe made against the United States only.

[In the report details follow, and the commissioners remark]—

"The foregoing claims and accounts the commissioners conceive to beproper against the United States only. This is, in their opinion,sufficiently evident in most of the cases from a bare statement of thedemands. Some few appear to require a more special report. Theresolutions of Congress of the 7th of May, 1787, and 24th of June,1788, relative to the settlement of accounts between the United Statesand individual states, will show the extent of the powers of theContinental Commissioners, and will serve to explain the opinions insuch of the preceding cases as may appear to require fartherillustration."

"Claims for payment of State Agents' Certificates.

"By the 25th section of the act passed the 5th of May, 1786, entitledAn act for the payment of certain sums of money, and for otherpurposes therein mentioned, all persons holding or possessingcertificates of Udny Hay or any of his assistants, or of Jacob Cuyler,Morgan Lewis, or Andrew Bostwick, were required to present them, inthe manner therein prescribed, to the treasurer, before the 1st ofSeptember, 1786; and those who failed therein are thereby declared tobe barred and for ever precluded from any compensation, of which thetreasurer was directed to give public notice by advertisem*nt, whichwas accordingly done.

"By another act, passed the 31st of March, 1787, the time forpresenting the certificates of Udny Hay and his assistants wasextended until the first of May then next, which time has not beenfurther extended by any law of this state: so that all certificates ofthose denominations which were not presented within the times and inthe manner specified in those laws, are expressly barred and for everprecluded from compensation.

"The commissioners have therefore, for the reasons contained in theobservations prefixed to this report, conceived that a reference tothe aforesaid acts was the most proper discharge of their duty withrespect to all claims of compensation for such certificates.

"Claims for grain impressed for the use of the army by virtue ofwarrants issued by his excellency the governor, pursuant to an actpassed 23d June, 1780.

"The law authorizing these impresses declares the articles impressedto be for the use and service of the army, and that the owner shallbe entitled to receive from the public officer authorized to pay thesame the current price for the articles impressed, but does not say bywhom that public officer is to be appointed. The commissioners have,however, no doubt but these were proper claims against the UnitedStates, and would have been allowed by the Continental Commissioner ifexhibited in proper season; therefore, and for the reasons containedin the second preliminary observation, the commissioners are of theopinion that these claimants cannot of right demand payment of thisstate.

"The claims of Van Rensselaer and Dumond, the commissioners are ofopinion are reasonable; that, having been employed under the governor,the claimants could have no demand against the United States, and thatthe charges are proper against this state.

"Claims for services in assisting H.I. Van Rensselaer and EgbertDumond in making the said impresses.

"The commissioners consider the reasons just before stated in favourof the claims of Van Rensselaer and Dumond to apply to the elevenpreceding, and that they are therefore proper charges against thisstate.

"Claims for payment of debts due from persons whose property hathbeen forfeited or sequestered.

"The several foregoing demands against forfeited estates arose afterthe 9th day of July, 1776, and are expressly precluded by the 42dsection of an act passed the 12th of May, 1784, entitled An act forthe speedy sale of the confiscated and forfeited estates within thisstate, and for other purposes therein mentioned.

"The next twenty-five claims are for satisfaction of debts out of theproceeds of property sequestered. The estates of the several debtorshave become forfeited, but in some instances no property hath come tothe hands of the commissioners of forfeitures; and in others, theproperty which has come to their hands hath been insufficient for thedischarge of debts which have been certified.

"The succeeding twenty-six claims are to have debts satisfied out ofthe proceeds of property sequestered, though there had been noconviction of adherence or other forfeiture of the estate of thedebtors.

"The commissioners are of opinion that a law should be passedauthorizing the treasurer to pay demands against forfeited estates, inall cases where there still remains in his hands a surplus from theproceeds of such estates, notwithstanding the limitation contained inthe act of 12th May, 1784. But the commissioners would recommend thatsome mode different from that prescribed in the said act be directedfor the ascertaining the amount of those demands. The severalclaimants and such others as have neglected to avail themselves of thebenefit of the said act, may, in the opinion of the commissioners, bewith propriety holden to strict legal proof of their respectivedemands, in due course of law, in some court of record, where theinterest of the state may be defended by some officer to be for thatpurpose appointed.

"The commissioners are further of opinion, that where there has been asequestration of any part of the property of a person whose estatehath become forfeited, the avails of the property so sequestered, asfar as the same can be distinguished, should be subject to thepayment of his debts, in like manner as may be provided with respectto other demands against forfeited estates; but it would not, in theopinion of the commissioners, be at this time advisable to assume thepayment of the debts of persons whose property hath been sequestered,and where there hath been no other forfeiture or confiscation.

"Claims relative to sequestration, and property taken by orders ofthe Convention.

"These persons were voluntarily within the British lines, and theirproperty was therefore liable to sequestration under the acts of theConvention. They produce a certificate of their attachment to theAmerican cause, signed by some respectable characters. But beingwithin the resolutions of the Convention, the commissioners cannotadvise a recompense.

"GERARD BANCKER, Treasurer.
"PETER T. CURTENIUS, State Auditor.
"AARON BURR, Attorney-general."

On the 19th of January, 1791, Colonel Burr was appointed a senator ofthe United States, in the place of General Schuyler, whose term ofservice would expire on the 4th of March following. Until about thisperiod he was but little known as a partisan politician. After theorganization of the federal government under the new constitution, heappears to have felt a great interest in its operations. In the Frenchrevolution also, his feelings were embarked; and he was among thenumber of those who condemned the cold and repulsive neutrality whichcharacterized the administration of that day. That he was now about tolaunch into the troubled ocean of politics was evident to Mrs. Burr,and therefore, in a letter to him under date of the 23d of July, 1791,she says, "It is of serious consequence to you to establish yourhealth before you commence politician," &c.

In the autumn of 1791 Congress convened at Philadelphia, and ColonelBurr took his seat in the Senate of the United States. It has oftenbeen remarked of him, and truly, that no man was ever more cautious ormore guarded in his correspondence. A disposition, from the earliestperiod of his life, to write in cipher, has already been noticed. Tothis may be added an unwillingness, on all important questions, tocommit himself in writing. As soon as he entered the political arena,this characteristic was visible even in his letters to Mrs. Burr. Onthe 14th of November, 1791, he writes her—"To the subject of politicsI can at present make no reply. The mode of communication would notpermit, did no other reason oppose." And again, December 21st, hesays—"You will perhaps admire that I cannot leave Congress as well asothers. This, if a problem, can only be solved at a personalinterview."

At the commencement of the revolutionary war, the State of New-Yorkheld an extensive tract of wild and unimproved lands. Sundry laws werepassed in the years 1779, 1780, 1784, 1785, and 1786, providing fortheir sale and settlement. A board was created, entitled "theCommissioners of the Land Office." It was composed of the governor,the secretary of state, the attorney-general, the treasurer, and theauditor. The powers conferred by the several acts above referred tohaving been found inadequate to the proposed object, the legislature,on the 22d of March, 1791, gave unlimited powers to the commissioners,authorizing them to "dispose of any of the waste and unappropriatedlands in the state, in such parcels, and on such terms, and in suchmanner as they shall judge most conducive to the interests of thestate." In pursuance of this authority, the commissioners sold duringthe year 1791, by estimate, five millions five hundred and forty-twothousand one hundred and seventy acres of waste land, for the sum ofone million and thirty thousand four hundred and thirty-three dollars;leaving in the possession of the state, yet to be disposed of, abouttwo millions of acres. Among the sales was one to Alexander Macomb,for three millions six hundred and thirty-five thousand two hundredacres. The magnitude of this sale, and the price at which it was sold,created a great excitement throughout the state, and at the session ofthe legislature which commenced on the 4th of January, 1792, thesubject was brought before the assembly.

The price at which Mr. Macomb made his purchase was eight pence peracre, payable in five annual instalments, without interest, withpermission to discount for prompt payment at six per cent. per annum,which made the price about equal to seven cents per acre cash. ColonelBurr, as attorney-general, was a member of the board. On the 9th ofApril, 1792, the report of the commissioners being the order of theday, the subject was taken up in the house. Mr. Talbot, fromMontgomery county, moved sundry resolutions. They were intended as thefoundation for an impeachment of a part of the commissioners of theland office. They assumed to contain a statement of facts, evidencingon the part of the commissioners great indiscretion and want ofjudgment, if not corruption, in the sale of the public lands, and theycharged the commissioners with a willful violation of the law. Theseresolutions, however, excepted Colonel Burr from any participation inthe maleconduct complained of, inasmuch as the minutes of the boardproved that he was not present at the meetings (being absent onofficial duty as attorney-general) when these contracts, so ruinous,as they alleged, to the interests of the state, were made: nor did itappear that he (Colonel Burr) was ever consulted in relation to them.These resolutions elicited a heated debate; in the progress of whichall the commissioners, except the attorney-general, were assailed withgreat bitterness; and charges of corruption by innuendo wereunceremoniously made. At a late hour the house adjourned withoutdecision until the next day.

On the 10th of April, 1792, Mr. Melancton Smith moved the followingresolution, with a preamble as a substitute:—

"Resolved, That this house do highly approve of the conduct of thecommissioners of the land office in the judicious sales by them, asaforesaid, which have been productive of the before mentionedbeneficial effects."

This resolution was adopted by a vote of ays 35—noes 20.

Of Melancton Smith it is proper to remark here that he was a plain,unsophisticated man. A purer patriot never lived. Of the powers of hismind some opinion may be formed by the following anecdote. Dr.Ledyard, who was afterwards health officer of the port of New-York,was a warm federalist. He was at Poughkeepsie while the federalconstitution was under discussion in the state convention. Smith wasan anti-federal member of that body. Some time after the adoption ofthe constitution, Ledyard stated to a friend of his, that to ColonelAlexander Hamilton had been assigned, in a special manner, the duty ofdefending that portion of the constitution which related to thejudiciary of the United States. That an outdoor conversation betweenColonel Hamilton and Mr. Smith took place in relation to thejudiciary, in the course of which Smith urged some of his objectionsto the proposed system. In the evening a federal caucus was held; atthat caucus Mr. Hamilton referred to the conversation, and requestedthat some gentleman might be designated to aid in the discussion ofthis question. Robert R. Livingston, chancellor of the state, wasaccordingly named. Mr. Livingston was at that time a distinguishedleader in the ranks of the federal party. Whoever will take thetrouble to read the debates in the Convention, in which will be foundthe reply of Smith to Livingston, will perceive in that reply theefforts of a mighty mind. It was a high but merited compliment to thetalents of Melancton Smith, that such a man as Colonel Hamilton shouldhave wished aid in opposing him.

During the winter of 1791-92, being Colonel Burr's first session inthe Senate of the United States, he spent much of his leisure time inthe state department. For several sessions after the organization ofthe federal government, all the business of the Senate was transactedwith closed doors. At that period the correspondence of existingministers was kept secret, even from the senators. With every thingconnected with the foreign affairs of the country, Colonel Burr wasexceedingly anxious to make himself intimately acquainted. Heconsidered it necessary to the faithful and useful performance of hisduty as a senator. He obtained permission from Mr. Jefferson, thensecretary of state, to have access to the records of the departmentbefore the hour for opening the office arrived. He employed one of themessengers to make a fire at five o'clock in the morning, andoccasionally an intelligent and confidential clerk to assist him insearching for papers. Here he was engaged until near ten o'clock everyday. It was his constant practice to have his breakfast sent to him.He continued this employment the greater part of the session, makingnotes on, or extracts from, the records of the department, until hewas interrupted by a peremptory order from the president (Washington)prohibiting his farther examination.

Wishing some information that he had not obtained in relation to asurrender of the western posts by the British, he addressed a note tothe secretary of state, asking permission to make that particularexamination; to which he received the following answer:——

"Thomas Jefferson presents his respectful compliments to Colonel Burr,and is sorry to inform him it has been concluded to be improper tocommunicate the correspondence of existing ministers. He hopes thiswill, with Colonel Burr, be his sufficient apology."

In April, 1792, there was an election for governor of the State ofNew-York. By some it was supposed that Governor Clinton would declinebeing again considered a candidate. It was known that John Jay wouldbe the candidate of the federal party. At that period Colonel Burr hadwarm personal friends in both parties, who were urging hispretensions. Among the most ardent was Judge Yates. In the latter partof February, 1792, he authorized his friends to state that he declineda nomination. He was placed, however, in an unpleasant dilemma. Theconnexions, and many of the personal friends of Governor Clinton, werejealous of Colonel Burr's talents and growing influence. Between thegovernor and himself there was very little intercourse. On the otherhand, the kindest feelings towards him were evinced by Chief-justiceJay, who was a most amiable man. It was his wish, therefore, as far aspracticable, consistent with his principles, to remain neuter. He hadnever been an electioneering character, and with the people he wishedto leave the pending question, without the exercise of any influencehe might be supposed to possess.

By the then existing laws of New-York, the ballots that were taken inthe several counties were, immediately after the election, transmittedto the office of the secretary of state, and there kept until thesecond Tuesday in May, when the board of canvassers were, by law, toconvene and canvass them. The election for governor was warmlycontested; the federal party supporting Judge Jay, the anti-federalparty George Clinton. When the canvassers met, difficulties arose asto the legality of the returns from certain counties, particularly ofOtsego, Tioga, and Clinton. The canvassers differing in opinion on thequestion whether the ballots should be counted or destroyed, theyagreed to ask the advice of Rufus King and Colonel Burr. Thesegentlemen conferred, and, like the canvassers, differed: whereupon Mr.Burr proposed that they should decline giving advice. To this Mr. Kingobjected, and expressed a determination to give his own opinionseparate. This rendered it necessary for Colonel Burr to adopt a likeprocedure. He thus became a partisan, and a most efficient partisan,in that controversy.

Seven of the canvassers determined to reject and destroy the ballotsalleged to have been illegally returned. To this decision fourobjected. The ballots were accordingly destroyed, and George Clintondeclared to be duly elected governor. The excitement produced waswithout a parallel in the state. The friends of Judge Jay contendedthat he had been chosen by the people, but was cheated out of hiselection by the corruption of the canvassers. Great asperity andvirulence were exhibited by both political parties on the occasion.

From the moment that Colonel Burr was driven to interfere in thecontroversy, he took upon himself, almost exclusively, the managementof the whole case on the side of the anti-federal party. Hisaccustomed acumen, vigilance, and zeal, were promptly put inrequisition. Full scope was allowed for the display of those greatlegal talents for which he was so pre-eminently distinguished. It hasbeen known to only a very few individuals that on Colonel Burr restednearly the whole labour; and that nothing was done, even by thecanvassers, but under his advice and direction. It has therefore beendeemed proper to insert here some of the official details of the case.They are worthy record, as an interesting part of the politicalhistory of the State of New-York.

"Statement of the case by the Canvassers, for the advice of RufusKing and Aaron Burr.

"OTSEGO.—By the 26th section of the constitution of the State ofNew-York, it is ordained that sheriffs and coroners be annuallyappointed, and that no person shall be capable of holding either ofthe said offices for more than four years successively, nor thesheriff of holding any other office at the same time. By the ninthsection of the act for regulating elections, it is enacted that one ofthe inspectors shall deliver the ballots and poll-lists, scaled up, tothe sheriff of the county; and, by the tenth section of the said act,it is further enacted, that each and every sheriff of the respectivecounties in this state shall, upon receiving the said enclosures,directed to be delivered to him as aforesaid, without opening orinspecting the same, or any or either of them, put the saidenclosures, and every one of them, into one box, which shall be wellclosed and sealed up by him, under his hand and seal, with the name ofhis county written on the box, and be delivered by him into the officeof the secretary of this state, where the same shall be safely kept bythe secretary, or his deputy. By the eleventh section of the said act,all questions arising on the canvass and estimate of the votes, or onany of the proceedings therein, shall be determined by a majority ofthe members of the joint committee attending; and their judgment shallbe final, and the oath of the canvassers requires them faithfully,honestly, and impartially to canvass and estimate the votes containedin the boxes delivered into the office of the secretary of this stateby the sheriffs of the several counties.

"On the 17th of February, 1791, Richard R. Smith was appointed sheriffof the county of Otsego, and his commission gives him the custody ofthat county until the 18th of February, 1792. On the 13th of January,1792, he writes a letter to the Council of Appointment, informing themthat, as the year for which he was appointed had nearly elapsed, heshould decline a reappointment.

"On the 30th of March, 1792, the Council of Appointment appointedBenjamin Gilbert to the office of sheriff of the said county, with acommission, in the usual form, to keep the county until the 17th ofFebruary next. His commission was delivered to Stephen Van Rensselaer,Esq., on the 13th of April last, to be forwarded by him to the saidBenjamin Gilbert. By the affidavit of the said Benjamin Gilbert,herewith delivered, it appears that he qualified into the office ofsheriff on the 11th day of May, 1792. On the first Tuesday in April,1792, Richard R. Smith was elected supervisor of the town of Otsego,in said county, and on the first Tuesday in May took his seat at theboard of supervisors, and assisted in the appointment of loan officersfor the county of Otsego. By the affidavit of Richard R. Smith,herewith delivered, it appears that the ballots taken in the county ofOtsego were delivered to him as sheriff, and by him enclosed in asufficient box, on or about the 3d of May, which box he then deliveredinto the hands of Leonard Goes, a person specially deputed by him forthe purpose of delivering the said box into the hands of the secretaryof this state, which was accordingly done, as appears by informationfrom the secretary.

"A small bundle of papers, enclosed and sealed, was delivered to thesecretary with the box, on which is written, 'The votes of the town ofCherry Valley, in the county of Otsego. Richard R. Smith, Sheriff.'Several affidavits, herewith delivered, state certain facts respectingthis separate bundle, said to be the votes of Cherry Valley.

"On this case arise the following questions:—

"1. Was Richard R. Smith the sheriff of the county of Otsego when hereceived and forwarded the ballots by his special deputy?

"2. If he was not sheriff, can the votes sent by him be legallycanvassed?

"3. Can the joint committee canvass the votes when sent to them in twoparcels, the one contained in a box, and the other contained in apaper, or separate bundle? Or,

"4. Ought they to canvass those sealed in the box, and reject theothers?

"TIOGA.—It appears that the sheriff of Tioga delivered the boxcontaining the ballots to B. Hovey, his special deputy, who set out,was taken sick on his journey, and delivered the box to H. Thompson,his clerk, who delivered it into the secretary's office.

"Question. Ought the votes of Tioga to be canvassed?

"CLINTON.—It appears that the sheriff of Clinton delivered the boxcontaining the ballots to Theodorus Platt, Esq., who had nodeputation, but who delivered them into the secretary's office, asappears by his affidavit.

"Question. Ought the votes of Clinton to be canvassed?"

Mr. King's opinion to the Canvassers.

"OTSEGO.—It may be inferred, from the constitution and laws of thestate, that the office of sheriff is held during the pleasure of theCouncil of Appointment, subject to the limitation contained in the26th section of the constitution. The sheriff may therefore hold hisoffice for four years, unless within that period a successor shallhave been appointed, and shall have entered upon the execution of theoffice. The term of four years from the appointment of R. R. Smith nothaving expired, and B. Gilbert not having entered upon the executionof the office before the receipt and delivery of the votes by R. R.Smith to his deputy, I am of opinion that R. R. Smith was then lawfulsheriff of Otsego.

"This opinion is strengthened by what is understood to be practice,namely, that the office of sheriff is frequently held for more than ayear under one appointment.

"R. R. Smith's giving notice to the Council of Appointment of hisdisinclination to be reappointed, or his acting as supervisor, cannot,in my opinion, be deemed a resignation or surrender of his office.

"Should doubts, however, be entertained whether R. R. Smith waslawfully sheriff when he received and delivered the votes to hisdeputy, the case contains facts which in another view of the subjectare important. It appears that R. R. Smith was appointed sheriff ofOtsego on the 17th of February, 1791, and afterwards entered upon theexecution of his office: that no other person was in the execution ofor claimed the office after the date of his appointment, and beforethe time when he received and delivered the votes of the county to hisdeputy; that during that interval R. R. Smith was sheriff, or thecounty was without a sheriff; that R. R. Smith, during the election,and when he received and delivered the votes to his deputy, continuedin the actual exercise of the shrievalty, and that under colour of aregular appointment. From this statement it may be inferred, that ifR. R. Smith, when he received and delivered the votes to his deputy,was not de jure, he was de facto, sheriff of Otsego.

"Though all the acts of an officer de facto may not be valid, andsuch of them as are merely voluntary and exclusively beneficial tohimself are void; yet such acts as tend to the public utility, andsuch as be would be compellable to perform, such as are essential topreserve the rights of third persons, and without which they might belost or destroyed, when done by an officer de facto, are valid.

"I am therefore of opinion, that admitting R. R. Smith, when hereceived and delivered the votes to his deputy, was not de juresheriff, yet that he was de facto sheriff; and that his receivingand delivering the votes being acts done under colour of authority,tending to the public utility, and necessary to the carrying intoeffect the rights of suffrage of the citizens of that county, they areand ought to be deemed valid; and consequently the votes of thatcounty may lawfully be canvassed.

"2d Question. The preceding answer to the first question renders ananswer to the second unnecessary.

"3d and 4th Questions. The sheriff is required to put into one boxevery enclosure delivered to him by an inspector appointed for thatpurpose by the inspectors of any town or district; and for omitting toput any such enclosure into the box, he is liable to prosecution; butin case of such omission, the votes put into the box, and seasonablydelivered into the secretary's office, may, notwithstanding suchomission, be lawfully canvassed; and equally so whether the omittedenclosure be kept back or sent forward with the box to the secretary'soffice. I am therefore of opinion that the votes contained in the boxmay lawfully be canvassed; that those contained in a separate packet,from considerations explained in the depositions, and distinct fromthe objection of not being included within the box, cannot be lawfullycanvassed.

"CLINTON.—The deputy having no interest in the office of sheriff, butbeing merely the sheriff's servant, it does not seem to be necessarythat the evidence of his being employed or made a deputy should be adeed or an instrument in writing, though the latter would be proper;yet a deputy may be made by parole: I am therefore inclined to theopinion that the votes of Clinton may be canvassed.

"TIOGA.—The sheriff is one who executes an office in person or bydeputy, so far at least as the office is ministerial; when a deputy isrequired of the sheriff conomine, he may execute it in person or bydeputy; but if the deputy appoints a deputy, it may be doubtfulwhether ordinarily the acts of the last deputy are the acts of thesheriff. The present instance is an extreme case; had the duty beencapable of being performed within the county, the sheriff or anotherdeputy could have performed. Here the deputy, being in the executionof his duty, and without the county, is prevented by the act of Godfrom completing it; the sheriff could not appoint, and the deputyundertakes to appoint a deputy to finish his duty, who accordinglydoes so. The election law is intended to render effectual theconstitutional right of suffrage; it should therefore be construedliberally, and the means should be in subordination to the end.

"In this case it may be reasonably doubted whether the canvassers areobliged to reject the votes of Tioga.

"RUFUS KING."

Mr. Burr's opinion to the Canvassers.

"OTSEGO.—The duration of the office of sheriff in England having beenlimited by statute to one year, great inconveniences were experienced,as well by suiters as by the public. To remove which it was thoughtnecessary to pass an act of parliament. The statute of 12 Ed. IV., ch.1, recites at large these inconveniences, and authorizes the sheriffto execute and return writs in the term of St. Michael, before thedelivery of a writ of discharge, notwithstanding the expiration of theyear. The authority given by this statute being to execute onlycertain specified duties, the remedy was not complete, and anotherstatute [1] was soon after passed, permitting sheriffs to do every actpertaining to the office, during the term of St. Michael and St.Hilary, after the expiration of the year, if not sooner discharged.The practice in England appears to have been conformable to thesestatutes, [2] though the king did pretend to dispense with them byforce of the royal prerogative; and this claim and exercise of a powerin the crown to dispense with and control the operation of statutes,has been long and universally condemned as odious andunconstitutional; yet the form of the commission is said still to beduring pleasure.

"These considerations tend to show the principles of several opinionsand adjudications, which are found in English law-books, relative tothe holding over of the office of sheriff.

"None of the statutes of England or Great Britain continued to be lawsof this state after the first of May, 1778. So that at present thereremains no pretence for adopting any other than the obvious meaning ofthe constitution, which limits the duration of the office to one year,beyond which the authority to hold cannot be derived from theconstitution, the appointment, or the commission. If inconveniencesarise, remedies can be provided by law only, as has in similar casesbeen done in England, deciding on legal principles; therefore, theappointment and commission, and with them the authority of Mr. Smith,must be deemed to have expired on the 18th of February.

"Yet there are instances of offices being exercised by persons holdingunder an authority apparently good, but which, on strict legalexamination, proves defective; whose acts, nevertheless, are, withsome limitations, considered as valid. This authority is calledcolourable, and the officer in such cases is said to be an officerde facto; which intends an intermediate state between an exercisestrictly lawful and one without such colour of right. Mr. Smith doesnot appear to me to have holden the office of sheriff on the 3d of Mayunder such colour or pretence of right. The term of his office hadexpired, and he had formally expressed his determination not to accepta reappointment; after the expiration of the year he accepted, andeven two days before the receipt of the ballots, openly exercised anoffice incompatible with that of sheriff; and it is to be inferred,from the tenour of the affidavits, that he then knew of theappointment of Mr. Gilbert. The assumption of this authority by Mr.Smith does not even appear to have been produced by any urgent publicnecessity or imminent public inconvenience. Mr. Gilbert was qualifiedin season to have discharged the duty, and, for aught that is shown,his attendance, if really desired, might have been procured stillearlier.

"Upon all the circ*mstances of this case, I am of opinion,

"1. That Mr. Smith was not sheriff of Otsego when he received andforwarded the ballots.

"2d. That the ballots delivered by the deputy of Mr. Smith cannot belegally canvassed.

"The direction of the law is positive, that the sheriff shall put allthe enclosures into one box. How far his inattention or misconduct inthis particular shall be deemed to vitiate the ballots of a county,appears to be left to the judgment of the canvassers. Were the ballotsof this county subject to no other exception than that stated in thethird and fourth questions, I should incline to think it one of thosecases in which the discretion of the canvassers might be safelyexercised, and that the ballots contained in the boxes might belegally canvassed; those in the separate package do not appear to besubject to such discretionary power; the law does not permit them tobe estimated. But the extent to which this power might be exercised incases similar in kind, but varying in degree, cannot be preciselydefined. Instances may doubtless be supposed, in which sounddiscretion would require that the whole should be rejected.

"Clinton.——To the question relative to the ballots of this county,it may suffice to say, that verbal and written deputation by a sheriffare, in law, considered as of equal validity, particularly when it isto perform a single ministerial act.

"Tioga.——it is said that a deputy may make a deputy to dischargecertain duties merely ministerial; but, considering the importance ofthe trust in regard of the care of the ballots, and the extremecirc*mspection which is indicated in the law relative to elections, Ithink that the ballots of this county cannot, by any fiction orconstruction, be said to have been delivered by the sheriff; and amof opinion that they ought not to be canvassed.

"AARON BURR."

The opinion of Rufus King in this case was concurred in by Stephen
Lush, T. V. W. Graham, and Abraham Van Vechten, of Albany; Richard
Harrison, John Lawrence, John Cozine, Cornelius J. Bogart, Robert
Troup, James M. Hughes, and Thomas Cooper, of New-York.

The opinion of Colonel Burr was sustained by Pierpont Edwards ofConnecticut, Jonathan D. Sergeant, of Philadelphia, Edmund Randolph,of Virginia, United States attorney-general, Zephaniah Swift, MosesCleaveland, Asher Miller, David Daggett, Nathaniel Smith, and DudleyBaldwin. These opinions were procured by Colonel Burr, as appears fromthe private correspondence on the subject.

FROM JONATHAN D. SERGEANT.

Philadelphia, 4th May, 1792.

DEAR SIR,

You will perceive by the date of the enclosed that it has been readysome time, but I have waited in hopes that I should have the pleasureof sending forward Mr. Randolph's opinion in company with mine. As heis not yet quite ready, and I am going out of town, I send forward myown singly. He is very solicitous to collect all possible informationon the subject before he gives his opinion, and would willingly excusehimself from the task, were it not, as he says, that it would looklike a want of that independence and firmness which dispose a man tomeet any question, however important or strongly contended.

His opinion hitherto has been conformable to yours, and I expect willcontinue so. When it is ready I will forward it without the delay ofsending it round to Dr. Edwards's in the country. The doctor hadspoken to me some time before your letter came to me, so that I wasnearly prepared when I received yours.

Your obedient servant,

JONATHAN D. SERGEANT.

On the 6th of November, 1792, the legislature met. On the 13th,petitions, memorials, &c. were presented to the House of Assembly,demanding an inquiry into the conduct of the board appointed tocanvass the votes given for governor, &c. at the preceding election,held in the month of April. On the 21st the house, in committee of thewhole, took up the subject. Witnesses were examined at the bar;various resolutions and modifications were offered and rejected. Thedebate was continued at intervals from the 21st of November, 1792,until the 18th of July, 1793. The minority of the canvassers entered aprotest against the proceedings of the majority, which it is due tothem to insert here.

"The Protest of Messrs. Jones, Roosevelt, and Gansevoort.

"We, the subscribers, members of the joint committee appointed tocanvass and estimate the votes taken at the last election in thisstate for governor, lieutenant-governor, and senators, do dissentfrom, and protest against, the determination of the major part of saidcommittee respecting the votes taken at the said election in thecounty of Otsego.

"I. Because these votes having been given by the freeholders ofOtsego, and the packages containing the same having been received andtransmitted in season to the secretary's office by the person actingas sheriff of the county, the committee have no right to reject themunder the pretence of judging of the legality, validity, operation, orextent of the sheriff's authority or commission; these commissionsbeing foreign to the duty of their appointment, and capable of adecision only in the ordinary courts of law.

"II. Because, if the committee were by law authorized to examine anddetermine the legality and extent of the sheriff's authority andcommission, we are of opinion that Richard R. Smith, at the time hereceived and transmitted the ballots, was the lawful sheriff ofOtsego. By the constitution, the sheriff, whatever may be the form ofhis commission, must hold his office during the pleasure of theCouncil of Appointment; and, by the law of the land, he must continuetherein until another is appointed and takes upon himself the office.Richard R. Smith, having been appointed on the 27th of February, 1791,and Benjamin Gilbert having been appointed on the 30th of March, 1792,but not having qualified or taken upon himself the office untilRichard R. Smith had received and forwarded the same, must be deemedthe lawful sheriff of the county. The uniform practice which hasprevailed since the establishment of the constitution, precludes alldoubt respecting its true construction on this point. For although thecommissions of the sheriffs are for one year, they have neverthelesscontinued to exercise the office until others were appointed andentered upon the execution thereof, which has often been long afterthe expiration of the year, and sometimes after the same person hasremained in office more than four years successively. And suchsheriffs, sometimes after the expiration of their year, at othersafter having held the office for four successive years, have receivedand transmitted ballots for governor, lieutenant-governor, andsenators, which ballots have on former elections been received andcanvassed; and even upon the present canvass, the committee havecanvassed the ballots taken in the counties of Kings, Orange, andWashington, notwithstanding the year had expired for which thesheriffs of these counties were commissioned, and no new commissionshad been issued. Hence the sheriffs of those counties, in receivingand transmitting the ballots, must have acted under their formercommissions, since a mere appointment without a commission, and acompliance with the requisites prescribed by law, could not, in ouropinion, give any authority as sheriff to the person so appointed.

"III. Because, if Richard R. Smith, at the time he received andforwarded the ballots, was not sheriff, the county was without asheriff, a position too mischievous to be established by a doubtfulconstruction of law.

"IV. Because, if Richard R. Smith was not of right sheriff of thecounty at the time he received and forwarded the ballots, he was thensheriff in fact of that county; and all the acts of such an officerwhich tend to the public utility, or to preserve and render effectualthe rights of third persons, are valid in law.

"V. Because, in all doubtful cases, the committee ought, in ouropinion, to decide in favour of the votes given by the citizens, lestby too nice and critical an exposition of the law the rights ofsuffrage be rendered nugatory.

"We also dissent from, and protest against, the determination of themajor part of the said committee respecting the votes taken at thesaid election in the county of Clinton;

"Because it appears that the sheriff of the said county deputed aperson by parole to deliver the box containing the ballots of the saidcounty into the secretary's office. Such deputation we deem to besufficient; and as there is satisfactory evidence that the box wasdelivered in the same state in which it was received from the sheriff,the votes, in our opinion, ought to be canvassed.

"We also dissent from, and protest against, the determination of themajor part of the said committee, by which they declare that GeorgeClinton was, by the greatest number of votes taken at the lastelection for governor, lieutenant-governor, and senators, chosengovernor of this state; and that Pierre Van Courtlandt was, by thegreatest number of votes at the said election, chosenlieutenant-governor; and that John Livingston was, by the greatestnumber of votes at the said election, in the eastern district of thisstate, chosen a senator in the said eastern district.

"Because it cannot be ascertained whether George Clinton was chosengovernor, or Pierre Van Courtlandt lieutenant-governor of this state,by the greatest number of votes at the last election, withoutexamining the ballots contained in the boxes delivered into thesecretary's office by the sheriffs of the counties of Otsego andClinton—there being a sufficient number of freeholders in thesecounties, with the votes given in the other parts of the state forJohn Jay as governor and Stephen Van Rensselaer aslieutenant-governor, to give them a majority of votes for thoseoffices. Nor can it be ascertained whether John Livingston was chosena senator in the eastern district by the greatest number of votes inthat district, without examining the votes taken in the county ofClinton—there being a sufficient number of freeholders in thatcounty, with the votes given in other parts of the district for ThomasJenkins as a senator, to give him a greater number of votes for asenator than the number given for the said John Livingston.

"SAMUEL JONES,

"ISAAC ROOSEVELT,

"LEONARD GANSEVOORT."

Joshua Sands, another member of the board of canvassers, enteredseparately a protest, but substantially the same as the preceding.

The majority of the canvassers presented a document to thelegislature, in which they assigned their reasons for the course theyhad pursued. That document was drawn by Colonel Burr. The originaldraught, with his emendations, has been preserved among his papers. Onthe motion of a member, it was read in the house the 28th day ofDecember, 1792, and is entered at large on their journals asfollows:—

"The reasons assigned by the majority of the Canvassers invindication of their conduct.

"The joint committee appointed to canvass and estimate the votes forgovernor, lieutenant-governor, and senators at the last election,having been constrained, by a sense of their duty in the discharge ofthe trust reposed in them, to reject the ballots returned from thecounties of Clinton, Otsego, and Tioga; and perceiving that attemptsare made to misrepresent as well the principles of their determinationas the facts on which they are founded, feel it incumbent on them tostate the grounds of their decision.

"CLINTON AND TIOGA.—A box, said to contain the ballots of the countyof Clinton, was deposited in the secretary's office by a TheodorePlatt, without any deputation or other authority, accompanied only byhis own affidavit, that he had received the said box from the sheriffof Clinton.

Another box, said to contain the ballots of the county of Tioga, wasdelivered by the sheriff of the county of Tioga to his deputy,Benjamin Hovey, who, being detained by illness on the road, deliveredthe said box to one James H. Thompson, by whom it was deposited in thesecretary's office.

"The joint committee, pursuant to the law, are sworn to canvass thevotes 'contained in the boxes delivered into the office of thesecretary of the state by the sheriffs of the several counties.' Hencearose a question, whether this was not a personal trust, which couldnot be legally performed by deputy? Upon this point we entertaineddifferent opinions; but agreed that, if the discretion of thecommittee was to be in any degree controlled by the directions of thelaw, there appeared no room to doubt of the illegality of canvassingboxes which were not delivered by a sheriff or the deputy of asheriff. The ballots contained in these boxes were therefore rejected;not, however, without sensible regret, as no suspicion was entertainedof the fairness of those elections.

"OTSEGO.—-It appears that Richard R. Smith, on the 17th of February,1791, was appointed sheriff of the county of Otsego, to hold thatoffice until the 18th of February, 1792; that a commission was issuedagreeably to that appointment; that on the 13th of January, 1792, hewrote to the governor and council that he should decline areappointment; that on the 30th of March, 1792, Benjamin Gilbert wasappointed sheriff of the said county; that the commission to the saidBenjamin Gilbert was, on the 13th of April, 1792, delivered to StephenVan Rensselaer, one of the Council of Appointment, to be by himforwarded; that the said commission was in the hands of WilliamCooper, Esq., first judge of the said county, on or before the 3d ofMay; that the said Richard R. Smith, on the first Tuesday in April,was elected supervisor of the town of Otsego, accepted that office,and on the 1st day of May took his seat at the board of supervisors,assisted in the appointment of loan officers, and then declared thathe was no longer sheriff of the county, but that Benjamin Gilbert wasappointed in his place. It also appeared that Benjamin Gilbert had nonotice of his said appointment, or of the receiving of the ballots bythe said Richard R. Smith, until the 9th day of May, and that he wassworn to the execution of the office on the 11th; that, on the 3d ofMay, the said Richard R. Smith put up the ballots of the said countyin the store of the said William Cooper, Esq., in whose hands thecommission of Benjamin Gilbert then was; that the box said to containthe votes of the said county was delivered into the secretary's officeby Leonard Goes previous to the last Tuesday in May, under adeputation from the said Richard R. Smith; together with the said box,and at the same time, the said Leonard Goes delivered a separatepacket or enclosure, which, by an endorsem*nt thereon, purported tocontain 'the ballots received from the town of Cherry Valley, in thecounty of Otsego.'

"The manner of the delivery of the said box and enclosure, and theauthority of the said Leonard Goes, were reported to the committee bythe secretary of the state.

"These votes were not canvassed for the following reasons:—

"1. The committee found themselves bound, by their oath and by thedirections of the law before mentioned, to canvass only the votescontained in the boxes which may have been delivered into thesecretary's office by the sheriffs of the several counties. Itappeared to them absurd to suppose this duty should be so expresslyenjoined, and that they should nevertheless be prohibited frominquiring whether the boxes were or were not delivered by suchofficers; or that they should be restrained from ascertaining a fact,without the knowledge of which it was impossible that they coulddischarge the duty with certainty to the public or with confidence tothemselves. They could not persuade themselves that they were, underthat law and that oath, compelled to canvass and estimate votes,however fraudulently obtained, which should be delivered into thesecretary's office by any person styling himself sheriff, though itshould at the same time be evident to them that he was not thesheriff. If such was to be their conduct, a provision intended as asecurity against impositions would be an engine to promote them. Theyconceived, therefore, that the objection to an inquiry so important,and in a case where the question was raised and the inquiry imposedupon them by the suggestions of the secretary, must have arisen fromgross misrepresentation or willful error.

"Upon investigating the right of the said Richard R. Smith to exercisethat office, the facts appeared as herein-before stated.

"2. The constitution requires that sheriffs shall be annuallyappointed; which, to our apprehension, implies that no person shallexercise the office by virtue of any other than an annualappointment. And should it even be admitted that the council may, attheir pleasure, remove a sheriff within the year, yet we do not seeon what ground it can be denied that the duration of the office islimited to one year, unless a new appointment should take place. Itwould otherwise be true that the council could indirectly, or by acriminal omission, accomplish what is not within their direct or legalauthority. It will be readily admitted that an appointment andcommission for three years would be void; and surely the pretence ofone thus claiming should be preferred to a usurpation without evensuch appearance of right, and against the known right of another. Toassert, therefore, that 'by the constitution the sheriff, whatever maybe the form of his commission, must hold his office during thepleasure of the Council of Appointment; and that, by the law of theland, he must continue therein until another is appointed and hastaken upon himself the office,' is an assertion accompanied with noproof or reason, and is repugnant to the letter and spirit of theconstitution, which is eminently the law of the land. The practicewhich has prevailed since the revolution, as far as hath come to ourknowledge, does not warrant the position; neither could mere practice,if such had prevailed, justify the adoption of a principle contrary tothe obvious meaning of the constitution. Upon the present occasion wehave not canvassed the votes of any county which were not returned bya sheriff holding his office under an appointment unexpired. Thesheriffs of Kings, Orange, and Washington had all been reappointedwithin the present year, which satisfied the words of theconstitution, and was the known and avowed reason which influencedthe committee to estimate the ballots of those counties. The doctrineconcerning the constitutional pleasure of the council in theappointment of the office of sheriffs had not then been invented.

"3. But even admitting the visionary idea that the office of sheriff(whose duration is limited by the constitution) can nevertheless beholden during the pleasure of the Council of Appointment, yet thatappears to have been determined by the letter of the appointment andcommission, by the appointment of Benjamin Gilbert, by the declarationof Richard R. Smith, and by his acceptance and exercise of anotheroffice, which is, by the constitution, declared to be incompatiblewith the office of sheriff.

"It was evident, therefore, that Richard R. Smith had no authority byappointment, by commission, by the constitution, or by any law, tohold or exercise the office of sheriff on the third of May.

"4. As Richard R. Smith was not legally or constitutionally sheriff onthe third of May, neither, under the circ*mstances of the case, can hebe said to have been sheriff in fact, so as to render his acts validin contemplation of law: the assumption of power by Mr. Smith appearsto have been warranted by no pretence or colour of right. The timelimited for the duration of his office had expired by the expresstenure of his commission and appointment, and he had formally declaredhis determination not to accept a reappointment. He had, two daysprevious to his receiving the ballots, openly exercised an officeincompatible with that of sheriff; then declared that he had resignedthe office of sheriff, and that Benjamin Gilbert was appointed in hisplace; and by an affidavit which was produced to the committee, itappeared that, upon the day upon which he had put up the ballots inthe house of the said William Cooper, he, the said Richard R. Smith,declared that he had resigned the office of sheriff. The businessmight with equal care and certainty have been executed by BenjaminGilbert. The single act of receiving ballots could of itself continueno man a sheriff—least of all a man disavowing that office, andthen in the exercise of another. It was foreign to the duty of thecommittee to provide against evils which may possibly arise fromcasual vacancies in the office of sheriff by death and otherwise.Vacancies will sometimes unavoidably happen, without furtherlegislative provision.

"There is not, therefore, in our opinion, any application to thesubject, or force in the objection, 'that if Richard R. Smith was notsheriff, the county was without a sheriff;' neither is the positiontrue in fact, for it appears that the county was not then without asheriff. At the time the ballots were received, it was well known thatBenjamin Gilbert was appointed sheriff, and that his commission was inthe hands of William Cooper, in whose store Richard R. Smith put upthe ballots. It is also to be fairly inferred that, had propermeasures been taken to give notice to Mr. Gilbert, he would forthwithhave qualified and undertaken the execution of the office. It cannot,therefore, consistent with truth or candour, be asserted that therewas the remotest probability that 'mischiefs' could in any parallelcase ensue from the principles adopted by the committee.

"It did not seem possible, therefore, by any principle of law, by anylatitude of construction, to canvass and estimate the ballotscontained in the box thus circ*mstanced.

"But, had the question been doubtful, it was attended by othercirc*mstances, which would have determined the committee againstcanvassing those ballots.

"5. Because the notice of the appointment of Benjamin Gilbert wasreceived by Richard R. Smith on or before the first of May, and hiscommission was received by William Cooper on or before the third ofMay. Mr. Gilbert might therefore have been notified, qualified, andexecuted the duty. He did actually qualify on the eleventh, which gaveample time to have forwarded the ballots before the last Tuesday inMay. These facts, with other suggestions of unfair practices, renderedthe conduct of the Otsego election justly liable to suspicion; and thecommittee were constrained to conclude that the usurpation ofauthority by Richard R. Smith was wanton and unnecessary, andproceeded from no motive connected with the preservation of the rightsof the people or the freedom and purity of elections.

"6. Because, having in several instances, by unanimous vote,rejected ballots of whole towns, free from any suspicion ofunfairness, by reason of a defect in form only of the return, thecommittee conceived themselves the more strongly bound to rejectballots where the defect was substantial, and the conduct at leastquestionable; especially as the law regards the custody of enclosurescontaining the ballots as a trust of high importance, and contemplatesbut three persons in whose hands they are to be confided until theycome to the possession of the canvassers, to wit, the inspector, thesheriff, and the secretary; all officers of great responsibility andconfidence.

"7. Because the return, upon the face of it, appeared to be illegal.The law requires the sheriff, 'upon receiving the said enclosure,directed to be delivered to him as aforesaid, without opening orinspecting the same, or any or either of them, to put the saidenclosures, and every one of them, into one box, which shall be wellclosed, &c., and be delivered by him, without opening the same, or theenclosures therein contained, into the office of the secretary of thisstate before the last Tuesday in May in every year.'

"By recurring to the preceding state of facts it will be evident thatthis direction of the law had been disregarded. If irregularities ofthis kind should be permitted and countenanced, it would be in thepower of the sheriff, by excluding a part of the votes, to confer amajority on any candidate, in counties where there were divisions ofinterests. Affidavits were indeed produced tending to show that therehad been, in that town, disputes respecting the election of townofficers; that two enclosures, purporting to contain the votes of thetown, were delivered to Mr. Smith, and that he had put into the boxthat enclosure which contained the votes taken by the persons whom hejudged to be the legal inspectors: a matter proper to have beensubmitted to the opinion of the committee.

"The committee have considered this subject with deliberate attention,and in every light in which it could be placed; and whether theyregarded the channels of conveyance, the mode of the return, or thegeneral principles which ought to govern their decisions touching thefreedom of elections and security against frauds, they foundundeniable reasons which compelled them to reject the votes.

"DAVID GELSTON,

"THOMAS TILLOTSON,

"DANIEL GRAHAM,

"MELANCTON SMITH,

"DAVID M'CARTY,

"P.V. COURTLANDT, jun.,

"JONATHAN N. HAVENS."

On the 18th of January, 1793, the House of Assembly passed thefollowing resolutions on the subject. "Thereupon, Resolved, That themode of prosecuting any joint committee of the Senate and Assembly,appointed for the purpose of canvassing and estimating the votes takenin this state for governor, lieutenant-governor, and senators, and thepenalties to be inflicted on such committee, or any of them, for anyimproper conduct in the execution of the trust reposed in them by law,are clearly pointed out in the twentieth and twenty-first sections ofthe act for regulating elections, passed the 13th day of February, onethousand seven hundred and eighty-seven; and that, therefore, anyperson or persons who may suppose that any such joint committee, orany of them have conducted themselves improperly in the execution ofthe trust reposed in them, may prosecute the same to effect in theordinary course of law.

"Resolved, That notwithstanding this provision in the act forregulating elections, this house hath gone into an inquiry withrespect to the conduct of the late committee appointed to canvass andestimate the votes for governor, lieutenant-governor, and senators,taken at the last general election held in this state, to the intentthat satisfaction may be given those citizens of the state who havebeen dissatisfied with the decision of the major part of the saidcommittee, with respect to the votes taken in the counties of Otsego,Tioga, and Clinton.

"Resolved, That after a full and fair examination into the conductof the major part of the said canvassing committee, it does not appearto this house that the said major part of the committee, to wit: DavidGelston, Thomas Tillotson, Daniel Graham, Melancton Smith, DavidM'Carty, Pierre Van Courtlandt, junior, and Jonathan N. Havens, havebeen guilty of any mal or corrupt conduct in the execution of thetrust reposed in them by law.

"And whereas, by the eleventh section of the act for regulatingelections, it is enacted that all questions which shall arise upon anycanvass and estimate, or upon any of the proceedings therein, shall bedetermined according to the opinion of the major part of the saidcanvassing committee, and that their judgment and determination shallin all cases be binding and conclusive; therefore,

"Resolved, As the sense of this house, that the legislature cannotannul or make void any of the determinations of the said committee."

The question was taken on the preceding resolutions together, by yeasand nays, and passed in the affirmative. Ays 35. Nays 22.

Among the individuals for whom Colonel Burr entertained a high degreeof respect, was Jacob De Lamater, Esq., of Marbletown. Between thesegentlemen, for several years, a friendly, and, in some instances, aconfidential correspondence existed. Mr. De Lamater was a federalist,but personally attached to Colonel Burr. In 1792 he was among thosewho wished him to become a candidate for the office of governor. Afterthe death of De Lamater, the letters addressed to him by Colonel Burrwere returned. They were written under the sacred seal of friendship;but they contain not a sentence, not a word, that is not alikehonourable to his head and his heart. One is selected and herepublished as explanatory of his feelings and his conduct in thecontested election (which so much agitated the State of New-York)between George Clinton and John Jay. It requires no comment.

TO MR. DE LAMATER

New-York, 15th June, 1792.

MY DEAR SIR,

You will, before this can reach you, have heard of the event of thelate election. Some questions having arisen among the canvassersrespecting the returns from Clinton, Otsego, and Tioga, they requestedthe advice of Mr. King and myself. We conferred, and, unfortunately,differed; particularly as to the questions upon the Otsego return. Itherefore proposed that we should decline giving any opinion, beingfor my own part much averse to interfere in the business. Mr. King,however, determined to give his separate opinion, from what motivesyou may judge. This laid me under the necessity of giving mine also,which I did. If I can procure copies of both opinions, and of theprotest of the minority, and the reasons assigned by the majority ofthe canvassers, I will send them herewith. They will enable you toform a competent judgment of the law question, and of the fairness ofthe Otsego return.

I do not see how any unbiased man can doubt, but still I do notpretend to control the opinion of others, much less to take offence atany man for differing from me. The reasons contained in my opinion,and assigned by the majority of the canvassers, have never beenanswered except by abuse. I can, in a personal interview, inform youof some circ*mstances relative to the opinions which have beenprocured in favour of the Otsego votes.

I have heard with much pride and pleasure of the warm anddisinterested manner in which I was espoused by some respectablecharacters in your county. I shall never fail to recollect it withsensibility and gratitude. It would therefore give me real pain tobelieve that any part of my conduct had tended to thwart their wishes.If it has had any such effect, it should at least be remembered that Idid not seek to gratify any wish or interest of my own. I took no partin the election. I never gave to any person the most distantintimation that I supposed you engaged to support Mr. Clinton, or totake any other part than that which your inclinations and judgmentshould direct. I felt no disposition to influence your conduct on thatoccasion. Had I been so inclined, I have no doubt but I could, invarious parts of the state, have essentially injured Mr. Jay'sinterest; but I made no attempt of the kind. Yet I shall never yieldup the right of expressing my opinions. I have never exacted thattribute from another.

Upon the late occasion, indeed, I earnestly wished and sought to berelieved from the necessity of giving any opinion, particularly from aknowledge that it would be disagreeable to you and a few others whom Irespect and wish always to gratify. But the conduct of Mr. King leftme no alternative. I was obliged to give an opinion, and I have notyet learned to give any other than which my judgment directs.

It would, indeed, be the extreme of weakness in me to expectfriendship from Mr. Clinton. I have too many reasons to believe thathe regards me with jealousy and malevolence. Still, this alone oughtnot to have induced me to refuse my advice to the canvassers. Somepretend, indeed, but none can believe, that I am prejudiced in hisfavour. I have not even seen or spoken to him since January last. Iwish to merit the flattering things you say of my talents; but yourexpressions of esteem and regard are still more flattering, and these,I am sure, I shall never fail to merit, if the warmest friendship andunalterable attachment can give me a claim.

Will you be abroad any, and what part of the summer? I ask, because Ipropose to make you a visit on my way to, or return from, Albany, andwish to be certain of finding you at home. No political changes canever diminish the pleasure with which I subscribe myself

Your affectionate friend,

A. BURR.

The following letter is evidence of Colonel Burr's propensity tocorrespond in cipher with his most intimate friends, even onunimportant topics. Hundreds of the same character might be given.

TO JACOB DE LAMATER.

New-York, October 30th, 1792

DEAR SIR,

Your letter by Mr. Addison was particularly kind, after my longsupposed silence. We may make use of both keys or ciphers, and ifsome of the persons or things are designated by different characters,no inconvenience will arise; if there should, we will correct it.

V is to be the candidate, as my former letter will have told you: Hehas the wishes of 9 for his success, for reasons which will be obviousto you. Do you think that 8 would be induced from any motive to votefor him?

Yours affectionately,

A. BURR.

Footnotes:

1. 17 Ed., ch. 7, more general.

2. 2 Hawks., 5, 51, Irish oct. edit., 2 mod. 261 statute 1 Wm. andMary, sess. 2, ch. 2. See also sec. 12 of the same statute.

CHAPTER XVII.

On the 2d of October, 1792, Governor Clinton nominated Colonel Burr tothe Council of Appointment as Judge of the Supreme Court of the state,which nomination was immediately confirmed. Thus, within the shortspace of about three years, he was appointed by the democratic partyto the several important stations of Attorney-General, Senator of theUnited States, and Judge of the Supreme Court. The last appointmentwas made without consulting Mr. Burr. As soon as he was notified ofthe fact, he informed the governor of his non-acceptance; yet soanxious was his excellency, and so strong were his hopes that ColonelBurr might be induced to withdraw his resignation, that be refused tolay it before the council until the legislature, on the 7th ofDecember, adopted the following resolution—

"Whereas it appears to the legislature, by the records of the Councilof Appointment, that Aaron Burr, Esq., one of the senators for thisstate in the Senate of the United States, was, on the 2d day ofOctober last, appointed one of the puisne justices of the SupremeCourt of Judicature of this state: Thereupon,

"Resolved (if the honourable the Senate concur herein), That hisexcellency the governor be and hereby is requested to inform thelegislature whether the said Aaron Burr hath accepted or refused thesaid office."

On the 24th of October, 1791, Congress convened, and Colonel Burr tookhis seat in the Senate of the United States. In those days it was thepractice of the president, accompanied by the heads of departments, toproceed to Congress Hall for the purpose of meeting the two branchesof the national legislature, and opening the session with a speech, towhich a response was made by each body separately. On the 25th thepresident made his annual communication; whereupon the Senate"Ordered, That Messrs. Burr, Cabot, and Johnston be a committee toprepare and report the draught of an address to the President of theUnited States, in answer to his speech, delivered this day to bothhouses of Congress in the Senate Chamber."

The next day Colonel Burr, as chairman of the committee, draughted andreported an answer, which was adopted by the Senate without alterationor amendment: an occurrence, it is believed, that happened in only twoother instances during the period that speeches were delivered by theexecutive. After the election of Mr. Jefferson the system of sendingmessages was substituted.

The journals of the Senate afford ample evidence that Colonel Burr wasan industrious and efficient member of that body. During the firstsession of his term of service he was placed on numerous committees,some of them important, and generally as chairman. His business habitssoon became evident, and were called into operation. His character forfirmness was well established before be took his seat in the Senate;but on the 9th of January, 1794, it was displayed with effect. Inconsequence of a difference between the two houses, a bill to increasethe standing army was lost.

Mr. King, of New-York, by consent, introduced a new bill; it wasentitled "An act for the more effectual protection of the southwesternfrontier settlers." Unsuccessful efforts were made by Colonel Burr andothers to amend it, by striking out some of its most odious features;but there was a decided majority, as it was known to be anadministration measure, determined on carrying it through. The billwas ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, and the question onits passage was to be taken on the last day of the session. By therules of the Senate, the question could not be put if any memberobjected. Colonel Burr objected, and the bill was thus defeated.

Notwithstanding his public engagements, Colonel Burr's mind wasconstantly employed with the education of his daughter. Mrs. Burr'shealth was gradually declining, insomuch that she was unable, attimes, to attend to her domestic concerns. This to him was a source ofunceasing care and apprehension. His letters to his daughter arenumerous. They are frequently playful, always interesting, displayingthe solicitude of an affectionate father anxious for the improvementof his child.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 18th January, 1793.

By the enclosed to Mr. Gurney, [1] I have requested him to write me aletter respecting the health of the family, and Theo.'s improvement.Request him to enclose, on a separate sheet, some columns of figures,pounds, shillings, and pence. I shall show the letter and enclosure asa specimen of his talents to some persons to whom I wish to recommendhim. Beg him to use no uncommon word or expression. He will pardonthis piece of advice when he recollects that I know so much betterthan he does what will suit the persons to whom it is to be shown. Ifhe should offer his letter for your perusal before he sends it, remarkfreely; it will be a kindness of which no one is so capable.

Should this come to hand after he has given his lesson on Saturday,send him his letter, and request him to call on you, if you should beable to bear five minutes conversation with him.

I wrote you yesterday, and have nothing to add respecting myself; andonly a repetition of my prayers for you, with my most affectionate andanxious wishes.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 8th February, 1793.

You may recollect that I left a memorandum of what Theo. was to learn.I hope it has been strictly attended to. Desire Gurney not to attemptto teach her any thing about the "concords." I will show him how Ichoose that should be done when I return, which, I thank God, is butthree weeks distant.

It is eight days since I left home, and I have not a word from any oneof the family, nor even about any one of them. I have been out butonce, half an hour at Mrs. P.'s, a concert; but I call often at Mrs.L.'s. I am more and more struck with the native good sense of one ofthat family, and more and more disgusted with the manner in which itis obscured and perverted: cursed effects of fashionable education! ofwhich both sexes are the advocates, and yours eminently the victims.If I could foresee that Theo. would become a mere fashionable woman,with all the attendant frivolity and vacuity of mind, adorned withwhatever grace and allurement, I would earnestly pray God to take herforthwith hence. But I yet hope, by her, to convince the world whatneither sex appear to believe—that women have souls!

Most affectionately yours,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 15th February, 1793.

I received with joy and astonishment, on entering the Senate thisminute, your two elegant and affectionate letters. The mail closes ina few minutes, and will scarce allow me to acknowledge your goodness.The roads and ferries have been for some days almost impassable, sothat till now no post has arrived since Monday.

It was a knowledge of your mind which first inspired me with a respectfor that of your sex, and with some regret, I confess, that the ideaswhich you have often heard me express in favour of female intellectualpowers are founded on what I have imagined, more than what I haveseen, except in you. I have endeavoured to trace the causes of thisrare display of genius in women, and find them in the errors ofeducation, of prejudice, and of habit. I admit that men are equally,nay more, much more to blame than women. Boys and girls are generallyeducated much in the same way till they are eight or nine years ofa*ge, and it is admitted that girls make at least equal progress withthe boys; generally, indeed, they make better. Why, then, has it neverbeen thought worth the attempt to discover, by fair experiment, theparticular age at which the male superiority becomes so evident? Butthis is not in answer to your letter; neither is it possible now toanswer it. Some parts of it I shall never answer. Your allusions todeparted angels I think in bad taste.

I do not like Theo.'s indolence, or the apologies which are made forit. Have my directions been pursued with regard to her Latin andgeography?

Your plan and embellishment of my mode of life are fanciful, are
flattering, and inviting. We will endeavour to realize some of it.
Pray continue to write, if you can do it with impunity. I bless Sir
J., who, with the assistance of Heaven, has thus far restored you.

In the course of this scrawl I have been several times called to vote,which must apologize to you for its incoherence. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 16th February, 1793.

A line of recollection will, I am sure, be more acceptable thansilence. I consider myself as largely in your debt, and shall ofnecessity remain so.

You have heard me speak of a Miss Woolstonecraft, who has writtensomething on the French revolution; she has also written a bookentitled "Vindication of the rights of Woman." I had heard it spokenof with a coldness little calculated to excite attention; but as Iread with avidity and prepossession every thing written by a lady, Imade haste to procure it, and spent the last night, almost the wholeof it, in reading it. Be assured that your sex has in her an ableadvocate. It is, in my opinion, a work of genius. She has successfullyadopted the style of Rousseau's Emilius; and her comment on that work,especially what relates to female education, contains more good sensethan all the other criticisms upon him which I have seen put together.I promise myself much pleasure in reading it to you.

Is it owing to ignorance or prejudice that I have not yet met a singleperson who had discovered or would allow the merit of this work?

Three mails are in arrear; that of Tuesday is the last which hasarrived. I am impatient to know how writing agrees with you. Pray letme hear, from day to day, the progress of your cure. Mostaffectionately yours,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 18th February, 1793.

Just what I apprehended, I find, has taken place. Three sheets weretoo much for a first attempt. It will, I fear, discourage you, if notdisable you from more moderate experiments. Yet I will hope to receiveby this day's mail at least one line, announcing your progressiverecovery, under your own hand.

Be assured that, after what you have written, I shall not send forGurney. Deliver him the enclosed. I hope it may animate his attention;and tell him, if you think proper, that I shall be much dissatisfiedif Theo.'s progress in Latin be not very considerable at my return.Geography has, I hope, been abandoned, for he has no talent atteaching it.

The close of a session being always crowded with business, keeps memuch engaged. You must expect short letters—mere notes. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO HIS DAUGHTER THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 20th February, 1793.

At length, my dear Theo., I have received your letter of the 20th ofJanuary—written, you see, a month ago. But I observe that it was notput into the postoffice until the day before yesterday. I supposeFrederick or Bartow had carelessly put it in some place where it hadlain forgotten. It would indeed have been a pity that such a lettershould have been lost. There is something in the style and arrangementof the words which would have done honour to a girl of sixteen.

All three of the Miss A.'s will visit New-York next summer, and passsome weeks there. I hope to be at home in ten or twelve days from thistime. Let me receive one or two more letters from you, even if you areobliged to neglect a lesson to find time to write them.

Alexis [2] often bids me to send you some polite and respectfulmessage on his part, which I have heretofore omitted. He is afaithful, good boy. Upon our return home he hopes you will teach himto read.

I am, my dear Theo.,

Your affectionate papa,

A. BURR.

TO HIS DAUGHTER THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 24th February, 1793

MY DEAR THEO.,

In looking over a list made yesterday (and now before me), of lettersof consequence to be answered immediately, I find the name of T.B.Burr. At the time I made the memorandum I did not advert to thecompliment I paid you by putting your name in a list with some of themost eminent persons in the United States. So true is it that yourletters are really of consequence to me. I now allude to that of the19th instant, covering a fable and riddle. If the whole performancewas your own, which I am inclined to hope and believe, it indicates animprovement in style, in knowledge of the French, and in yourhandwriting. I have therefore not only read it several times, butshown it to several persons with pride and pleasure.

I confess myself unable to solve your riddle, unless the teeth orthe alphabet (generally supposed to be twenty-four in each) willgive the solution. But I have not yet had an opportunity to consultMiss P. A. To-morrow I shall call on her for the purpose, and will notfail to inform you of her conjectures on the subject.

Your affectionate papa,

A. BURR,

TO HIS DAUGHTER THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 16th December, 1793.

I have a thousand questions to ask, my dear Theo., but nothing tocommunicate; and thus I fear it will be throughout the winter, for mytime is consumed in the dull uniformity of study and attendance inSenate; but every hour of your day is interesting to me. I wouldgive, what would I not give to see or know even your most triflingactions and amusem*nts? This, however, is more than I can ask orexpect. But I do expect with impatience your journal. Ten minutesevery evening I demand; if you should choose to make it twenty, Ishall be the better pleased. You are to note the occurrences of theday as concisely as you can; and, at your pleasure, to add any shortreflections or remarks that may arise. On the other leaf I give you asample of the manner of your journal for one day.

18th December,

I began this letter at the date which you see, being Monday last—wasinterrupted, and the mail closed. Yesterday I was confined with asevere headache, owing, I believe, to a change from an active to asedentary life without a corresponding change in diet.

A week and more has elapsed since I left home, and not a line fromyou; not even the Sunday letter. Observe, that the journal is to besent to me enclosed in a letter every Monday morning.

Plan of the Journal.

16th December, 1793.

Learned 230 lines, which finished Horace. Heigh-ho for Terence and the
Greek grammar to-morrow.

Practised two hours less thirty-five minutes, which I begged off.

Hewlett (dancing-master) did not come.

Began Gibbon last evening. I find he requires as much study andattention as Horace; so I shall not rank the reading of him amongamusem*nts.

Skated an hour; fell twenty times, and find the advantage of a hardhead and

Ma better—dined with us at table, and is still sitting up and freefrom pain.

Your affectionate papa,

A. BURR.

TO MRS. BURR.

Philadelphia, 24th December, 1793.

Since being at this place I have had several conversations with Dr.Rush respecting your distressing illness, and I have reason to believethat he has given the subject some reflection. He has this eveningcalled on me, and given me as his advice that you should take hemlock.He says that, in the way in which it is usually prepared, you shouldcommence with a dose of one tenth of a grain, and increase as you mayfind you can bear it; that it has the narcotic powers of opium,superadded to other qualities. When the dose is too great, it may bediscovered by a vertigo or giddiness; and that he has known it to workwonderful cures. I was the more pleased with this advice, as I had nottold him that you had been in the use of this medicine; theconcurrence of his opinion gives me great faith in it. God grant thatit may restore your health, and to your affectionate

A. BURR.

TO HIS DAUGHTER THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 25th December, 1793.

The letter, my dear Theo., which (I have no doubt) you wrote me lastSunday, has not yet come to hand. Am I to blame Strong? or thepostmaster? or whom?

When you have finished a letter, read it carefully over, and correctall the errors you can discover. In your last there were some whichcould not, upon an attentive perusal, have escaped your notice, as youshall see when we meet.

I have asked you a great many questions, to which I have as yet noanswers. When you sit down to write to me, or when you set aboutit, be it sitting or standing, peruse all my letters, and leavenothing unanswered. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO HIS DAUGHTER THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 31st December, 1793.

I received your letter and journal yesterday in the Senate Chamber,just before the closing of the mail, so that I had only time toacknowledge it by a hasty line. You see I never let your lettersremain a day unanswered, in which I wish you would imitate me. Yourlast had no date; from the last date in the journal, and your writingabout Christmas holydays as yet at some distance, I suppose you wroteabout Sunday the 22d. Nine days ago! I beg you again to read over allmy letters, and to let me see by your answers that you attend to them.I suspect your last journal was not written from day to day; but allon one, or at most two days, from memory. How is this? Ten or fifteenminutes every evening would not be an unreasonable sacrifice fromyou to me. If you took the Christmas holydays, I assent: if youdid not, we cannot recall the time. This is all the answer which thatpart of your letter now admits of.

It is said that some few yet die of the yellow fever which latelyraged here; but the disorder does not appear to be, at present, inany degree contagious; what may be the case upon the return of warmweather, is a subject of anxious conjecture and apprehension. It isprobable that the session of Congress will continue into the summer.

Give a place to your mamma's health in your journal. Omit the formalconclusion of your letters, and write your name in a larger hand. I amjust going to Senate, where I hope to meet a letter from you, with acontinuation of your journal down to the 29th inclusive, which, if itgives a good account of you and mamma, will gladden the heart of

A BURR.

TO HIS DAUGHTER THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 31st December, 1793.

This day's mail has brought me nothing from you. I have but twoletters in three, almost four weeks, and the journal is ten days inarrear. What—can neither affection nor civility induce you to devoteto me the small portion of time which I have required? Are authorityand compulsion then the only engines by which you can be moved? Forshame, Theo.! Do not give me reason to think so ill of you.

I wrote you this morning, and have nothing to add but the repetitionof my warmest affection.

A. BURR.

TO HIS DAUGHTER THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 4th January, 1794.

At the moment of closing the mail yesterday, I received your letterenclosing the pills. I cannot refer to it by date, as it has none.Tell me truly, did you write it without assistance? Is the languageand spelling your own? If so, it does you much honour. The subject ofit obliged me to show it to Dr. Rush, which I did with great pride. Heinquired your age half a dozen times, and paid some handsomecompliments to the handwriting, the style, and the correctness of yourletter.

The account of your mamma's health distresses me extremely. If shedoes not get better soon, I will quit Congress altogether and go home.Doctor Rush says that the pills contain two grains each of pure andfresh extract of hemlock; that the dose is not too large if thestomach and head can bear it; that he has known twenty grains given ata dose with good effect. To determine, however, whether this medicinehas any agency in causing the sick stomach, he thinks it would be wellto take an occasion of omitting it for a day or two, if Doctor Bardshould approve of such an experiment, and entertains any doubts aboutthe effects of the pills on the stomach. Some further conversationwhich I have had with Doctor Rush will be contained in a letter whichI shall write by this post to Doctor Bard.

My last letter to you was almost an angry one, at which you cannot bemuch surprised when you recollect the length of time of your silence,and that you are my only correspondent respecting the concerns of thefamily. I expect, on Monday or Tuesday next, to receive thecontinuation of your journal for the fortnight past.

Mr. Leshlie will tell you that I have given directions for yourcommencing Greek. One half hour faithfully applied by yourself atstudy, and another at recitation with Mr. Leshlie, will suffice toadvance you rapidly.

Your affectionate,

A. BURR.

TO HIS DAUGHTER THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 7th January, 1794.

When your letters are written with tolerable spirit and correctness, Iread them two or three times before I perceive any fault in them,being wholly engaged with the pleasure they afford me; but, for yoursake, it is necessary that I should also peruse them with an eye ofcriticism. The following are the only mispelled words. You writeacurate for accurate; laudnam for laudanum; intirely forentirely; this last word, indeed, is spelled both ways, but entirelyis the most usual and the most proper.

Continue to use all these words in your next letter, that I may seethat you know the true spelling. And tell me what is laudanum? Whereand how made? And what are its effects?

"It was what she had long wished for, and was at a loss how to procureit."

Don't you see that this sentence would have been perfect and much moreelegant without the last it? Mr. Leshlie will explain to you why.By-the-by, I took the liberty to erase the redundant it before Ishowed the letter.

I am extremely impatient for your farther account of mamma's health.The necessity of laudanum twice a day is a very disagreeable andalarming circ*mstance. Your letter was written a week ago, since whichI have no account. I am just going to the Senate Chamber, where I hopeto meet a journal and letter. Affectionately,

A. BURR.

TO HIS DAUGHTER THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 8th January, 1794

Your two letters of Friday and Saturday came together by yesterday'smail, which did not arrive till near sunset. Your letter of Friday wasnot put into the postoffice until Saturday afternoon. You might haveas well kept it in your own hands till Monday eleven o'clock. Sincethe receipt of these letters I have been three times to Doctor Rush toconsult him about a drink for your mamma; but not having had the goodfortune to find him, have written to him on the subject. I shallundoubtedly procure an answer in the course of this day, and willforward it by to-morrow's post.

I beg, Miss Prissy, that you will be pleased to name a single"unsuccessful effort" which you have made to please me. As to theletters and journals which you did write, surely you have reasonabundant to believe that they gave me pleasure; and how the deuse I amto be pleased with those you did not write, and how an omission towrite can be called an "effort," remains for your ingenuity todisclose.

You improve much in journalizing. Your last is far more sprightly thanany of the preceding. Fifty-six lines sola was, I admit, an effortworthy of yourself, and which I hope will be often repeated. But pray,when you have got up to two hundred lines a lesson, why do you go backagain to one hundred and twenty, and one hundred and twenty-five? Youshould strive never to diminish; but I suppose that vis inertiæ,which is often so troublesome to you, does some times preponderate. Soit is now and then even with your

A. BURR.

Learn the difference between then and than. You will soonestperceive it by translating them into Latin.

Let me see how handsomely you can subscribe your name to your nextletter, about this size,

A. BURR.

TO HIS DAUGHTER THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 10th of January, 1794.

I fear that you will imagine that I have been inattentive to your lastrequest about Dr. Rush; but the truth is, I can get nothingsatisfactory out of him. He enumerates over to me all the articleswhich have been repeatedly tried, and some of which did never agreewith your mamma. He is, however, particularly desirous that she shouldagain try milk—a spoonful only at a time: another attempt, he thinks,should be made with porter, in some shape or other. Sweet oil,molasses, and milk, in equal proportions, he has known to agree withstomachs which had rejected every thing else. Yet he says, and withshow of reason, that these things depend so much on the taste, thehabits of life, the peculiarity of constitution, that she and herattending physician can be the best, if not the only advisers. Itgives me very great pleasure to learn that she is now better. I shallwrite you again on Sunday, having always much to say to you

Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 13th January, 1794.

Your letter of the 9th, my dear Theo., was a most agreeable surpriseto me. I had not dared even to hope for one until to-morrow. In oneinstance, at least, an attempt to please me has not been"unsuccessful." You see I do not forget that piece of impudence.

Doctor Rush says that he cannot conceive animal food to beparticularly necessary; nourishment is the great object. He approvesmuch of the milk punch and chocolate. The stomach must on no accountbe offended. The intermission of the pills for a few days (not howeverfor a whole week) he thinks not amiss to aid in determining itseffects. The quantity may yet be increased without danger, but thepresent dose is in his opinion sufficient; but after some dayscontinual use, a small increase might be useful.

I was yesterday thronged with company from eight in the morning tilleleven at night. The Greek signature, though a little mistaken, wasnot lost upon me. I have a letter from Mr. Leshlie, which pays youmany compliments. He has also ventured to promise that you will everyday get a lesson in Terence by yourself. You know how grateful thiswill be to

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 14th January, 1794.

I really think, my dear Theo., that you will be very soon beyond allverbal criticism, and that my whole attention will be presentlydirected to the improvement of your style. Your letter of the 9th isremarkably correct in point of spelling. That word rec_ie_ved stillescapes your attention. Try again. The words wold and shold aremere carelessness; necess_e_ry instead of necess_a_ry, belongs, Isuspect to the same class.

"Dr. B. called here, but did not speak of his having rec_ie_ved aletter from you, but desired," &c.

When I copied the foregoing, I intended to have shown you how toimprove it; but, upon second thought, determine to leave it toyourself. Do me the favour to endorse it on, or subjoin it to,your next letter, corrected and varied according to the best of yourskill.

"Ma begs you will omit the thoughts of leaving Congress," &c.; "omit"is improperly used here. You mean "abandon, relinquish, renounce, orabjure the thoughts," &c. Your mamma, Mr. Leshlie, or yourdictionary (Johnson's folio), will teach you the force of thisobservation. The last of these words would have been too strong forthe occasion. You have used with propriety the words "encomium" and"adopted." I hope you may have frequent occasion for the former, withthe like application.

"Cannot be committed to paper," is well expressed.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 16th January, 1794.

I hope the mercury, if tried, will be used with the most vigilantcaution and the most attentive observation of its first effects. I amextremely anxious and apprehensive about the event of such anexperiment.

I fear, my dear little girl, that my letter of the 13th imposed toomuch upon you; if so, dispense with what you may find too troublesome.You perceive by this license the entire confidence which I place inyour discretion.

Your journal still advances towards perfection. But the letter whichaccompanied it is, I remark with regret, rather a falling off. I havereceived none more carelessly written, or with more numerous omissionsof words. I am sensible that many apologies are at hand; but you,perhaps, would not be sensible that any were necessary, if I shouldomit to remind you.

On Sunday se'nnight (I think the 26th) I shall, unless baffled ordelayed by ice or weather, be with you at Richmond Hill. I will notbid you adieu till the Friday preceding. In the interim, we shalloften in this way converse.

I continue the practice of scoring words for our mutual improvement.
The use, as applicable to you, was indicated in a former letter.

I am sure you will be charmed with the Greek language above allothers. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 23d January, 1794.

Io, triumphe! There is not a word mispelled either in your journal orletter, which cannot be said of a single page you ever before wrote.The fable is quite classical, and, if not very much corrected by Mr.Leshlie, is truly a surprising performance, and written mostbeautifully. But what has become of poor Alpha Beta? Discouraged? Thatis impossible. Laid aside for the present? That, indeed, is possible,but by no means probable. Shall I guess again? Yes; you mean tosurprise me with some astonishing progress. And yet, to confess thetruth, your lessons in Terence, Exercises, and "music" (without a k,observe) seem to leave little time for any other study. I must remainin suspense for four days longer.

Doctor Rush thinks that bark would not be amiss, but may be beneficialif the stomach does not rebuke it, which must be constantly the firstobject of attention. He recommends either the cold infusion orsubstance as least likely to offend the stomach.

Be able, upon my arrival, to tell me the difference between aninfusion and decoction; and the history, the virtues, and thebotanical or medical name of the bark. Chambers will tell you moreperhaps than you will wish to read of it. Your little mercurialdisquisition is ingenious, and prettily told.

I have a most dreary prospect of weather and roads for my journey. Iset off on Saturday morning, and much fear that it will take two orthree days to get to Now-York.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 13th February, 1794.

I received your letter and enclosures yesterday in Senate. I stoppedreading the letter, and took up the story in the place you directed;was really affected by the interesting little tale, faithfullybelieving it to have been taken from the Mag. D'Enf., and wasastonished and delighted when I recurred to the letter and found thelittle deception you had played upon me. It is concisely andhandsomely told, and is indeed a performance above your years.

Mr. Leshlie is not, I am afraid, a competent judge of what you arecapable of learning; you must convince him that you can, when you setin earnest about it, accomplish wonders.

Do you mean that the forty lines which you construed in Virgil were ina part you had not before learned?

I despair of getting genuine Tent wine in this city. There never was abottle of real unadulterated Tent imported here for sale. Mr.Jefferson, who had some for his own use, has left town. Good Burgundyand Muscat, mixed in equal parts, make a better Tent than can bebought. But by Bartow's return you shall have what I can get—soonerif I find a conveyance.

Bartow is the most perfect gossip I ever knew; though, I must say, itis the kind of life I have advised him to while he stays here. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 7th March, 1794.

Your letter of the 4th was three days on the road. I am certain that Ihave answered punctually all which have come to hand. True, I have notwritten to you as frequently as during the first few weeks of myresidence here. For the last month I have been very much occupied bypublic business. You will need no other proof of it when I tell youthat near twenty unanswered letters are now on my desk, not one ofyours among them, however, except that received last evening. I havenot even been to the theatre except about an hour, and then it wasmore an errand of business than amusem*nt.

Poor Tom, [3] I hope you take good care of him. If he is confined byhis leg, &c., he must pay the greater attention to his reading andwriting.

I shall run off to see you about Sunday or Monday; but the roads areso extremely bad that I expect to be three days getting through. Iwill bring with me the cherry sweetmeats, and something for AugustaLouisa Matilda Theodosia Van Horne. I believe I have not recollectedall her names.

Affectionately,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 31st March, 1794.

I am distressed at your loss of time. I do not, indeed, wholly blameyou for it, but this does not diminish my regret. When you wantpunctuality in your letters, I am sure you want it in every thing; foryou will constantly observe that you have the most leisure when you dothe most business. Negligence of one's duty produces aself-dissatisfaction which unfits the mind for every thing, andennui and peevishness are the never-failing consequences. You willreadily discover the truth of these remarks by reflecting on your ownconduct, and the different feelings which have flowed from apersevering attention to study, or a restless neglect of it.

I shall in a few days (this week) send you a most beautiful assortmentof flower-seeds and flowering shrubs. If I do not receive a letterfrom you to-morrow, I shall be out of all patience. Every day'sjournal will, I hope, say something of mamma.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 7th June, 1794.

I have received my dear Theo.'s two little, very little, Frenchletters. The last left you tormented with headache and toothache, toomuch for one poor little girl to suffer at one time, I am sure: youhad doubtless taken solue sudden cold. You must fight them as well asyou can till I come, and then I will engage to keep them at bay.

I remark that you do not acknowledge the receipt of a long letterwhich I wrote you on the road the night after I left New-York. I hopeit has not missed you; but it is needless now to ask about it, for Ishall certainly see you before I could receive your answer to this.

Whatever you shall translate of Terence, I beg you to have copied in abook in a very fair handwriting.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Albany, 4th August, 1794.

MY DEAR THEO.,

We arrived here yesterday, after a hot, tedious passage of sevendays. We were delayed as well by accidents as by calms and contrarywinds, The first evening, being under full sail, we ran ashore atTappan, and lay there aground, in a very uncomfortable situation,twenty-four hours. With great labour and fatigue we got off on thefollowing night, and had scarce got under sail before we missed ourlongboat. We lost the whole tide in hunting for it, and so lay tillthe morning of Wednesday. Having then made sail again, with a prettystrong head wind, at the very first tack the Dutch horse felloverboard. The poor devil was at the time tied about the neck with arope, so that he seemed to have only the alternatives of hanging ordrowning (for the river is here about four miles wide, and the waterwas very rough); fortunately for him, the rope broke, and he wentsouse into the water. His weight sunk him so deep that we were atleast fifty yards from him before he came up. He snorted off thewater, and turning round once or twice, as if to see where he was,then recollecting the way to New-York, he immediately swam off downthe river with all force. We fitted out our longboat in pursuit ofhim, and at length drove him on shore on the Westchester side, where Ihired a man to take him to Frederick's. All this delayed us nearly awhole tide more. The residue of the voyage was without accident,except such as you may picture to yourself in a small cabin, withseven men, seven women, and two crying children—two of the womenbeing the most splenetic, ill-humoured animals you can imagine.

On my arrival here I was delighted to receive your letter of the 30th,with the journal of that and the preceding days. Your history of thosethree days is very full and satisfactory, and has induced me, by wayof return, to enlarge on the particulars of my journey. I am quitegratified that you have secured Mrs. Penn's (observe how it isspelled) good opinion, and content with your reasons for not sayingthe civil things you intended. In case you should dine in company withher, I will apprize you of one circ*mstance, by a trifling attentionto which you may elevate yourself in her esteem. She is a greatadvocate for a very plain, rather abstemious diet in children, as youmay see by her conduct with Miss Elizabeth. Be careful, therefore, toeat of but one dish; that a plain roast or boiled: little or no gravyor butter, and very sparingly of dessert or fruit: not more than halfa glass of wine; and if more of any thing to eat or drink is offered,decline it. If they ask a reason—Papa thinks it not good for me, isthe best that can be given.

It was with great pain and reluctance that I made this journey withoutyou. But your manners are not yet quite sufficiently formed to enableyou to do justice to your own character, [4] and the expectationswhich are formed of you, or to my wishes. Improve, therefore, to theutmost the present opportunity; inquire of every point of behaviourabout which you are embarrassed; imitate as much as you can themanners of Madame De S., and observe also every thing which Mrs. Pennsays and does.

You should direct your own breakfast. Send Cesar every morning for apint of milk for you; and, to save trouble to Madame De S., let herknow that you eat at breakfast only bread and butter.

I wish you would read over your letters after you have written them;for so many words are omitted, that in some places I cannot make outthe sense, if any they contain. Make your figures or ciphers in yourletters, but write out the numbers at length, except dates. Adieu,affectionately adieu,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Albany, 14th August, 17 94.

MY DEAR THEO.,

Last evening's mail brought me your letter and journal from the 1st tothe 11th of August, according to your dates, which, however, arewrong.

The account of your time is very satisfactory. You really get alongmuch better than I expected, which is infinitely to the credit of yourgood sense, that being your only guide. From the attentions youreceive from Mrs. Penn and her family, I judge you have been sofortunate as to gain her esteem, and that her prejudices are turnedinto prepossessions, which I assure you gratified me not a little.

Your invitation to the Z.'s was, I confess, a very embarrassingdilemma, and one from which it was not easy to extricate yourself. Forthe future, take it as your rule to visit only the families which youhave known me to visit; and if Madame De S. should propose to you tovisit any other, you may tell her what are my instructions on thesubject. To the young ladies, you may pretend business or engagements:avoid, however, giving any offence to your companions. It is themanner of a refusal, much more than the refusal, which gives offence.This direction about your visits applies only to the citizens orEnglish families. You may, indeed it is my wish, that you should visitwith Madame De S. all her French acquaintance.

I go this afternoon to attend a court at Ballston, and shall, onMonday, attend one at Troy, which will probably last about three days;after which I shall take passage for New-York, proposing, however, topass a day at Kingston, and another at Poughkeepsie, with citizenHauterieve, so that I may be expected home some time in the week afternext; but you will hear often from me before that time. You must notsend me any letter after those which will come by the mail leavingNew-York on Monday next; yet you must continue your letters andjournal as usual, for my amusem*nt on my return.

In future, write no more on the little paper, but let the letters andjournal be together on paper of this size, or common letter-paper. Setapart every day half an hour or an hour to write to me, and I mustagain entreat you to write at least legibly: after great pains, I amwholly unable to decipher some of the hieroglyphics contained in yourlast.

Four pages in Lucian was a great lesson; and why, my dear Theo., can'tthis be done a little oftener? You must, by this time, I think, havegone through Lucian. I wish you to begin and go through it again; forit would be shameful to pretend to have read a book of which you couldnot construe a page. At the second reading you will, I suppose, beable to double your lessons; so that you may go through it in threeweeks. You say nothing of writing or learning Greek verbs;—is thispractice discontinued? and why?

I wish you to go oftener to the house. You may, if you like, go anymorning, to take an early breakfast there, giving notice the daybefore to Mr. Leshlie, that he may attend at the hour of your return,when I know you can readily make up the lost time.

Do you continue to preserve Madame De S.'s good opinion of yourtalents for the harp? And do you find that you converse with morefacility in the French? These are interesting questions, and youranswer to this will, I hope, answer fully, all the questions itcontains. Vale, vale.

A. BURR

TO THEODOSIA,

Albany, 16th August, 1704.

Another post has arrived, and brought me no letter from you. It is thelast omission which I shall readily pardon, and this only inconsideration of your not having then received my last. I returnedthis day from Ballston, and my principal business to this city was toreceive and answer your letters. Judge, therefore, of mydisappointment.

Mr. and Mrs. Witbeck made many inquiries about you, and appeared muchmortified that you did not accompany me.

I hope you will, before this can reach you, have answered J. Yates'sletter. Once more I place my expectations on the arrival of the nextpost.

Let me know whether Mrs. Penn has left town, how often you have beenwith her, and what passed. I need not repeat my anxiety to know howyou and Madame de S. agree, and what progress you make in music,dancing, and speaking French. She promised to give you now and then alesson on the forte-piano; is she as good as her word?

Having failed in your promise to write by every post, you cannotexpect me to return within the month—one promise being founded on theother.

Your affectionate papa,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Albany, 18th August, 1794.

Yesterday I received your letter and journal to the 13th inclusive. Onthe 13th you say you got nine pages in Lucian. It was, to be sure, amost surprising lesson. I suspect it must have been the second timegoing over; and even then it would have been great, and at the samerate you will be through a second time before my month is up. I shouldbe delighted to find it so. I have not told you directly that I shouldstay longer than a month, but I was angry enough with you to staythree months when you neglected to write to me for two successiveposts.

I am very sorry to see so many blank days with Mr. Leshlie. If he isnot at your room within a quarter of an hour of his time, Cesar shouldbe forthwith sent off express for him. Let Cesar, therefore, call onyou every morning at the hour Mr. Leshlie ought to come.

I left New-York on the 28th of July. My month, therefore, will expireon the 28th of August, so that you cannot complain until that day ispast. The court at Troy will probably detain me the whole of thisweek, which is three days longer than I expected.

I long to hear what you contributed towards Madame de S.'s jour defête. No letter yet for John Yates. Why do you delay it so long? Youhave had several leisure days; for this delay there should be someapology in your letter.

Affectionately your papa,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Troy, 21st August, 1794.

MY DEAR THEO.,

I sent Alexis in the rain to Albany for your letter of the 18th andjournal, which he has just brought me. Your letters are my onlyconsolation during this afflicting absence—for it is to me a realaffliction. I have forborne to express to you my impatience, lest itshould increase yours.

The business I have undertaken here will, contrary to all expectation,detain me till Saturday night. I hope to be on my return on Monday,when you must begin to pray for northerly winds; or, if you havelearned, to say mass, that the French Roman Catholics rely on toprocure them all earthly and spiritual blessings. By-the-by, if youhave not been to the Roman chapel, I insist that you go next Sunday,if you are not engaged in some other party.

I am very happy to receive a letter for John Yates. I shall send it tohim to-day; it is very handsome, and will please him much. I willindeed return with all possible speed. Continue your journal. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 21st December, 1794.

I obeyed faithfully the command in your letter which bade me read thejournal first, and I read it with great eagerness, hoping to find whatI did find in the last sentence. That 16th was really a surprisingday. Three hundred and ninety-five lines, all your exercises, and allyour music. Go on, my dear girl, and you will become all that I wish.

I keep carefully your letters and journals, and when we meet you shallread them again, which I am sure you will do with pleasure. It isalways delightful to see and correct our own errors.

Monsieur Maupertuis is highly mortified that you should suppose him soignorant as to have lost himself on the road. It seems he only went alittle off the highway from curiosity to see the country.

I hope you like Terence. Can't you lug a scrap from him now and then,apropos, into your letters? It will please

Your affectionate papa,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA IN PHILADELPHIA.

New-York, 5th January, 1795.

You see me safe arrived in New-York. I have passed but one hour atRichmond Hill. It seems solitary and undesirable without you. They areall well, and much, very much disappointed that you did not come withme.

Pray write to Mrs. A., if but one line; she expects and deserves it. Iwas there last evening for the first time. Your picture is really likeyou; still it does not quite please me. It has a pensive,sentimental air; that of a love-sick maid! Stewart has probably meantto anticipate what you may be at sixteen; but even in that I think hehas missed it.

Bartow has grown immensely fat. Mrs. A. has recovered and walks about.There has been a serious attempt to institute masquerade. It has notsucceeded, nor is it yet abandoned.

We (you and I) have both neglected one duty of civility. Some weeksago Mrs. Jackson was polite enough to call on you, with Miss Jacksonand Miss Brown, who left you cards. You have never returned the visit.I beg you to do it without delay. Doctor Edwards will probably maketime to go with you for a few minutes. It is at Doctor Jackson's inThird-street, between High and Arch.

Our house in Partition-street is very neatly finished, and pleases memuch; so much that I propose to inhabit it upon our return fromPhiladelphia, at least until the hot weather.

You are now in the arms of Somnus, or ought to be; for though I datemy letter the 5th, it is in truth about half past eleven at night ofthe 4th. So wants half an hour of the 5th. Dream on. Salutem.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Bristol, 14th September, 1795.

Saturday night I lodged at Elizabethtown, and, after two wettings,dined on Sunday with General Freelinghuysen. Madame (late Miss Yard)asked much after you, as did Maria, the general's daughter. The familyis a picture of cheerfullness and happiness. At Princeton (to-day) Imet Le Mercier, who is well, except a broken scull, a face disfigured,and some bruises about the ribs—considerable deductions, you willsay, from the "corpore sano." They are the effects of a very hugebeating bestowed on him (gratis) by two gentlemen of the town. He hadsome difference with one of them, who had challenged him, which LeMercier refused, not being a Christian-like and clerical way ofsettling differences. So the challenger, with a friend (for L. M.could have thrashed him singly), took an opportunity to catch poor LeMercier alone, and discussed the subject with him in the manner abovestated.

Your friends Miss Stockton and Miss Smith said some civil things aboutyou, and send abundance of love, which I promised them I would forgetto deliver.

My journey thus far has been wonderfully fortunate, having onlyoverset once and broken down once, which, considering that I amseventy miles on my route, is, for me, a very small list ofgrievances; but I shall count it full measure if I am prevented fromentering Philadelphia to-morrow, which is a little to be apprehended.

You must pay off Meance and Hewlet for their attendance on you andNatalie. [5] They must be paid regularly at the end of each month. Iforgot it. Get their accounts, and give them an order on Strong forthe amount. When either of you want money, Roger Strong will furnish*t. Pray settle also your account with Madame Senat, and write me thatthese things are done.

Tell Mr. Martel that I request that all the time he can spare you bedevoted to Latin; that I have provided you with a teacher of French,that no part of his attention might be taken off. I will send fromPhiladelphia the certificate he requested, which escaped my memorywhile at New-York.

I fear it will puzzle you all to decipher this. You may show to Mr.
Martel the clause which relates to him. Salutem, chère Theodosia.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 17th September, 1795.

By this post I received a letter from Colonel Ward, requesting leaveto remove his family into my house, Richmond Hill. He lives, you mayrecollect, in the part of the town which is said to be sickly. I couldnot therefore refuse. He will call on you to go out with him. You hadbetter, immediately on receipt of this, go out yourself, and apprizeAnthony and Peggy.

Your letter to Kersaint is much to the purpose. It came by this day'smail, though put in the postoffice on Tuesday, but after the closingof the mail. With it I have also received your letter, written, Isuppose, on Tuesday evening, because it speaks of the circus; but, asusual, without date. I beg that, when you sit down to write a letter,you will begin by putting a date at the top; this will then presentlybecome a habit, and will never be omitted.

I am sorry, very sorry that you are obliged to submit to some reproof.Indeed, I fear that your want of attention and politeness, and yourawkward postures, require it. As you appear desirous to get rid ofthese bad habits, I hope you will soon afford no room for ill-natureitself to find fault with you—I mean in these particulars; for as towhat regards your heart and your motives of action, I know them to begood, amiable, and pure. But to return to the subject of manners, &c.I have often seen Madame at table, and other situations, pay you theutmost attention; offer you twenty civilities, while you appearedscarcely sensible that she was speaking to you; or, at the most,replied with a cold remercie, without even a look of satisfaction orcomplacency. A moment's reflection will convince you that this conductwill be naturally construed into arrogance; as if you thought that allattention was due to you, and as if you felt above showing the leastto anybody. I know that you abhor such sentiments, and that you areincapable of being actuated by them. Yet you expose yourself to thecensure without intending or knowing it. I believe you will in futureavoid it. Observe how Natalie replies to the smallest civility whichis offered to her.

Your habit of stooping and bringing your shoulders forward on to yourbreast not only disfigures you, but is alarming on account of theinjury to your health. The continuance in this vile habit willcertainly produce a consumption: then farewell papa; farewellpleasure; farewell life! This is no exaggeration; no fiction to exciteyour apprehensions. But, setting aside this distressing consideration,I am astonished that you have no more pride in your appearance. Youwill certainly stint your growth and disfigure your person.

Receive with calmness every reproof, whether made kindly or unkindly;whether just or unjust. Consider within yourself whether there hasbeen no cause for it. If it has been groundless and unjust,nevertheless bear it with composure, and even with complacency.Remember that one in the situation of Madame has a thousand things tofret the temper; and you know that one out of humour, for any causewhatever, is apt to vent it on every person that happens to be in theway. We must learn to bear these things; and, let me tell you, thatyou will always feel much better, much happier, for having borne withserenity the spleen of any one, than if you had returned spleen forspleen.

You will, I am sure, my dear Theodosia, pardon two such grave pagesfrom one who loves you, and whose happiness depends very much onyours. Read it over twice. Make me no promises on the subject. On myreturn, I shall see in half an hour whether what I have written hasbeen well or ill received. If well, it will have produced an effect. Ihave sent Alexis with your letter to Kersaint while I write this.After closing of the mail I shall present myself. To-morrow morning Itake stage for Baltimore; thence to Washington, &c. You shallcertainly hear often from me. You have not yet acknowledged thereceipt of my letter from Bristol. R. Strong has received his, writtenat the same time. Having many letters to answer by this mail, I cannotadd any thing sprightly to this dull letter. One dull thing you willhear me repeat without disgust, that I am your affectionate friend,

A. BURR

TO THEODOSIA.

City of Washington, 23d September, 1795.

I write from the house of our friends, Law and Duncanson, where I makemy home. Miss Duncanson, who is mistress of the house, is a verysprightly, sensible, ladylike woman. My remarks on this city arereserved till we meet.

Your letter of the 17th, and one without date (I suppose the 18th),came in this evening. They contain more wit and sprightliness than youever wrote in the same compass, and have amused me exceedingly. Butwhy do you diminish their value by carelessness? There is an omissionof one or more words in almost every sentence. At least I entreat youto read over your letters before you seal them: some clauses areabsolutely unintelligible, though in several I can guess what word youintended.

Why are you still in town? I am very much dissatisfied with it; forMr. Strong writes me that the fever is in Partition-street. I beg youto go off with a good parcel of books to Frederick's.

I told Madame Senat that I should want the two front rooms inPartition-street, and the very small room which adjoins the smallestof the front rooms; and surely she will have room enough without it.Try to arrange this so; that is, by asking her if she cannot sparethat room (the large front). Mr. Strong writes me that she is takingpossession of it. In that case my papers will be moved, which will bevery disagreeable to me.

I fix the 24th of October for my return; if any very extraordinarything should detain me, you shall be advised of it seasonably. Directto me at the city of Washington until the 10th of October. Tell R.Strong the same. I forgot to write it to him.

When, you go on any party from Pelham, to Brown's Mrs. Cox's, &c.,your studies may be intermitted. At least as much of them as may benecessary. I am tired, and half sick; a great cold, for which I shalllie by here tomorrow.

Thine,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

City of Washington,

26th September, 1795.

Since Tuesday last I have been here much against my will; arrested byhigh command; performing quarantine by authority not to be questionedor controverted. In plain English, I am sick. On Wednesday I found oneside of my face as large as your uncle F.'s; red swollen eyes; earsbuzzing and almost stopped; throat so closed as to refuse a passage towords out or food in; and a stupid mazy-headedness, well adapted tothe brilliancy of my figure. Being the guest of my friends Law andDuncanson, I receive from them the most distressing attentions, butespecially from Miss Duncanson, a well-bred, sprightly, and agreeablewoman. My person had not, however, till this morning, received itslast embellishment. Alexis came in at his usual hour, and presentinghimself at my bedside, after staring at me for half a minute,exclaimed, with an air of great astonishment—Diable! and not a wordmore. Qu'a-t-il, Alexis? To which he made not a word of reply, butfell to drawing up the curtains; and having also very deliberatelyopened the window-shutters, he returned again to his examination.After gazing for some time (which I found it useless to interrupt), hediabled two or three times at intervals of some seconds, and thenpronounced that I had ou la petite vérole ou la rougeole; and toconvince me, brought a glass. In truth he did not diable withoutreason, for my whole face, neck, hands, and arms are most bountifullycovered with something like the measles or rash. All these pleasantappearances seem to be the effects of a great cold, taken I know notwhen or how—

"Nil illi larva aut tragicis upus esse cothurnis."

My throat is something better, notwithstanding I went abroadyesterday.

Sunday, 27th September.

I am so much better to-day, that, if the weather was good, I shouldprosecute my journey if I could find the means of getting on; but therain, which is continual and very heavy, keeps well and sick withindoors.

It is now ten days since I have heard from you; a very long time,considering the situation in which you was left at the date of yourlast: in a city infected with a mortal and contagious fever. I hope,nay, I persuade myself that you obeyed my wishes by escaping from itto Pelham. The next mail will tell me, and, I trust, relieve me froman anxiety which pursues me day and night.

Monday, 28th September.

Your letter of the 21st, written, I suppose, at Dr. Brown's, is justcome in, and relieves me from a weight of anxiety about your health. Iam sorry, however (very sorry), that you are not at Frederick's, andam not absolutely either pleased or satisfied with the change.

Of attention and tenderness you will receive not only enough, but agreat deal too much; and an indulgence to every inattention, awkwardhabit, and expression, which may lead you to imagine them to be somany ornaments: as to your language, I shall expect to find itperfectly infantine. As to studies or lessons, I do not know which ofthem you allude to, as you do not say what books you have taken up. IfMr. Leshlie is your only master, as I suppose, your lesson must belarger than ever heretofore. Your translation of the comedy intoFrench, if not finished, must go on; and if finished, somethingsimilar must be taken up. Some English or French history must employ alittle of every day. I hope you will ride on horseback daily if theweather should permit—Sam [6] always with you. Visit your neighboursB. B. as often as you please, taking very great care not to surfeitthe family with your charming company, which may happen much soonerthan you would be inclined to believe.

You ought to be out of the Odyssey before this will reach you,counting only two hundred lines a day since we parted. You may beginthe Iliad, if you please. Since you are at uncle B.'s, I will not nowpretend to inquire into the motives, much less to censure. I have nodoubt but you meant to do the best, and I now hope you will endeavourto make the best of it, and bad enough that will be, with respect toall improvement, if I am not disappointed.

Pray allot an hour for your journal, and never let it be a day inarrear. I shall consider this as occupying usefully the hour whichused to be Hewlet's or Meance's. At any rate, let me not, on myreturn, have occasion to apply to you the motto,

"Strenua me exercet inertia,"

nor that other of

"Operose nihil agit."

But so improve your time that you may with pleasure review and commitit to journal.

——"Hoc est, Vivere bis, vitâ priori frui."

And let it, at no very distant period, be said of you,

"Tot, tibi, sunt, ergo dotes, quot sidera coelo."

If you should never deserve this, it shall not be the fault of

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA IN PHILADELPHIA.

New-York, 8th February, 1796.

What will you think of the taste of New-York when I shall tell youthat Miss Broadhurst is not very generally admired here? Such is thefact. I have contributed my feeble efforts to correct this opinion.Mat's [7] child will not be christened until you shall be pleased toindicate the time, place, manner, and name.

I have promised Tom that he shall take me to Philadelphia if there besleighing. The poor fellow is almost crazy about it. He is importuningall the gods for snow, but as yet they don't appear to listen to him.

Your being in the ballette charms me. If you are to practise on
Wednesday evening, do not stay away for the expectation of receiving
me. If you should be at the ballette, I will go forthwith to see you.
Adieu, chère fille.

A. Burr.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 16th January, 1797.

When I write to you oftener than your turn, you must not let it beknown, or there will be jealousy. Your two letters of the 11th and13th have so much wit, sprightliness, and good sense, that I cannotdelay to tell you how much they pleased me. Go on, and you will writebetter than Cynthia herself. To aid your advances towards perfection,I shall often point out such errors as shall appear to me moreparticularly to claim your attention.

At present you fail most in punctuation. A very little thought willteach where the sense is complete and a full period is proper. Thelesser pauses may be found by reading over two or three times what youmay have written. You will naturally make small pauses where the senseshall require it. In spelling you are very well. Always write yourname with great care. Adieu.

A. Burr.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, 23d January, 1797.

You must not "puzzle all day," my dear little girl, at one hardlesson. After puzzling faithfully one hour, apply to your arithmetic,and do enough to convince the doctor that you have not been idle.Neither must you be discouraged by one unlucky day. The doctor is avery reasonable man, and makes all due allowance for the levities aswell as for the stupidity of children. I think you will not oftenchallenge his indulgence on either score.

And do you regret that you are not also a woman? That you are notnumbered in that galaxy of beauty which adorns an assembly-room?Coquetting for admiration and attracting flattery? No. I answer withconfidence. You feel that you are maturing for solid friendship. Thefriends you gain you will never lose; and no one, I think, will dareto insult your understanding by such compliments as are mostgraciously received by too many of your sex.

How unpardonably you neglect C. and N. B. Where are the promisedletters? I see with delight that you improve in diction, and in thecombination and arrangement of your little ideas. With a view tofarther improvement, your letters to me are a most useful exercise. Ifeel persuaded that all my hopes and wishes concerning you will beaccomplished.

Never use a word which does not fully express your thoughts, or which,for any other reason, does not please you. Hunt your dictionary tillyou find one. Arrange a whole sentence in your mind before you write aword of it; and, whatever may be your "hurry" (never be in a hurry),read over your letter slowly and carefully before you seal it.Interline and erase lightly with your pen what may appear to you torequire amendment or correction. I dispense with your copying unlessthe letter should be much defaced, in which case keep it till the nextmail. Copy and improve it.

Your play on "Light" is pretty and witty, and the turn on the dearlittle letter does not dishonour the metempsychosis of Madame Dacier.

I shall probably see you very soon; we will then rearrange your hours,and endeavour to remove the present and forestall all future troubles.I should be mortified—I should be almost offended—if I should findthat you passed over any word in my letters without becoming perfectlyacquainted with its meaning, use, and etymology.

Since I commenced this letter, yours of the 21st has come in. Itspeaks of another which has not come, and of Martel's paper, neitherof which have come. This arises from "hurry." The note to Mr.Livingston is middling. Affectionately—no, you hate that word;perhaps every thing is implied in plain.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Albany, 4th January, 1799.

On Tuesday I arrived here, and yesterday received your two letters ofthe 29th and 30th of December. Your despondency distresses meextremely. It is indeed unfortunate, my dear Theodosia, that we areconstrained to be separated. I had never so much need of your societyand friendship, nor you, perhaps, of mine. It is a misfortune which Isincerely regret every hour of the day. It is one, however, which youmust aid me to support, by testifying that you can support your shareof it with firmness and activity. An effort made with decision willconvince you that you are able to accomplish all I wish and all youdesire. Determination and perseverance in every laudable undertakingis the great point of difference between the silly and the wise. It isessentially a part of your character, and requires but an effort tobring it into action. The happiness of my life depends on yourexertions; for what else, for whom else do I live? Not that theacquisition of the languages alone can decide your happiness or mine;but if you should abandon the attempt, or despair of success, or relaxyour endeavours, it would indicate a feebleness of character whichwould dishearten me exceedingly. It is for my sake that you nowlabour. I shall acknowledge your advancement with gratitude and withthe most lively pleasure. Let me entreat you not to be discouraged. Iknow you to be capable of much greater efforts than this will require.If your young teacher, after a week's trial, should not suit you,dismiss him on any pretence without wounding his pride, and take theold Scotchman. Resolve to succeed, and you cannot fail.

I parted with you amid so much hurry and confusion, and so manyvexations, that, when I had time to reflect, I seemed to have saidnone of the things which I had wished and intended. I reproachedmyself perpetually that I had not urged you to attend me. Your lettersalmost confirmed me in the design of returning to fetch you; and yetmore sober reason seems to tell me that these things were rather theeffusions of sentiment than of a deliberate estimate of your realinterests. In six weeks, however, we shall meet.

I intended to have recommended to you the ancient and modern historyof Millot. Natalie has some of the volumes—some are in the library atMrs. D.'s, of which I hope you keep the key. Millot is concise,perspicuous, and well selected. Rollin is full of tedious details andsuperstitious nonsense.

There is nothing more certain than that you may form what countenanceyou please. An open, serene, intelligent countenance, a littlebrightened by cheerfullness, not wrought into smiles or simpers, willpresently become familiar and grow into habit. A year will withcertainty accomplish it. Your physiognomy has naturally much ofbenevolence, and it will cost you some labour (which you may wellspare) to eradicate it. Avoid, for ever avoid, a smile or sneer ofcontempt; never even mimic them. A frown of sullenness or discontentis but one degree less hateful. You seem to require these things ofme, or I should have thought them unnecessary. I see, with pleasure Isee, that you have engaged in this matter. We shall both be gratifiedby the result, which cannot fail to accord with our wishes.

R. has a deal of godly coquetry. It makes a strange medley. I was mosthospitably received, and full opportunity given with pretty apparentdesign. R. has promised to be in Albany in a month. Things are instatu quo.

I am unsettled, and at present at Witbeck's. One would think that thetown was going into mourning for your absence. I am perpetuallystopped in the streets by little and big girls. Where is Miss Burr?Won't she come up this winter? Oh, why didn't you bring her? &c.

J. B. P. arrived yesterday, he has not given me a letter, or any otherthing from you. He suspects, however, that he has at least a letter; afact which he will endeavour to ascertain in the course of this week.I wrote you two letters on my way up, addressed to 135Greenwich-street. Is that right? Adieu, chère amie,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Albany, 11th February, 1799.

On Saturday, the 9th, I received Your two letters, from the 1st to the6th inclusive; the last of which is the only one that has come in dueseason, or in what is termed the course of post. You now see that aletter can come from New-York in three days; a truth which has beenfrequently verified by the receipt of my letters, but never before bythe despatch of your own.

How very perverse and provoking you are about your correspondence withMr. Martin. I told you expressly that he was not angry, but, on thecontrary, that he sent it laughingly and as a good joke. Pray, fromwhom did you learn that he was angry? You charge me with not noticingtwo of your letters, and that I have not given you any directionsabout heedlessness. With submission, miss, you are mistaken. It istrue that I have not repeated the word, but I have intimated severalthings intended to this point. You expected, I presume, that I shouldtreat the subject scientifically, as Duport does his art, and begin byexplanation of terms, and then proceed to divide and subdivide thematter, as a priest does a sermon. Such a dose would, I am sure, havesickened you. I have therefore thought it best to give you very littleat a time, and watch, as physicians do with potent medicines, theeffect produced. When we meet, which I verily believe will be in fiveor six days after the receipt of this, you shall have as much as Ishall find your stomach will bear.

What the deuse can have got into Madame S. and N., I am utterly at aloss to conjecture, and beg you not to give the remotest hint, butmeet them as usual.

My overtures to B. Livingston and Mr. and Mrs. R. were merevolunteers, not produced by any thing you said or wrote; but I thoughtit might tend to produce a certain effect in your favour. So you haveno apologies to make or pardons to ask on this subject. As this,however, is much the best composed part of your letter, I amparticularly obliged to you for it, even if you did it to display youreloquence. It is, indeed, very happily expressed.

You seem to have emerged from your lethargy, which, I must confess,was obvious to an alarming degree in several preceding letters. Icongratulate you upon it, and hope you will never suffer it again toinvade your faculties.

We will talk of houses, &c. about the 19th inst. Henry Walton has goneto New-York by the last stage. He is one of those whose good opinionand esteem I wish you to acquire. He has delicacy, taste, andrefinement—very, very rare qualities in this country at this day. Hewill be often at your house; receive him with courtesy.

I go to bed between 12 and 1, and rise between 7 and 8. For somereasons to me unknown, I cannot drink a single glass of wine withoutserious injury; still less can I bear ardent spirits; of course, I ampretty much in the bread and water line; this is the more provoking,as I dine out almost every day, and the dinners are really excellentand well-dressed, not exceeded in New-York. I have dined at home butfour days since my arrival in this city. Think of that Miss B., and behush about hospitality, &c.

Your name to one letter is beautifully written; to the other, la la.The handwriting of the letters various; very good, very bad, andmiddling; emblematic, shall I say, of the fair authoress? Please toresolve me whether author is not of both genders, for I hate theappendix of ess?

What novel of Miss Burney or D'Arblay is that in which the heroinebegins by an interesting account of little details on her début inLondon, and particularly of a ball where she met Lord Somebody and didtwenty ridiculous things? I want such a description of a ball fromyou. Be pleased to read those first letters of the novel referred to,and take them for a model.

You don't say half enough about the long letter which I wrote you on
Sunday of the last week. Adieu, chére amie.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Albany, 26th January, 1800.

We arrived yesterday without accident. To-day I expected Alexis andJohn; but the stage has arrived without them, and without a lineexplanatory of the cause of their delay.

On alighting from the stage yesterday, I found at the door of myintended lodgings a number of persons who were impatiently expectingmy arrival. I perceive that I shall be day and night engrossed bybusiness. If I should write to you less or less often than usual, youwill know the cause.

The ideas, of which you are the object, that daily pass through mymind, would, if committed to writing, fill an octavo volume; invent,then, and teach me some mode of writing with the facility and rapiditythat we think, and you shall receive by every mail some hundred pages.But to select from a thousand thoughts that which is best and mostseasonable; of the variety of attitudes of which every object issusceptible, to determine on that which is most suitable for the thingand the occasion; of all possible modes of expression and language, todiscern the most appropriate, hic labor, hoc opus est. Yet have weboth known persons of a moderate grade of intellect who could writewhenever you would put a pen in their hands, and for any length oftime you might please, without one moment of reflection orembarrassment. Pray explain to me this phenomenon. All this I confessis not very applicable to you or to my present occupation, for Igenerally write you what first offers, without considering whether itbe the best; and if many obtrude themselves at once, I write you, asat present, of—nothing. Indeed, my dear Theodosia, I have many,many moments of solicitude about you. Remember that occupation willinfallibly expel the fiend ennui, and that solitude is the bug-bear offools. God bless and aid thee.

A. BURR

TO THEODOSIA.

Albany, 30th January, 1800.

At length John and Alexis have arrived; but what gratified me more,and what I looked for with much more impatience was, a letter. Iselected yours from the number which they brought me. I was notdisappointed. It merits all the eagerness with which I had expectedit.

You reflect, and that is a security for your conduct. Our mosthumiliating errors proceed usually from inattention, and from thatmental dissipation which we call heedlessness. You estimate yoursituation with great truth. Many are surprised that I could repose inyou so great a trust as that of yourself; but I knew that you wereequal to it, and I am not deceived.

You do right to stay much at home. It will scarcely be worth while togo to V. P.'s. C. is excluded from all rule. I am quite oppressed withthe kindness and friendship of b. b. towards you. How fortunate youare in such a friend. If their invitations should be so frequent as tointerrupt your lessons, you will do well to refuse even them. There isa measure to be observed in the acceptance of the good offices even ofour best friends; and at your age, to prefer duty to pleasure whenthey are in collision, is a degree of firmness rarely exhibited, and,therefore, the more calculated to inspire respect. I perceive that Iam not very explicit; but you will reflect and discern my meaning.Montesquieu said he wrote to make people think, and not to make themread—and why may not A. Br. Perhaps, however, there may be nocollisions; and then your good sense will teach you not to wear outgood-will.

You indicate a very pleasant mode in which you suppose I may make youhappy; but you do not estimate things rightly. What you imagine to besymptoms of love are the mere effusions of politeness, added torespect and esteem.

I forget the plan we projected, but there can be no better one thanthat of your last letter, to which, therefore, you may adhere, unlessindeed you can invent a better.

You may tell C. that as she and I are on ceremony, I shall expectthe first letter. She knows well that the bare sight of herhandwriting would drive Le Guen and the parchments to the antipodes. Ido thank you for your constancy about the French ball. Do not bealarmed lest I expect too much. I know your force, and now feelassured that I shall have reason to be more than satisfied both withyour discretion and your attainments. I shall not again find time towrite you two pages; so do not expect it. Nevertheless, you willengross much, very much of the thoughts and affections of

A. BURR

Previous to the year 1800, slavery existed in the State of New-York.Colonel Burr, at different periods, was the owner of slaves. All thosethat remained in his family for any length of time were taught to readand write. During his absence from home it was his practice tocorrespond with one or more of them. As a master, he was beloved. Afew letters are here given as specimens of this correspondence. Theyare copied literally.

TO COLONEL BURR.

New-York, 3d December.

HONOURED MASTER,

I received your letter December 1st, and we are all happy to hear thatyou are well. Harry has taken the chair to the coachmaker's, and hasgave him directions according to your orders. I have asked James towrite to you to know how the venison was to be done; but I will nowhave it cured as you have ordered. The sashes of the windows werenailed down the day that you went away, and the ladder that youmention belongs to Mr. Halsey, and be has taken it away. All thepapers that have any writing on is put into the drawers, and I willtake care of the ink that it does not freeze. Colonel Platt was here,and has taken the four red cases that was in the wine-room; and heasked me for a square box, and as you had not told me of it, I saidthat I had never seen it. There is nothing in the stable; but don'tknow what is in Sam's room, as he has locked the door. We are happy tohear that Sam, and George, and the horses are in good order, and allthe family gives their love to them.

PEGGY GARTIN.

TO COLONEL BURR.

New-York, 17th December.

HONOURED MASTER,

I received your letter, and am happy to hear that you are in a goodstate of health. Harry went to Mr. Alston's farm the day after Ireceived the letter, and the man had gone away the 11th day ofDecember. Stephen was not at home when he went there, and by what hecould understand there was a great difference between Daniel andStephen; and Harry says that for the time that he has been there hehad not neglected his work. But, master, I wish to beg a favour ofyou; please to grant it. I have found there is a day-school, kept byan elderly man and his wife, near to our house, and if master iswilling that I should go to it for two months, I think it would be ofgreat service to me, and at the same time I will not neglect my workin the house, if you please, sir.

PEGGY.

TO COLONEL BURR.

New-York, 29th December.

HONOURED MASTER,

I received your letter, which has given me no satisfaction concerningyour health; and as there has been a report in the paper that you waswounded, it has made us very uneasy, supposing it to be true; but Ihope that it is not so, as I hear that people gives no credit to it. Igo to the school, since master is willing, and I like the teacher verymuch. He pays great attention to my learning, and I have teached Nancyher letters ever since you have been gone, which I think will be of asmuch service to her as if she went to school. We are all well atpresent, and I hope that you are the same.

PEGGY.

TO COLONEL BURR. New-York, 12th January.

HONOURED MASTER,

I have received your letter of the 4th inst., and it gives us greathappiness to hear that you are in good health, as all the family areexcept myself. I was taken sick on the 30th of last month, so that Ihave not been able to go to school; and as I am better than I havebeen, to write these few lines; I am too weak to write Mrs. Alston,but Elenora's child is well. The woman came here the 7th of this monthfor the money, and Harry went to Mrs. Van Ness the 9th, and she saidthat Mr. Van Ness did not tell her any thing of it, and she could notgive it.

PEGGY.

Footnotes:

1. Theodosia's preceptor.

2. A coloured boy.

3. A coloured man, the slave of Colonel Burr.

4. Theodosia had now entered her twelfth year.

5. Natalie De Lage was the daughter of a French lady, who was once amember of the family of the Princess L'Ambaul. Natalie was adopted andeducated by Colonel Burr as his child. She married the son of GeneralSumter, of South Carolina.

6. A slave of Colonel Burr's.

7. A servant of Colonel Burr.

CHAPTER XVIII.

The preceding correspondence not only introduces the reader into thesocial circle of Colonel Burr, but into the bosom of his family. Itdevelops his character, so far as the most sacred and confidentialcommunications can develop it—as a friend—a husband—a parent—and amaster. We are approaching a period, however, in his history when thescene is to be changed. In the spring of 1794 Mrs. Burr died; and in1801 his daughter was married, and removed to South Carolina. Thusterminated, in a great measure, all those domestic relations andenjoyments which had afforded him so much pleasure, and connected withwhich be had indulged the best feelings of his heart.

Colonel Burr was a member of the Senate of the United States from the4th of March, 1791, until the 4th of March, 1797. During this periodhe continued to practise the law. He was in that class of hisprofession to which belonged a Hamilton, a Harrison, and a Livingston.The partiality of some of his friends may have placed him at the headof the bar. His opponents ranked him second only to their particularfavourite. As a speaker, Colonel Burr was calm and persuasive. He wasmost remarkable for the power which he possessed of condensation. Hisappeals, whether to a court or a jury, were sententious and lucid. Hisspeeches, generally, were argumentative, short, and pithy. No flightsof fancy, no metaphors, no parade of impassioned sentences, are to befound in them. When employed on the same side of a cause with GeneralHamilton, it was his uniform practice to permit that gentleman toselect his own place in the cause.

It has often been remarked that Colonel Burr's character could not bebetter drawn than it is in a short sketch of his father, by GovernorLivingston. "Though a person" (says the governor) "of a slender anddelicate make, to encounter fatigue he has a heart of steel; and, forthe despatch of business, the most amazing talents, joined to aconstancy of mind that ensures success in spite of every obstacle. Aslong as an enterprise appears not absolutely impossible, he knows nodiscouragement; but, in proportion to its difficulty, augments hisdiligence; and, by an insuperable fortitude, frequently accomplisheswhat his friends and acquaintance conceive utterly impracticable."

In the year 1793 Albert Gallatin was appointed a senator of the UnitedStates by the State of Pennsylvania. On claiming his seat in January,1794, a petition was presented against his admission into that body,on the ground that he had not been a citizen the requisite number ofyears. The subject was referred to a committee of seven. Their reportelicited a warm debate, which continued for several days. Colonel Burrtook an active part, and greatly distinguished himself in support ofMr. Gallatin's claim. His colleague, Mr. King, had taken the leadagainst the right of Mr. Gallatin to a seat. John Taylor, of Caroline,Virginia, addressed a note to Colonel Burr, in which he says—"Weshall leave you to reply to King: first, because you desired it;second, all depends upon it; no one else can do it, and theaudience will expect it."

On the 28th of February, 1794, the Senate "Resolved, That theelection of Albert Gallatin to be a senator of the United States wasvoid, he not having been a citizen of the United States the term ofyears required as a qualification to be a senator of the UnitedStates."—Ays 14, nays 12.

On the 20th of February, 1794, the Senate adopted a resolution,declaring that their galleries, at the commencement of the nextsession, should be opened while the Senate were "engaged in theirlegislative capacity." For this, or a similar resolution, Colonel Burrhad voted at every previous session since he had been a member.

His personal respect for John Jay has been heretofore mentioned; buton no occasion did he permit such feelings to interfere with hispolitical acts, when called upon to perform a public duty. On the 16thof April, 1794, the president nominated John Jay, then chief-justiceof the United States, as envoy extraordinary to Great Britain. On the19th, when the nomination was called up for consideration, Mr. Burroffered the following resolutions—

"Resolved, That any communications to be made to the court of GreatBritain may be made through our minister now at that court with equalfacility and effect, and at much less expense, than by an envoyextraordinary; and that such an appointment is at present inexpedientand unnecessary:

"That to permit judges of the Supreme Court to hold, at the same time,any other office or employment emanating from, and holden at thepleasure of, the executive, is contrary to the spirit of theconstitution; and, as tending to expose them to the influence of theexecutive, is mischievous and impolitic." Ays 10, nays 17.

The nomination was then confirmed by a vote of 18 to 8, Mr. Burrvoting in the negative. This vote, it was understood at the time, gavepain to Mr. Jay. In a letter to his lady, dated the 20th of April, thejudge says—"Yesterday the Senate approved of the nomination by agreat majority. Mr. Burr was among the few who opposed it."

About this period the democratic party were highly incensed againstthe president for continuing Gouverneur Morris as a minister to theFrench Republic. The Executive Provisory Council had requested hisrecall. He was considered a monarchist, and hostile to the revolution.Many of the opposition senators had spoken with great freedom of thepolicy of General Washington in this particular. These remarks havingbeen communicated to the president, he expressed, informally, awillingness to recall Mr. Morris, and to nominate a member of theopposition, if they would designate a suitable person. In consequenceof this suggestion, the democratic members of the Senate, and some ofthe most distinguished members of the House, had a conference, andresolved on recommending Colonel Burr. Mr. Madison, Mr. Monroe, andanother member of Congress whose name is not recollected, weredelegated to wait on the president and communicate the wishes of theparty.

General Washington paused for a few moments, and then remarked, thathe had made it a rule of life never to recommend or nominate anyperson for a high and responsible situation in whose integrity he hadnot confidence; that, wanting confidence in Colonel Burr, he could notnominate him; but that it would give him great pleasure to meet theirwishes if they would designate an individual in whom he could confide.The committee returned and reported the result of their conference.The senators adhered unanimously to their first nomination, and thesame delegates waited upon the president and reiterated the adherenceof their friends to Colonel Burr. Whereupon General Washington, withsome warmth, remarked that his decision was irrevocable; butimmediately added, "I will nominate you, Mr. Madison, or you, Mr.Monroe." The former replied that he had long since made up his mindnever to leave his country, and respectfully declined the offer. Theyretired, and reported the result of their second interview. Thedemocratic gentlemen were not less inflexible, and instructed theirdelegates to say to the president that they would make no otherrecommendation. On the third visit they were received by Mr. Randolph,secretary of state, to whom they made the communication, but whoconsidered it indecorous, knowing the president's feelings, to repeatthe message.

This incident demonstrates, on the one hand, the strong andunchangeable prejudices of General Washington against Colonel Burr;and on the other, the firm and unbounded confidence reposed in him bythe democracy of those days. The anecdote is not related on theauthority exclusively of Colonel Burr. It is confirmed by the writtenstatement of a gentleman of high standing, to whom Mr. Monroe repeatedall the details. No other selection was made by the oppositionsenators; but, on the 27th of May, 1794, James Monroe was nominated asMinister Plenipotentiary to the French Republic.

On the 8th of June, 1795, the president submitted to the Senate of theUnited States the treaty negotiated with Great Britain by John Jay.This question called into operation all the powers of Mr. Burr's mind.He was opposed to it in the form it had been negotiated. His views andopinions may be distinctly understood by comparing the amendmentswhich he proposed with the original treaty. On the 22d June the Senateresumed the consideration of it, whereupon he offered the followingresolutions:—

"That the further consideration of the treaty concluded at London the19th of November, 1794, be postponed, and that it be recommended tothe President of the United States to proceed without delay to furtherfriendly negotiation with his Britannic Majesty, in order to effectalterations in the said treaty in the following particulars:——

"That the 9th, 10th, and 24th articles, and so much of the 25th asrelates to the shelter or refuge to be given to the armed vessels ofstates or sovereigns at war with either party, be expunged.

"2d Art. That no privilege or right be allowed to the settlers ortraders mentioned in the 2d article, other than those which aresecured to them by the treaty of 1783 and existing laws.

"3d. Art. That the 3d article be expunged, or be so modified that thecitizens of the United States may have the use of all rivers, ports,and places within the territories of his Britannic Majesty in NorthAmerica, in the same manner as his subjects may have of those of theUnited States.

"6th Art. That the value of the negroes and other property carriedaway contrary to the 7th article of the treaty of 1783, and the lossand damage sustained by the United States by the detention of theposts, be paid for by the British government—the amount to beascertained by the commissioners who may be appointed to liquidate theclaims of the British creditors.

"12th Art. That what relates to the West India trade, and the provisosand conditions thereof in the 12th article, be expunged, or berendered much more favourable to the United States, and without anyrestraint on the exportation, in vessels of the United States, of anyarticles not the growth, produce, or manufacture of the said islandsof his Britannic Majesty.

"15th Art. That no clause be admitted which may restrain the UnitedStates from reciprocating benefits by discriminating between foreignnations in their commercial arrangements, or prevent them fromincreasing the tonnage or other duties on British vessels on terms ofreciprocity, or in a stipulated ratio.

"21st Art. That the subjects or citizens of either party be notrestrained from accepting commissions in the army or navy of anyforeign power."

In 1797, while Colonel Burr was yet a member of the United StatesSenate, his mind was occupied with the project of a bank, and heconferred with several of his personal friends on the subject. Amongothers, he wrote the honourable Thomas Morris, who was at the time amember of the state Senate.

TO THOMAS MORRIS.

New-York, 1st February, 1797.

SIR,

I have been informed that the present sheriff of Dutchess either hasresigned or will decline a reappointment, and that Platt Smith isamong the candidates. I have very little personal acquaintance withMr. Smith—am not, indeed, certain that I should recognise him if Ishould meet him; but I have long known him by reputation, and canassure you that he is a man of irreproachable character, ofindependent property, and much above ordinary in point ofintelligence. His connexions are very influential (perhaps the mostso) in that county. He is, in short, a man, in my opinion, every wayqualified to fill the office. Has always been of your party, andsupported Jay's election. He is withal a generous, manly, independentfellow, of that cast which you like; one who will feel sensibly anyfavours or civilities which may be done him. If you should not beotherwise pledged, you will oblige several of your personal friends bysupporting his pretensions.

I have drawn out a plan for a bank, but find that it will require somany explanations that I forbear to send it. I perceive that you areabout selling our stock in the funds of the United States. We havealready talked over this matter. The more I reflect, the strongerappear the objections. It will doubtless be urged in favour of animmediate sale, that our funds are in danger of seizure by the UnitedStates. This is a mere bugbear. Such a thing will never again be evenproposed, and, if proposed, will never receive three votes in theSenate. I hope, therefore, our legislature will not suffer themselvesto be precipitated into this sale from any such unfoundedapprehensions.

Mr. Belasies, a gentleman, a man of education and fortune, by birth anEnglishman, has come out with his family to reside in this country. Ifhe should apply for leave to hold lands in this state, I hope he maybe gratified; from the little I have seen, and the much I have heardof him, I am persuaded that he will be a valuable acquisition to anystate and to any society. He is no politician.

I return to-morrow to Philadelphia, where I shall remain for thismonth. May l expect to see you here in the spring? Present me mostrespectfully to Williamson, and be assured of my esteem andattachment.

A. BURR.

In April, 1798, Colonel Burr was elected a member of Assembly for thecity and county of New-York by the democratic party. This year wasmarked with more political virulence than any other year since theindependence of the country. It was during the year 1798 that thealien and sedition laws were passed. In the autumn of 1798, MatthewLyon, then a representative in Congress from Vermont, was endicted forharbouring an intention "to stir up sedition, and to bring thepresident and government of the United States into contempt," &c. Hewas convicted, and the sentence was—"Matthew Lyon, it is the pleasureof this court that you be imprisoned four months, pay costs, and afine of one thousand dollars, and stand committed until the judgmentbe complied with." This year the celebrated mission to France,consisting of Messrs. Marshall, Pinckney, and Gerry, excited theattention not only of the American people, but of the civilized world.In short, this year the foundation was laid for the overthrow offederal power in the United States.

In no section of the country was there more political excitement thanin New-York. Parties were nearly balanced. There were only two banksin the city; the Bank of New-York, and the branch of the United StatesBank. They were charged with being influenced in their discounts bypolitical considerations. At all events, they were under themanagement and control of federalists; and to counteract their allegedinfluence, Colonel Burr was anxious for the establishment of ademocratic institution. With this view he proposed to obtain a charterfor supplying the city with water; and as it was certain that ifconfined to that particular object the stock would not be subscribed,he caused the application to be made for two millions of dollars, andinserted a clause in that charter, that the "surplus capital might beemployed in any way not inconsistent with the laws and constitution ofthe United States or of the State of New-York." It is under thisclause that the Manhattan Company use and exercise all the privilegesof a bank. The directors were named in the charter, and a majority ofthem were of the democratic party.

It has been said that the charter was obtained by trick andmanagement; and that, if suspicion bad been entertained by any of thefederal members, Colonel Burr could not have got the bill through thelegislature. It is due to him, so far as it can be justly done, torescue his memory from the imputation of having misrepresented ormisstated to any member the object he had in view. The facts inreference to the passage of the charter of the Manhattan Companythrough the Senate will now be given. The statement is upon authoritythat cannot be contradicted.

When the bill had passed the Assembly and was sent to the Senate,Colonel Burr, during the hours of business, went into the SenateChamber, and requested a federal senator (now living) from the westerndistrict to move a reference of that bill to a select committee, toreport complete, which would supersede the necessity of its going to acommittee of the whole. The senator replied, that though he had noobjection to make the experiment, yet that he was persuaded the motionwould not prevail, because the Senate, not having a press of businessbefore them, uniformly refused thus committing bills to selectcommittees instead of a committee of the whole. Colonel Burr thensuggested, that perhaps if the mover would intimate, while on thefloor, that the honourable Samuel Jones was contemplated as chairmanof that committee, the confidence which the Senate was known to reposein him, and in his uniform attention to every thing relating to thecity of New-York, would perhaps induce the Senate on this occasion todepart from its accustomed mode of proceeding. Accordingly the motionwas made, and passed without opposition.

The committee named by the honourable Stephen Van Rensselaer, thenlieutenant-governor, were Samuel Jones, Ambrose Spencer, and ThomasMorris. It was suggested to one of these gentlemen that the part ofthe bill authorizing the employment of the surplus capital had betterbe stricken out of it; in consequence of which that gentleman appliedto Colonel Burr for an explanation on this point. Mr. Burr promptlyand frankly informed the honourable member, that it not only didauthorize, but that it was in tended the directors should use thesurplus capital in any way they thought expedient and proper. Thatthey might have a bank, an East India Company, or any thing else thatthey deemed profitable. That the mere supplying the city with waterwould not, of itself, remunerate the stockholders. Colonel Burr added,that the senator was at liberty to communicate this explanation toother members, and that be had no secrecy on the subject. The bill wassubsequently reported by Mr. Jones and passed.

This view of the proceedings of the legislature is sustained by whatoccurred in the Council of Revision, from the minutes of which anextract has been made.

"At a meeting of the Council of Revision, held at the City Hall ofthe City of Albany, on Monday, the 1st of April, 1799.

"PRESENT—His Excellency the Governor, the Honourable the Chancellor,the Chief Justice, and Judge Benson.

"Mr. Reynolds and Mr. Robbins, from the honourable the Assembly,delivered to the council the bill entitled An act for the relief ofJohn Lansing, the bill entitled An act for supplying the city ofNew-York with pure and wholesome water, and the bill entitled An actto amend the statute of limitation, and the bill entitled An actmaking provision to keep in repair the bridge over Schoharie Creek, atFort Hunter, in the county of Montgomery.

"The council proceeded to take the said bills into consideration, andthereupon

"Resolved, That the bill entitled An act for supplying the city ofNew-York with pure and wholesome water be committed to the honourablethe Chief Justice; that the bill entitled An act to amend the statuteof limitation be committed to the honourable the Chancellor."

"At a meeting of the Council of Revision, held at the City Hall ofthe City of Albany, on Tuesday, the 2d of April, 1799.

"PRESENT—His Excellency the Governor, the Honourable the Chancellor,the Chief Justice, and Judge Benson.

"The honourable the Chief Justice, to whom was committed the billentitled An act for supplying the city of New-York with pure andwholesome water, reported the following objections, to wit:

"Because the bill creates a corporation, with a capital of twomillions of dollars, vested with the unusual power to divert itssurplus capital to the purchase of public or other stock, or anyother moneyed transactions or operations not inconsistent with theconstitution and laws of this state or of the United States, andwhich surplus may be applied to the purposes of trade, or any otherpurpose which the very comprehensive terms in which the clause isconceived may warrant; this, in the opinion of the council as a novelexperiment, the result whereof as to its influence on the communitymust be merely speculative and uncertain, peculiarly requires theapplication of the policy which has heretofore uniformly obtained,that the powers of corporations relative to their money operationsshould be of limited instead of perpetual duration."

"The council proceeded to take the preceding objections intoconsideration, which were overruled; it was thereupon

"Resolved, That it does not appear improper to the council that thesaid bill, entitled An act for supplying the city of New-York withpure and wholesome water, should become a law of this state.

"Ordered, That the honourable the Chancellor deliver a copy of thepreceding resolution, signed by his excellency the Governor, to thehonourable the Assembly."

"State of New-York, Secretary's Office.

"I certify the preceding to be true extracts from the minutes of the
Council of Revision of this state.

(Signed)

"ARCHD. CAMPBELL,

"Deputy Secretary.

"Albany, April 29th, 1836."

Of the correctness of the above statement, and the fairness of Mr.Burr's conduct in relation to the Manhattan Company, there cannot bethe shadow of a doubt; but it is probable that a large portion of themembers never attempted to examine into the extent of the powersgranted to the Manhattan Company; while another portion considered theproject of Colonel Burr, in reference to an East India Company or abank, as chimerical and visionary. It is, however, evident that notrick or misrepresentation was practised to procure the passage of thebill; unless, indeed, his silence on the floor of the house as to hisulterior views may be so construed. His object was a bank; and whenappealed to on this particular point, he admitted the fact. At allother times he remained silent on the subject. When the bill hadpassed he was lauded by the democratic party for his address, and theyrejoiced in his success. Its political effect was considered highlyimportant, as it tended to break down a system of pecuniaryfavouritism, which was made to operate in support of the party inpower.

During the summer of 1799 vague rumours were privately circulatedrespecting certain transactions of Colonel Burr with the Holland LandCompany. It was whispered that a bond, which the company held againsthim for twenty thousand dollars, had been given up for secret servicesrendered them. In other circles it was hinted that the compensationwas for procuring the passage of a bill through the legislatureauthorizing aliens to hold lands, &c. Connected with these rumours,John B. Church, Esq. had spoken with so much freedom as to produce achallenge from Colonel Burr. On the 2d of September, 1799, the partiesmet at Hoboken, and having exchanged a shot without effect, Mr. Churchmade the amende honorable, and the affair was so satisfactorilyadjusted as to restore the social intercourse of these gentlemen. Mr.Church was attended by Abijah Hammond, Esq., and Colonel Burr by JudgeEdanus Burke, of South Carolina.

On the ground a most ludicrous incident occurred. Previous to leavingthe city of New-York, Colonel Burr presented to Judge Burke hispistol-case. He explained to the Judge that the balls were castintentionally too small; that chamois leather was cut to the propersize to put round them, but that the leather must be greased (forwhich purpose grease was placed in the case), or that there would be adifficulty in getting the ball home. After the parties had taken theirstand, Colonel Burr noticed the judge hammering the ramrod with astone, and immediately suspected the cause. When the pistol was handedhim by his friend, he drew the ramrod, and ascertained that the ballwas not home, and so informed the judge; to which Mr. Burke replied,"I forgot to grease the leather; but you see he is ready, don't keephim waiting; just take a crack as it is, and I'll grease the next!"Colonel Burr bowed courteously, but made no reply, and discharged hispistol in the state it had been given to him. The anecdote for sometime after was the subject of merriment among those who had heard it.

No explanation was ever given, it is believed, of the transactionsbetween Colonel Burr and the Holland Land Company. It was his practiceto let his actions speak for themselves, and to let the world construethem as they pleased. This was a great error, and was the source inafter life of much trouble and suffering to him, yet he would notdepart from it. A few weeks subsequent to this duel, however, bereceived from a friend a kind letter, asking confidentially anexplanation of these transactions, to which he replied,

COLONEL BURR TO ——-.

New-York, 6th October, 1799.

DEAR SIR,

I cannot refuse to the manner of your request, nor to the friendlymotives which have produced it, to satisfy your inquiries with regardto Witbeck's bond and the Holland Company.

In December, 1795 or 1796, I forget which, I entered into a covenantwith the Holland Company for the purchase of one hundred thousandacres of land, at twelve shillings per acre, payable by instalments.The covenant contained a penalty of twenty thousand dollars; assecurity on my part for this penalty, in case it should become due, Imortgaged to Cazenove, or the Holland Company, twenty thousand acresof land in Presque Isle, being one hundred shares of two hundred acreseach in the Population Company, and I assigned to him Thomas L.Witbeck's bond, payable to me, for twenty thousand dollars, as furthercollateral security.

In the fall of 1797 Cazenove joined with me in a power of attorney toJames Wadsworth, then in Europe, for the sale of one hundred thousandacres, and, until the summer or fall of the year following, we hadreason to believe that they were or would be sold, which of coursewould have terminated all questions about the penalty. Some time inthe year 1797 or 1798, it was noised in Albany that Thomas L. Witbeckhad given a bond for twenty thousand dollars, and his credit at thebank and elsewhere became affected by it. He wrote me often on thesubject. In reply, I begged him to explain that the bond was not forthe payment of money, and that, even if it should become forfeited,the twenty thousand acres of Presque Isle lands were alone asufficient security. Witbeck, however, continued to be uneasy for hiscredit, and teased me to take up his bond by giving other security. Ithought this rather unkind, and did not trouble myself about it.Indeed, I was in hopes that the sale of the land in Europe would haveclosed the transaction. Not long after this, I think in November last,Cazenove informed me that be had been applied to by Witbeck to changethat security, and added that he was willing to change it for one ofequal solidity, provided it would not impair his rights.

Witbeck's importunities continued, and he became so very urgent andrepeated that I was finally (November last), long after the passing ofthe alien bill, induced to offer A. I. Frederick Prevost's bond in theplace of Witbeck's. Cazenove took time to consider and inquire; andfinding, in fact, that Prevost's bond was a much better one thanWitbeck's, agreed to take it. Prevost accordingly executed to me abond for twenty thousand dollars, of which Harrison drew a specialassignment to the Holland Company. We made a memorandum that thisexchange should not vary the rights of the parties (viz., the HollandCompany and Aaron Burr), and Thomas L. Witbeck's bond was given up. Inthis transaction I never suspected that Cazenove imagined that hewas doing a favour either to me or Thomas L. Witbeck, and I amconfident that he never entertained so absurd a belief. It was withgreat reluctance that I gave Prevost's bond. I had claims on Witbeckwhich justified me in exposing him to some hazard. Prevost had afamily, a clear, independent estate, and did not owe a cent in theworld; but he had better nerves than Witbeck, and would not tease me.

About this time we learned that all prospect of selling the land inEurope had failed, and as I never had an expectation of paying exceptfrom the land itself, it became necessary to close the transaction. Itshould be observed, that soon after my contract with Cazenove hereceived orders, as he informed me, to sell no more under sixteenshillings (two dollars), and afterward I understood that he had raisedthe price to twenty shillings. In December last we had severalconferences for the purpose of settling this business. I offered togive back the land and cancel the covenants. He talked of the penalty.I replied that be would only recover the damages sustained, which, byhis own account, were nothing; for, as the price of the land wasraised to twenty shillings, the Holland Company would, by their ownestimation, gain one hundred thousand dollars by taking back the land.He appeared to feel the unreasonableness of his demand, and finallyevaded my proposal by questioning his own authority. This I consideredas a pretence; some irritation ensued, and we parted withoutconcluding any thing.

Thus the matter remained until May last (1799), when our negotiationswere renewed. After various overtures and propositions on either side,it was at length agreed that I should convey to the Holland Company,absolutely, the twenty thousand acres Presque Isle lands. That thisshould be received in discharge of the advances that Cazenove had madethereon, and in full satisfaction of all damages claimed on thecovenants; and that thereupon the covenants should be cancelled, thebond of I. A. Frederick Prevost be given up, and the Holland Companytake back their lands. This was accordingly done a few days beforeCazenove sailed for Europe, which was, I think, in June last.

I should have noted, that about the year 1792 or 1793, I becamejointly concerned with the Holland Company and sundry individuals inthe purchase from the State of Pennsylvania of the whole Presque Isleangle, and of other lands adjoining to the amount of a million ofacres. The association was called the Population Company, and wasunder the management of directors, who had a right to assess on theproprietors or associates any sums they might think proper to promotethe settlements required by the patents. My interest was one hundredshares, or twenty thousand acres, for which I had paid, at the time Imortgaged to Cazenove, upwards of seven thousand five hundred dollars.The thing was considered as extremely valuable, and I have no doubtbut my interest would, if I could have retained it five years, havebeen worth to me more than one hundred thousand dollars. Lands withinthe angle were last year sold at twenty dollars per acre.

Though it be obvious that no damages were due or could have beenrecovered by the Holland Company on the penalty contained in thecovenants, yet I had several motives to urge me to some sacrifice inorder to get rid of the business. First. I could not repay theadvances made by Cazenove, which amounted to several thousand dollars.Second. I could not bear to give any uneasiness to FrederickPrevost, which might have been the consequence of a legal proceeding.Third. I was a little apprehensive of being sued on the covenantsfor payment of the purchase money. Cazenove, on his part, had but asingle motive, to wit—he found that these lands were all I had togive, and that a suit would have produced only expense.

The aforegoing facts are substantially known to Le Roy, Bayard, andMcEvers, and to Harrison and Ogden. The two last were consulted on theclosing of the business in May and June last (1799). The former ofthem, Harrison, several times on the exchange of the bonds. I have notspoken to either of those gentlemen on the subject since thetransactions took place; but any person is at liberty to do it who maychoose to take the trouble.

I have given you a summary of my whole concern with Cazenove and theHolland Company, not knowing what part of it might tend to elucidateyour inquiries.

By those who know me, it will never be credited that any man on earthwould have the hardiness even to propose to me dishonourablecompensations; but this apart, the absurdity of the calumny you alludeto is obvious from the following data, resulting from the deeds andknown facts:

That at the time the Alien Bill was under consideration, and longafter, the bond, the covenant, and the penalty were objects of noconcern, as we had reason to believe that the lands were or would besold in Europe, so as to leave me a profit:

That Witbeck's bond was never given up, but exchanged for one moresafe and valuable:

That I had not, nor by possibility could have, any interest in thisexchange, as it was relieving one friend to involve another still moredear to me:

That, so far from any understanding between Cazenove and me, we hadcontroversies about the very bond and penalty for more than a yearafter the passing of the Alien Bill: That no part of the penalty wasever due from me to the Holland Company; and that of course, theycould never have demanded the bond, which was expressly a security forthe penalty, and not for the payments:

That nevertheless I did finally give Cazenove a valuable andexorbitant compensation to induce him to cancel the covenants anddischarge the penalty.

This, sir, is the first time in my life that I have condescended(pardon the expression) to refute a calumny. I leave to my actions tospeak for themselves, and to my character to confound the fictions ofslander. And on this very subject I have not up to this hour given oneword of explanation to any human being. All the explanation that canbe given amounts to no more than this—That the thing is an absoluteand abominable lie. I feel that the present detail is useless andtrifling; but you have asked with good-nature, and I could not, withthe appearance of good-nature, refuse. I pardon you the labour I havehad in writing, and for that which you will have in reading no apologycan be due from

Your friend and obedient servant,

A. BURR.

In January, 1801, Colonel Burr's daughter Theodosia was married toJoseph Alston, Esq., of South Carolina. Mr. Alston was in histwenty-second, Miss Burr in her eighteenth year. He was a gentleman oftalents and fortune, and a few years after his marriage was chosengovernor. Some opinion of his style of writing may be formed by hisdefence of early marriages; while that portion of his letter whichrelates to his native state cannot be uninteresting to SouthCarolinians.

THEODOSIA BURR TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, January 13th, 1801.

I have already written to you by the post to tell you that I shall behappy to see you whenever you choose; that I suppose is equivalentto very soon; and that you may no longer feel doubts or suspicionson my account, I repeat the invitation by a packet as less dilatorythan the mail; but for all these doubts and suspicions I will takeample revenge when we meet.

I yesterday received your letter of the 26th of December, and amexpecting your defence of early marriages to-day. My father laughs atmy impatience to hear from you, and says I am in love; but I do notbelieve that to be a fair deduction, for the post is really veryirregular and slow—enough so to provoke anybody.

We leave this for Albany on the 26th inst., and shall remain theretill the 10th February. My movements will after that depend upon myfather and you. I had intended not to marry this twelvemonth, and inthat case thought it wrong to divert you from your present engagementsin Carolina; but to your solicitations I yield my judgment. Adieu. Iwish you many returns of the century.

14th January.

I have not yet received your promised letter; but I hope it may belong in proportion to the time I have been expecting it. The packethas been delayed by head-winds, but now that they are fair she willhave a quick passage; at least such I wish it. Adieu, encore.

THEODOSIA.

JOSEPH ALSTON TO THEODOSIA BURR.

Charleston, S. C. December 28th, 1800.

Aristotle says "that a man should not marry before he issix-and-thirty:" pray, Mr. Alston, what arguments have you to opposeto such authority? Hear me, Miss Burr.

It has always been my practice, whether from a natural independence ofmind, from pride, or what other cause I will not pretend to say, neverto adopt the opinion of any one, however respectable his authority,unless thoroughly convinced by his arguments; the "ipse dixit," aslogicians term it, even of Cicero, who stands higher in my estimationthan any other author, would not have the least weight with me; youmust therefore, till you offer better reasons in support of hisopinion than the Grecian sage himself has done, excuse my differingfrom him.

Objections to early marriages can rationally only arise from want ofdiscretion or want of fortune in the parties; now, as you very wellobserve, the age of discretion is wholly uncertain, some men reachingit at twenty, others at thirty, some again not till fifty, and manynot at all; of course, to fix such or such a period as the proper onefor marrying, is ridiculous. Even the want of fortune is to beconsidered differently, according to the country where the marriage isto take place; for though in some places a fortune is absolutelynecessary to a man before he marries, there are others, as in theeastern states for example, where he marries expressly for the purposeof making a fortune.

But, allowing both these objections their full force, may there not bea single case that they do not reach? Suppose (for instance, merely)a young man nearly two-and-twenty, already of the greatestdiscretion, with an ample fortune, were to be passionately in lovewith a young lady almost eighteen, equally discreet with himself, andwho had a "sincere friendship" for him, do you think it would benecessary to make him wait till thirty? particularly where the friendson both sides were pleased with the match.

Were I to consider the question personally, since you allow that"individual character" ought to be consulted, no objection clearlycould be made to my marrying early.

From my father's plan of education for me, I may properly be called ahot-bed plant. Introduced from my infancy into the society of men,while yet a boy I was accustomed to think and act like a man. On everyoccasion, however important, I was left to decide for myself; I do notrecollect a single instance where I was controlled even by advice; forit was my father's invariable maxim, that the best way ofstrengthening the judgment was to suffer it to be constantlyexercised. Before seventeen I finished my college education; beforetwenty I was admitted to the bar. Since that time I have beenconstantly travelling through different parts of the United States; towhat purpose I leave you to determine.

From this short account of myself you may judge whether my manners andsentiments are not, by this time, in some degree formed.

But let us treat the subject abstractedly; and, as we have shown thatunder particular circ*mstances no disadvantages result from earlymarriages, let us see if any positive advantages attend them.

Happiness in the marriage state, you will agree with me, can only beobtained from the most complete congeniality of mind and disposition,and the most exact similarity of habits and pursuits; now, thoughtheir natures may generally resemble, no two persons can be entirelyof the same mind and disposition, the same habits and pursuits, unlessafter the most intimate and early association; I say early, for it isin youth only the mind and disposition receive the complexion we wouldgive them; it is then only that our habits are moulded or our pursuitsdirected as we please; as we advance in life they become fixed andunchangeable, and instead of our governing them, govern us. Is it nottherefore better, upon every principle of happiness, that personsshould marry young, when, directed by mutual friendship, each mightassimilate to the other, than wait till a period when their passions,their prejudices, their habits, &c. become so rooted that thereneither exists an inclination nor power to correct them? Dr. Franklin,a very strong advocate for my system, and, I think, at least as goodauthority as Aristotle, very aptly compares those who marry early totwo young trees joined together by the hand of the gardener; "Trunk knit with trunk, and branch with branch intwined, Advancing still, more closely they are join'd; At length, full grown, no difference we see, But, 'stead of two, behold a single tree!" [1]

Those, on the other hand, who do not marry till late, say "thirty,"for example, he likens to two ancient oaks;

"Use all your force, they yield not to your hand,
But firmly in their usual stations stand;
While each, regardless of the other's views,
Stubborn and fix'd, it's natural bent pursues!" [2]

But this is not all; it is in youth that we are best fitted to enjoythat exquisite happiness which the marriage state is capable ofaffording, and the remembrance of which forms so pleasing a link inthat chain of friendship that binds to each other two persons who havelived together any number of years. Our ideas are then more refined;every generous and disinterested sentiment beats higher; and oursensibility is far more alive to every emotion our associate may feel.Depend upon it, the man who does not love till "thirty" will never,never love; long before that period, he will become too much enamouredof his own dear self to think of transferring his affections to anyother object. He may marry, but interest alone will direct him in thechoice of his wife; far from regarding her as the sweetest friend andcompanion of his life, he will consider her but as an unavoidableencumbrance upon the estate she brings him. And can you really hope,my Theodosia, with all your ingenuity, to convince me that such abeing will enjoy equal happiness in marriage with me? with me, aboutto enter into it with such rapture; who anticipate so perfect aheaven from our uniting in every study, improving our mindstogether, and informing each other by our mutual assistance andobservations? No—I give you full credit for your talents, but thereare some causes so bad that even you cannot support them.

Enough, however, of this topic till we meet; I have already given youa volume of nonsense upon it.

Now for the fable, I cannot call it description, your "dear friends"have given you of this state. "The country," they say, because of themarshy grounds, "is rendered continually unhealthy with fever andagues." One would really conclude from this that we were a goodrepresentation of a meeting of Shaking Quakers. Alas! beautiful andromantic hills of Carolina, which the delighted traveller so oftenstops to admire; fair and fertile plains interspersed with groves ofthe orange, the lemon, and the myrtle, which fling such healthfulfragrance to the air, where are ye fled? Has some earthquake, somesudden and dreadful concussion of nature, ingulfed you? No! You stillremain for the delight and ornament of our country; you have lostexistence only in the imagination of some beau or belle of New-York;who, ignorant of the geography and appearance of the most celebratedstates, believes every other place except the Park and the Battery adesert or a marsh. But let us proceed:—"As to Charleston, an annualepidemic, joined to the yells of whipped negroes, which assail yourears from every house, and the extreme heat, make it a perfectpurgatory!" What! is Charleston, the most delightfully situated cityin America, which, entirely open to the ocean, twice in everytwenty-four hours is cooled by the refreshing seabreeze, theMontpelier of the south, which annually affords an asylum to theplanter and the West-Indian from every disease, accused of heat andunhealthiness?—Island of Calypso, where reigned perpetual spring! maywe not, after this, expect thy flower-enamelled fields to bemetamorphosed into dreary wastes of snow, and the sweet concerts ofthe feathered choir, which elysionized thy woods, converted into thehowling of the tiger, or the horrid bark of the wolf? But this is notall, unfortunate citizens of Charleston; your disposition has beeneven still more outraged than your climate. Your mildness, humanity,and benevolence, are no more; cruelty, barbarity, a sanguinary love oftorture, are now your distinguishing characteristics; the scream, theyell of the miserable, unresisting African, bleeding under the scourgeof relentless power, affords music to your ears! Ah! from whatunfriendly cause does this arise? Has the God of heaven, in anger,here changed the order of nature? In every other region, withoutexception, in a similar degree of latitude, the same sun which ripensthe tamarind and the anana, ameliorates the temper, and disposes it togentleness and kindness. In India and other countries not verydifferent in climate from the southern parts of the United States, theinhabitants are distinguished for a softness and inoffensiveness ofmanners, degenerating almost to effeminacy; it is here then, only,that we are exempt from the general influence of climate: here onlythat, in spite of it, we are cruel and ferocious! Poor Carolina!

"The state of society, too, is equally inviting. The men and womenassociate very little; the former employ themselves either in thebusiness of life, or in hunting horse-racing, and gaming; while thelatter meet in large parties, composed entirely of themselves, to siptea and look prim!" Would a stranger who had been among us, who hadwitnessed the polished state of our society, the elegance of ourparties, the case and sociability of manners which prevail there, theconstant and agreeable intercourse between the sexes, theaccomplishments of our ladies, that proud and elevated spirit amongthe men which would feel "a stain like a wound," believe the accountyou have written meant as a picture of South Carolina? Would hebelieve, still further, that it was drawn by an American? No. He wouldsuppose it the production of some jaundiced foreigner, who had nevervisited us, and who set down every thing out of his own country asrude and Gothic. Now I recollect Morse gives a description somethinglike this of North Carolina; and I suspect your "friends" stoletheir account, with a little exaggeration, from him, but mistook thestate. I have now replied to the fable of your "dear friends" in averitable style; but, setting aside rhapsody, if you have time toread it, I will give you a proper and impartial account of our countryin a few words. Possibly it may serve to amuse you, if still confinedby your ankle.

For about sixty or seventy miles from the seacoast, the land is,perhaps, more uninterruptedly level than any equal tract of territoryin the United States; from that distance it gradually becomes morehilly, till, as you advance into the interior, you become entangled inthat chain of mountains which, rising in the back parts ofPennsylvania, runs through that state, touches a corner of Maryland,and, extending through North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia,forms a line between the Atlantic and transatlantic states. In upperCarolina it is as healthy as anywhere on the continent. The people arerobust, active, and have a colour as fine as those of Rhode Island. Inthe low country, it is true, we are visited by "the fevers and agues"you mention, but it is only at a particular season, and near the banksof the rivers. In this we are by no means singular; those who resideon the borders of the lakes, the Connecticut, the Delaware, and thePotomac, are equally exposed. On the seacoast we again find health;Charleston, till within a few years past, was remarkably healthy.Since '93 it has been afflicted, at different times, during thesummer, with an epidemic, which has certainly proved extremely fatal;but ought it to be called an "annual visitant" here any more than atBoston, New-York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, &c., all of which placeshave been equally, and some of them more, afflicted by it?

With regard to our manners; if there is any state which has a claim tosuperior refinement, it is certainly South Carolina. Generallyspeaking, we are divided into but two classes, very rich and verypoor; which, if no advantage in a political view, is undoubtedlyfavourable to a polished state of society. Our gentlemen having largefortunes, and being very little disposed by the climate to thedrudgery of business or professions, have full leisure for theattainment of polite literature, and what are usually calledaccomplishments; you therefore meet with few of them who are nottolerably well informed, agreeable companions, and completely wellbred. The possession of slaves renders them proud, impatient ofrestraint, and gives them a haughtiness of manner which, to thoseunaccustomed to them, is disagreeable; but we find among them a highsense of honour, a delicacy of sentiment, and a liberality of mind,which we look for in vain in the more commercial citizens of thenorthern states. The genius of the Carolinian, like the inhabitants ofall southern countries, is quick, lively, and acute; in steadiness andperseverance he is naturally inferior to the native of the north; butthis defect of climate is often overcome by his ambition or necessity;and, whenever this happens, he seldom fails to distinguish himself. Inhis temper he is gay and fond of company, open, generous, andunsuspicious; easily irritated, and quick to resent even theappearance of insult; but his passion, like the fire of the flint, islighted up and extinguished in the same moment. I do not mention hishospitality and kindness to strangers, for they are so common they areno longer esteemed virtues; like common honesty, they are noticed onlywhen not possessed. Nor is it for the elegance of their manners onlythat the South Carolinians are distinguished; sound morality isequally conspicuous among them. Gaming, so far from being afashionable vice, is confined entirely to the lower class of people;among gentlemen it is deemed disgraceful. Many of them, it is true,are fond of the turf; but they pursue the sports of it merely as anamusem*nt and recreation, not a business. As to hunting, the countrygentlemen occasionally engage in it, but surely there is nothingcriminal in this! From my education and other pursuits I have seldomparticipated in it myself; but I consider it, above all exercises, themost manly and healthful.

But come, let us dismiss the gentlemen and their amusem*nts, and takeup the female part of the community.

The ladies of Carolina, I confess, are not generally as handsome asthose of the northern states; they want that bloom which, in theopinion of some, is so indispensable an ingredient in beauty; buttheir paleness gives them an appearance of delicacy and languor whichis highly interesting. Their education is perhaps more attended tothan anywhere else in the United States; many of them are wellinformed, all of them accomplished. For it would be far moreunpardonable in a girl to enter a room or go through a congoungracefully, than to be ignorant of the most common event in historyor the first principles of arithmetic. They are perfectly easy andagreeable in their manners, and remarkably fond of company; noCharleston belle ever felt "ennui" in her life. In the richness oftheir dress and the splendour of their equipages they are unrivalled.From their early introduction into company, and their constant andunreserved intercourse with the other sex, they generally marry young;and if their husbands want only companions for the theatre or theconcert-room, or some one to talk over the scandal of the day withwhen at home, they make tolerable wives. As we have now brought themto the "ne plus ultra" of human happiness, marriage, we will leavethem there, and so finish our description.

The reason of your not hearing from me so long after your return toNew-York was this: not knowing till you wrote me from Ballston how myletters would be received, I was really afraid to venture writing.

You ask how Miss P. walks? If it is your object, as you say, fromknowing bow you stand with her in point of forces, to preserve betterwhat you have won, receive a general lesson. "Continue in everyrespect exactly as you are, and you please me most."

You wish me to acquire French. I already understand something of it,and, with a little practice, would soon speak it. I promise you,therefore, if you become my instructress, in less than two monthsafter our marriage to converse with you entirely in that language. Ifix the period after our marriage, for I cannot think of beingcorrected in the mistakes I may make by any other person than my wife.Suppose, till then, you return to your Latin, and prepare to use thattongue with me, since you are averse to one understood by all thecanaille. Adieu. I have literally given you a folio volume.

Yours, my dear Theodosia,

JOS. ALSTON.

P. S. The arrangement you speak of proposing in your letter for aninterview has determined me. I shall there fore sail certainly in afew days. Winds be propitious!

Miss BURR.

In April, 1799, the federal party were triumphant in the State ofNew-York. The city was entitled to thirteen members of Assembly. Theywere federalists, and were elected by an average majority of 944; thewhole number of votes being about 6000. Colonel Burr during this yearwas not in public life, but he was not an idle spectator of passingevents. The year following a President of the United States was to beelected. It was now certain, that unless the vote of the State ofNew-York could be obtained for Mr. Jefferson, he could not be elected.It was equally certain, that unless the city could be carried by thedemocratic party, the state would remain in the bands of thefederalists.

During the winter of 1799 and the spring of 1800, Colonel Burrcommenced a system of party organization for the approaching contest.The presidential electors were at that time chosen by the legislature,meeting in joint ballot. His first object was to secure such acommittee of nomination for the city and county of New-York as, in theselection of candidates for the assembly, would be influenced by hisrecommendation. His opinion, often expressed to his confidentialfriends during the winter of 1800, was, that without a most powerfulticket there was no prospect of success; with such a ticket and properexertions it could be elected. He entertained no doubt (and the resultproved that he was correct), that on the city and county of New-Yorkwere suspended the destinies of the country, whether for good orwhether for ill. These views and these opinions were presented andenforced by him for days, and weeks, and months previous to theelection upon all the young and ardent politicians of the city withwhom he had any intercourse. The effect of which was, that when thecrisis arrived, every member of the party seemed to feel the greatresponsibility which rested upon him.

The next object with Colonel Burr was to inculcate harmony in theparty and concert in action. It was known that a most unconquerablejealousy existed between the Clinton and Livingston families and theadherents of those factions. The Clintons and their supporters wereanti-federalists. The Livingstons were not less distinguished asfederalists, until some time after the organization of the generalgovernment under the new constitution. Colonel Burr enforced, in mildand persuasive terms, the necessity of sacrificing all prejudices andpartialities; of surrendering all personal and ambitiousconsiderations; of standing shoulder to shoulder, and uniting in onegreat effort to rescue the country from misrule. By the most unceasingperseverance he succeeded in both these objects.

Every section of the democratic party felt the necessity of ColonelBurr's being a member of the legislature that was to choose theelectors; but a difficulty arose. It was understood that GeneralHamilton would personally attend the several polls during the threedays of election; that he would counsel and advise with his politicalfriends, and that he would address the people. Here again all seemedto feel that Colonel Burr was the man, and perhaps the only man, tomeet General Hamilton on such an occasion. But if his name was on theAssembly ticket as a candidate, his personal exertions during theelection would be lost to the party. To place him in that situationappeared to many like abandoning the field without a struggle to thefederalists. In this dilemma, the county of Orange patriotically cameforward and nominated him as a candidate on their Assembly ticket,thus leaving him free to act in the city of New-York; and by thepeople of Orange Colonel Burr was elected a member of the legislature.

All the details connected with the formation of the Assembly ticket inApril, 1800, for the city and county of New-York, will be givenhereafter. The result is known. It succeeded. The legislature wasdemocratic. Presidential electors of the democratic party wereappointed. Colonel Burr's services were appreciated by the democracyin every section of the country, and he was nominated on the ticketwith Mr. Jefferson for the offices of President and Vice President ofthe United States. By the constitution, as it was originally adopted,the person who had the greatest number of votes, provided they were amajority of the whole number given, was president; and the personhaving the next highest number, with the like proviso, wasvice-president. When the ballots were examined, it appeared that Mr.Jefferson and Colonel Burr were the two highest candidates, and thattheir votes were equal. By the provisions of the constitution, itdevolved upon the House of Representatives of the United States,voting by states, to designate which of these gentlemen should bepresident, and which vice-president.

On proceeding to the ballot a contest ensued, which lasted for severaldays, producing the most implacable and bitter animosities; a contestwhich terminated in the election of Mr. Jefferson and the ruin ofColonel Burr. Until within a few years that scene has been completelyenveloped in mystery. A part of the incidents connected with it,however, in a fugitive form, are before the world. But the period hasarrived when the question should be met with manly firmness; when thevoice of history should announce to posterity the truth, the wholetruth, and nothing but the truth, so far as it can be ascertained. Thegeneration which were the actors in those scenes have passed away. Theparties immediately interested are sleeping the sleep of death. Few,very few indeed now living, understand the nature of that contest. Thecurtain shall be drawn aside. The documents which develop itscharacter, and which are scattered in fragments, will be broughttogether, and recorded (it is hoped) in a permanent and tangible form.

It will be seen that the immediate friends and advisers of Mr.Jefferson, until within a few hours of the balloting, had noconfidence in certain leading and distinguished members of Congress,whose names shall be given, but who, on his coming into power,promptly received the most substantial evidence of his kind feelingsby appointments to office. The clearest evidence will be presentedthat Mr. Jefferson entered into terms and conditions with the federalparty or some of their leaders; that the honourable James A. Bayard,of Delaware, acted on the part of the federalists, and the honourableSamuel Smith, of Maryland, at present mayor of Baltimore, on the partof Mr. Jefferson; and that terms and conditions were agreed uponbetween them before Mr. Jefferson could be elected; while, on theother hand, it will be demonstrated that the charges which have beenmade against Colonel Burr of having intrigued and negotiated with thefederal party to obtain the office of president were as unjust as theywere groundless. But "I come to bury Cesar, not to praise him."

Footnotes:

1. Manuscript poem of my own.

2. From the same.

[Frontispiece: Theodosia]

MEMOIRS OF AARON BURR.

WITH MISCELLANEOUS SELECTIONS

FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE.

BY MATTHEW L. DAVIS.

"I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him."

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOL. II.

* * * * *

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1836, by

MATTHEW L. DAVIS,

in the Clerk's Office of the Southern District of New-York.

* * * * *

CHAPTER I.

Colonel Burr's study of the law; shortness of his study; differentopinions respecting his law learning; his definition of law; hismanner of preparing causes and of conducting suits; his maxim forsluggards; tendency to mystery in his practice; fondness forsurprising an opponent; an illustration of this remark; his treatmentof associate counsel; nice discrimination in the selection ofprofessional agents; their various characteristics; the same acutenessdisplayed in politics; anecdote on this subject that occurred duringthe contested election in 1800; great coolness and presence of mind incivil as well as military life; an example in the death of Mr. P.;commenced practice at the close of the revolution under the mostfavourable auspices; multiplication of his papers; condensation apeculiar trait in his mind; never solicited a favour from an opponent;a strict practitioner; character of his mind; manner of speaking;accorded to General Hamilton eloquence; an incident in relation toHamilton and Burr in the cause of Le Guen vs. Gouverneur and Kemble;letter from John Van Ness Yates explanatory of Chief Justice Yates'snotes on that occasion; the effect he produced as a speaker; hisdisplay of extraordinary talents on his trial at Richmond; his legalopinions on various important occasions; a letter from him evincinghis great perseverance when nearly eighty years of age

CHAPTER II.

A brief history of the rise of political parties in the state ofNew-York; the city of New-York the rendezvous of the tories, fromwhich they communicated with the British ministry during the war;feelings of the whigs on this subject; Joseph Galloway, ofPhiladelphia, sails in 1778 for England; his correspondence with theloyalists extensive; extracts from various letters written during thewar of the revolution, viz., from the Reverend Bishop Inglis, fromIsaac Ogden, from Daniel Cox, during the year 1778; from John Potts,from Daniel Cox, from Isaac Ogden, from Daniel Cox, from Thomas Eddy,from Bishop Inglis, from John Potts, from Bishop Inglis, from IsaacOgden, from Bishop Inglis, from Isaac Ogden, from Daniel Cox, duringthe year 1779; from Charles Stewart, David Sproat, and James Humphrey,Jun., printer, in 1779, in which General Arnold's tory sympathiesare alluded to; from Bishop Inglis, John Potts, and Christopher Sower;from David Ogden, with the plan of a constitution for the governmentof the American colonies after the whigs are conquered

CHAPTER III.

Defeat of General Schuyler as a candidate for the office of governorof the state of New-York, in opposition to George Clinton, in 1777;commencement of the Clinton and Schuyler parties; defeat of GeneralSchuyler as a candidate for Congress in 1780; "a supreme dictator"proposed; opposition of Hamilton to the project; the Clinton andSchuyler parties continued to exist until the adoption of the federalconstitution; in 1779 a law passed disfranchising tories; in 1781 anact confirmatory of this law; first session of the legislature afterthe war held in the city of New-York, in 1784; petitions of the toriesrejected; Robert R. Livingston's classification of parties in thestate; suit of Mrs. Rutgers vs. Waddington for the recovery of therent of a building occupied by Waddington in the city of New-Yorkduring the war; the mayor's court, James Duane and Richard Varickpresiding, decide against Mrs. Rutgers; great excitement and publicmeetings; Waddington compromises the claim; in 1786 and 1787, sundrylaws restricting the privileges of the tories, through theinstrumentality of General Hamilton are repealed; the tories unitewith the Schuyler party; the strength of the Schuyler party in thelegislature elected from the tory counties; names of the members in1788, 89; to which of the political parties Colonel Burr belonged;letters from John Jay on the subject of proscribing the tories

CHAPTER IV.

The Livingstons were of the Schuyler party; subsequently of thefederal party; their change; reasons assigned; the federalists triumphin the city of New-York at the election of 1799; Mr. Jefferson'sopinion as to the effect of the city election in 1800; the severalfactions of the democratic party unite in this contest, through thearrangements of Burr; the character of his friends; he is elected torepresent Orange county; the manner in which the city ticket for 1800was formed; great difficulty to obtain Governor Clinton's consent touse his name; interview of a sub-committee with the governor; hisdenunciation of Jefferson; Burr's and Hamilton's efforts at theelection; success of the democratic party; apprehensions that thefederalists intended to change the result by fraud; a federal caucusheld on the evening of the 3d of May, 1800; letter to Duane, editor ofthe Aurora, stating that the caucus had decided to request GovernorJay to convene the legislature, and change the mode of choosingpresidential electors; federal printers deny the charge; the letter toJay, published in his works, thus proving the correctness of theAurora's statement

CHAPTER V.

General Hamilton's pamphlet on the conduct of John Adams; Colonel Burrascertains that it is in the press; as soon as printed, a copyobtained, and extracts sent to the Aurora and the New-London Bee;Hamilton thus compelled to make the publication prematurely;presidential electors chosen; letter from Jefferson to Burr; Jeffersonto Madison; tie vote between Jefferson and Burr; rules for thegovernment of the House of Representatives during the election;informality in the votes of Georgia; constitutional provision on thesubject; statement of the case by Mr. Wells, of Delaware, and Mr.Nicholas, of Virginia; balloting commenced on the 11th, and continueduntil the 17th of February, 1801, when, on the 36th ballot, Mr.Jefferson was elected president; letter from Burr to General S. Smith,constituting him (Smith) his proxy to declare his sentiments in theevent of a tie vote

CHAPTER VI.

Mr. Burr's political position on being elected vice-president; lettersfrom Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Madison; the doubtful states in Congress onthe presidential question; the doubtful persons; their appointment tooffice by Mr. Jefferson; address to Colonel Burr by certainrepublicans at Baltimore, on his way to Washington in 1801; hisanswer, disapproving of such addresses; casting vote, asvice-president, on the bill to repeal the midnight judiciary act;effects of this vote; letter from A. J. Dallas on the subject; fromNathaniel Niles; from A. J. Dallas; Wood's history of John Adams'sadministration; suppression by Burr; attacks upon Burr by Cheetham andDuane; private letters from Duane approving of Burr's conduct

CHAPTER VII.

Effect of Burr's silence under these attacks; allegation that Dr.Smith, of New-Jersey, as a presidential elector, was to have voted forBurr; denial of Dr. Smith; Timothy Green charged with going to SouthCarolina as the political agent of Burr; denial of Green; General JohnSwartwout charged with being concerned in the intrigue; denial ofSwartwout; Burr charged with negotiating with the federalists; denialof Burr, in a letter to Governor Bloomfield; David A. Ogden said tohave been the agent of the federal party or of Burr in thisnegotiation; letter from Peter Irving to Ogden, inquiring as to thefact; answer of Ogden, denying the charge; Edward Livingstonrepresented as Burr's "confidential friend" on the occasion; denial ofLivingston; Burr, in the year 1804, commences a suit against Cheetbamfor a libel; wager-suit between James Gillespie and Abraham Smith, anda commission taken out to examine witnesses, April, 1806; transactionsin the United States' Senate on the 18th January, 1830, in relation toMr. Jefferson's charge against Mr. Bayard; letter from R. H. Bayard toBurr; from Burr to Bayard; from Burr to M. L. Davis; from Davis toBurr; from General S. Smith to R. H. and J. A. Bayard; from R. H.Bayard to Burr

CHAPTER VIII.

Letter from Judge Cooper to Thomas Morris; ditto; from James A. Bayardto Alexander Hamilton; from George Baer to R. H. Bayard;interrogatories to James A. Bayard, in Cheetham's suit; answers tosaid interrogatories by Mr. Bayard; interrogatories to Bayard in thesuit of Gillespie vs. Smith; answers thereto; reasons why Mr.Latimer was not removed from the office of collector of Philadelphia;answer of Samuel Smith to interrogatories in the suit of Gillespievs. Smith

CHAPTER IX.

Effect of the attacks upon Burr; power of the press in corrupt hands;Mr. Jefferson's malignity towards Burr; his hypocrisy; false entriesin his Ana of conversations said to have been held with Burr; letterto Theodosia; ditto; ditto; to Joseph Alston; Theodosia to JosephAlston; to Theodosia; ditto; to Joseph Alston; to Theodosia; to ThomasMorris; from P. Butler; to Joseph Alston; to Theodosia; from ThomasJefferson; to Theodosia

CHAPTER X.

Letter to Joseph Alston; from D. Phelps, from Joseph Brandt (Indianchief); from William P. Van Ness; to Theodosia; to Barnabas Bidwell;to Joseph Alston; to Theodosia; from Charles Biddle; from MarinusWillett; from John M. Taylor; from Mrs. *****; to Theodosia; ditto

CHAPTER XI.

Letter to Theodosia; ditto; to Joseph Alston; from Charles Biddle;
from John Coats; to Theodosia; from C. A. Rodney; to Theodosia; ftom
C. A. Rodney; from Uriah Tracy; from General Horatio Gates; from David
Gelston; to Theodosia; ditto; from Midshipman James Biddle; from John
Taylor, of Caroline

CHAPTER XII.

Letter from Theodosia to Joseph Alston; ditto; from A. Burr to Joseph
Alston; to Natalie; Theodosia to Joseph Alston; to Joseph Alston;
ditto; to Theodosia; to Joseph Alston; ditto; to Theodosia; ditto; to
Dr. John Coats; from Theodosia; to Theodosia; from Theodosia; to
Theodosia; ditto; ditto

CHAPTER XIII.

Letter to Theodosia; ditto; from Theodosia; to Theodosia; from
Theodosia; from Charles Biddle; from John Taylor, of Caroline; from
Pierce Butler; to Theodosia; ditto; from Theodosia; from Theodosia;
ditto; to Theodosia; ditto; from Theodosia; to Theodosia; ditto; to
Charles Biddle; from Midshipman James Biddle

CHAPTER XIV.

Note from Mr. Madison; from J. Wagner to Mr. Madison; from Samuel A.
Otis; letter from George Davis; from Charles Biddle; from Robert
Smith; from Robert G. Harper; from J. Guillemard; from John Vaugham;
from John Dickinson; to Charles Biddle; to Theodosia; to Peggy (a
slave); to Theodosia; to Joseph Alston; to Charles Biddle; ditto; to
Natalie Delage Sumter; to Theodosia; to A. R. Ellery; to Theodosia; to
Thomas Sumter, Jun.; to Charles Biddle; to F. A. Vanderkemp; to W. P.
Van Ness; to Theodosia; to Mrs. *****; to Theodosia; to Miss ——; to
Theodosia

CHAPTER XV.

Letter from Charles D. Cooper, which produced the duel between GeneralHamilton and Colonel Burr; correspondence between the parties, withexplanations by W. P. Van Ness, second of Colonel Burr; statement ofwhat occurred on the ground as agreed upon by the seconds;explanations of the correspondence, &c., by Nathaniel Pendleton,second of General Hamilton; remarks on the letter which Mr. Van Nessrefused to receive; account of General Hamilton's wound and death, byDr. Hosack; remarks by General Hamilton on his motives and views inmeeting Colonel Burr; death of Hamilton; oration by Gouverneur Morris;letter from Colonel Burr to Theodosia, dated the night before theduel; same date to Joseph Alston

CHAPTER XVI.

Letter to Joseph Alston; to Theodosia; from John Swartwout; to
Theodosia; ditto; to Joseph Alston; to Theodosia; ditto; journal for
Theodosia; to Joseph Alston; to Theodosia; to Joseph Alston; to
Theodosia; to Joseph Alston; to Theodosia

CHAPTER XVII.

Letter to Theodosia; ditto; trial of Judge Chace before the UnitedStates' Senate; Burr presides; acquittal; letter to Theodosia; ditto;an account of the effect of Burr's speech on taking leave of theSenate; letter to Joseph Alston; to Theodosia; journal of his tour inthe Western country; letter to Joseph Alston

CHAPTER XVIII.

Burr's early views against Mexico; letter from General Miranda to
General Hamilton, in April, 1798 on the subject of an expedition, in
conjunction with Great Britain, against South America; from Miranda to
Hamilton, in October, 1798, announcing the arrangements made with the
British; from Miranda to General Knox, same date, on the same subject;
General Adair's statement of Burr's views; grant of lands by the
Spanish government to Baron Bastrop; transfer of part of said grant to
Colonel Lynch; purchase from Lynch by Burr; the views of Burr in his
Western expedition, as stated by himself; he is arrested on the
Tombigbee; the cipher letter; transported to Richmond; trial and
acquittal of Burr; testimony of Commodore Truxton; Dr. Bollman's
treatment by Mr. Jefferson

CHAPTER XIX.

Excitement produced against Burr by Jefferson, Eaton, and Wilkinson;Senate of the United States pass a bill suspending writ of HabeasCorpus; House rejects the bill on the first reading, ayes 113, nays19; extracts from Blennerhassett's private journal; official Spanishdocuments, showing that General Wilkinson, after he had sworn toBurr's treasonable designs, despatched his aid, Captain WalterBurling, to Mexico, demanding from the viceroy for his service toSpain, in defeating Burr's expedition against Mexico, the sum of twohundred thousand dollars; sundry letters of Burr to Theodosia, whileimprisoned in Richmond on the charge of treason

CHAPTER XX.

Burr sails for England on the 7th of June, 18O8; arrives in London onthe 16th of July; makes various unsuccessful efforts to induce theBritish ministry to aid him in his enterprise against South America;receives great attention from Jeremy Bentham; continues hiscorrespondence with Bentham after his return to the United States;visits Edinburgh; experiences great courtesy; introduced to M'Kenzieand Walter Scott; returns to London; the ministers become suspiciousof him; his papers are seized, and his person taken into custody fortwo days, when he is released, but ordered to quit the kingdom; leavesEngland in a packet for Gottenburgh; travels through Sweden, Germany,&c.; Bourrienne's (French minister at Hamburgh) account of Burr, andBurr's account of Bourrienne; arrives in Paris on the 16th ofFebruary, 1810; endeavours to induce Napoleon to aid him in hiscontemplated expedition, but is unsuccessful; asks a passport to leaveFrance, and is refused; presents a spirited memorial to the emperor onthe subject; Russell, chargé d'affaires, and M'Rae, United Statesconsul at Paris, refuse him the ordinary protection or passport of anAmerican citizen; in July, 1811, obtains permission from the emperorto leave France; sails from Amsterdam on the 20th of September; iscaptured next day by an English frigate, and carried into Yarmouth;remains in England from the 9th of October, 1811, until the 6th ofMarch, 1812; arrives in New-York, via Boston, on the 8th of June,after an absence of four years

CHAPTER XXI.

Colonel Burr, on his return to New-York in 1811, resumes the practiceof law; prejudices against him; kindness of Colonel Troup; letter fromJoseph Alston to Burr, announcing the death of Aaron Burr Alston;effect upon Burr; Theodosia's health precarious; Timothy Greenedespatched to bring her to New-York; letter from Greene; letter fromGreene, stating that he is to sail for New-York in a few days, onboard a schooner with Theodosia; letter from Alston to Theodosia,expressing apprehensions for her safety; from Alston to Burr on thesame subject; from Alston to Burr, abandoning all hope of his wife'ssafety; Theodosia supposed to have perished in a gale of wind early inJanuary, 1813; from Burr to Alston in relation to his private affairs;Burr expresses his opinions on great, but not on minor politicalquestions; letter from Burr to Alston, denouncing the nomination ofMonroe for president, and recommending General Jackson; Alstonreplies, concurring in sentiment with Burr, but ill health preventshis acting; Alston's death; letter from William A. Alston to Burr,explanatory of his late brother's will so far as Burr is interested;from Theodosia to her husband, at a moment when she supposes thatdeath is approaching; Burr's continued zeal in favour of the SouthAmerican States; letter from General Toledo to Colonel Burr in 1816,soliciting him to take command of the Mexican forces; Burrcommissioned by the Republic of Venezuela in 1819; Burr's pursuitsafter his return from Europe; superintends the education of the MissesEden; his pecuniary situation; state of his health; paralytic; mannerof receiving strangers; restive and impatient at the close of hislife; death; conveyed to Princeton for interment; an account of hisfuneral; proceedings of the Cliosophic Society

CHAPTER I.

Colonel Burr's study of the law [1] has been already briefly noticed.He brought to that study a classic education as complete as could, atthat time, be acquired in our country; and to this was added aknowledge of the world, perhaps nowhere better taught than in thecamp, as well as a firmness and hardihood of character which militarylife usually confers, and which is indispensable to the success of theforensic lawyer. He was connected in the family circle with _two[2]eminent jurists, who were at hand to stimulate his young ambition, andto pour, in an almost perpetual stream, legal knowledge into his mind,by conversation and by epistolary correspondence. The time he spent inhis studies preparatory to his admission would be considered short atthe present day; but (to use the language of another) "it is to berecollected that at that time there were no voluminous treatises uponthe mere routine of practice to be committed to memory, without addinga single legal principle or useful idea to the mind, and which onlyteach the law student, as has been said of the art of the rhetorician,'how to name his tools.' Burr, fortunately for his future professionaleminence, was not destined to graze upon this barren moor. He spenthis clerkship in reading and abstracting, with pen in hand, co*ke andthe elementary writers, instead of Sellon and Tidd; and learnt law asa science, and not as a mechanical art."

On the other hand, it has been said "that Colonel Burr was not adeep-read lawyer; that he showed himself abundantly conversant withthe general knowledge of the profession, and that he was skilful insuggesting doubts and questions; but that he exhibited no indicationsof a fondness for the science, nor of researches into its abstrusedoctrines; that he seemed, indeed, to hold it and its administrationin slight estimation. The best definition of law, he said, was'whatever is boldly asserted and plausibly maintained.' This sarcasmwas intended full as much for the courts as for the law administeredby them."

If Colonel Burr may have been surpassed in legal erudition, hepossessed other qualifications for successful practice at the barwhich were seldom equalled. He prepared his trials with an industryand forethought that were most surprising. He spared no labour orexpense in attaining every piece of evidence that would be useful inhis attacks, or guard him against his antagonist. He was absolutelyindefatigable in the conduct of his suits. "He pursued (says a legalfriend) the opposite party with notices, and motions, andapplications, and appeals, and rearguments, never despairing himself,nor allowing to his adversary confidence, nor comfort, nor repose.Always vigilant and always urgent, until a proposition for compromiseor a negotiation between the parties ensued. 'Now move slow (he wouldsay); never negotiate in a hurry.' I remember a remark he made on thissubject, which appeared to be original and wise. There is a saying,'Never put off till tomorrow what you can do to-day.' 'This is amaxim,' said he, 'for sluggards. A better reading of the maximis—Never do to-day what you can as well do to-morrow; becausesomething may occur to make you regret your premature action.'"

I was struck, says the same friend, in his legal practice, with thattendency to mystery which was so remarkable in his conduct in otherrespects. He delighted in surprising his opponents, and in laying, asit were, ambuscades for them. A suit, in which I was not counsel, butwhich has since passed professionally under my observation, willillustrate this point in his practice. It was an ejectment suit,brought by him to recover a valuable tenement in the lower part of thecity, and in which it was supposed, by the able lawyers retained onthe part of the defendant, that the only question would, be on theconstruction of the will. On the trial they were surprised to find thewhole force of the plainfiff's case brought against the authenticityof an ancient deed, forming a link in their title, and of which, as ithad never, been questioned nor suspected, they had prepared merelyformal proof; and a verdict of the jury, obtained by a sort, ofcoup-de-main, pronounced the deed a forgery. Two tribunals havesubsequently established the deed as authentic; but the plaintifflived and died in the possession of the land in consequence of theverdict, while the law doubts, which form the only real questions inthe case, are still proceeding, at the customary snail's pace, throughour courts to their final solution.

To be employed as an assistant by Mr. Burr was not to receive asinecure. He commanded and obtained the constant and unremittedexertions of his counsel. It was one of the most remarkableexhibitions of the force of his character, this bending every one whoapproached him to his use, and compelling their unremitted, thoughoften unwilling, labours in his behalf. His counsel would receivenotes from him at midnight, with questions which were sent forimmediate replies.

He showed nice discrimination in his selection of his professionalassistants. When learning was required, he selected the most erudite.If political influence could be suspected of having effect, he chosehis lawyers to meet or improve the supposed prejudice orpredilection. Eloquence was bought when it was wanted; and the cheapersubstitute of brow-beating, and vehemence used when they wereequivalent or superior. In nothing did he show greater skill than inhis measurement and application of his agents; and it was amusing tohear his cool discussion of the obstacles of prejudice, or ignorance,or interest, or political feeling to be encountered in varioustribunals, and of the appropriate remedies and antidotes to beemployed, and by what persons they should be applied.

Equal discrimination and acuteness was displayed in his politicalmovements. An anecdote which occurred in the contested election of1800 will exemplify this remark. Funds were required for printing, forcommittee-rooms, &c. The finance committee took down the names ofleading democrats, and attached to each the sum they proposed tosolicit from him. Before attempting the collection, the list, atColonel Burr's request, was presented for his inspection. Anindividual, an active partisan of wealth, but proverbiallyparsimonious, was assessed one hundred dollars. Burr directed that hisname should be struck from the list; for, said he, you will not getthe money, and from the moment the demand is made upon him, hisexertions will cease, and you will not see him at the polls during theelection. The request was complied with. On proceeding with theexamination, the name of another wealthy individual was presented; hewas liberal, but indolent; he also was assessed one hundred dollars.Burr requested that this sum should be doubled, and that be shouldbe informed that no labour would be expected from him except anoccasional attendance at the committee-rooms to assist in foldingtickets. He will pay you the two hundred dollars, and thank you forletting him off so easy. The result proved the correctness of theseopinions. On that occasion Colonel Burr remarked, that the knowledgeand use of men consisted in placing each in his appropriate position.

His imperturbable coolness and presence of mind were displayed in hiscivil as well as in his military life. Against most of thevicissitudes of a trial he guarded by his forethought and minutenessof preparation. I was present myself, says the legal friend alreadyreferred to, when he received with great composure a communicationwhich would have startled most men. Mr. P. had long been an inmate ofhis house; he had been connected with him in many respects and formany years. Colonel Burr and two other lawyers were discussing aproposed motion in a chancery suit in which P. was the plaintiff, thecolonel himself having, an interest in the result. P. was then out oftown. A letter was brought in and handed to the colonel, which,telling us to proceed with our debate, he carefully read, and thenplaced it, in his customary manner, on the table, with the addressdownwards. Our discussion proceeded earnestly for ten minutes atleast, when the colonel, who had listened with great attention, asked,in his gentlest tone, "What effect would the death of P. have on thesuit?" We started, and asked eagerly why he put the question. "P. isdead," he replied, "as this letter informs me; will the suit abate?"The colonel was himself ill at the time, and unable to leave his sofa;and even if there was some affectation in his demeanour, there wascertainly remarkable collectedness.

Colonel Burr commenced the practice of his profession at the close ofthe revolution, under the most favourable auspices; and may be said atone bound to have taken rank among the first lawyers of the day, andto have sustained it until he became vice president, at which time, itis believed, he had no superior at the bar, either in this state or inthe Union, nor even an equal, except General Hamilton.

The eclat which Burr, yet a beardless boy, had acquired by hisadventurous march under Arnold to Canada, through our northeasternwilds, then a trackless desert; his gallant bearing at Quebec andMonalouth; his efficient services in the retreat of our army from LongIsland and New-York; and his difficult and delicate command on thelines of Westchester, followed him to private life, gathered aroundhim hosts of admirers and friends among our early patriots,particularly the youthful portion of them, and no doubt essentiallyaided him in making his successful professional debut. The name ofthe chivalrous aid-de-camp who supported in his youthful arms thedying hero of Quebec was familiar in the mouths of men, and from oneend of the continent to the other he was eulogized for his militaryprowess. Such were the cheering auspices under which he sheathed hissword when his physical energies would permit him no longer to wieldit.

"He was indefatigable," says another legal friend, "in business, as hehad been in his previous studies, and no lawyer ever appeared beforeour tribunals with his cause better prepared for trial, his facts andlegal points being marshalled for combat with all the regularity andprecision of a consummate military tactician. No professionaladversary, it is believed, has ever boasted of having broken or throwninto confusion the solid columns into which he had formed them, orhaving found void spaces in their lengthened line, or to have beatenhim by a ruse de guerre or a surprise.

"He never heeded expense in completing his preparations for trial;and, while laborious himself to an uncommon degree, he did not stintthe labours of others, so far as he could command or procure them.Every pleading or necessary paper connected with his causes was intile first place to be multiplied into numerous copies, and thenabstracted or condensed into the smallest possible limits, but nomaterial point or idea was by any means to be omitted. His propensityto concision or condensation was a peculiar trait in his mind. Hewould reduce an elaborate argument, extending over many sheets ofpaper, to a single page. Had he written the history of our revolution,which he once commenced, he would probably have compressed the wholeof it in a single volume."

In his professional practice, he never solicited from an opponent anyfavour or indulgence any more than he would have done from an armedfoe; but, at the same time, rarely withheld any courtesy that wasasked of him, not inconsistent with the interest of his clients. Hewas a strict practitioner, almost a legal martinet, and so fond oflegal technicalities, that he never omitted an opportunity of tryinghis own skill and that of opposite counsel in special pleas,demurrers, and exceptions in chancery, notwithstanding the risk ofpaying costs sometimes, though rarely incurred, and of protracting acause.

The labour of drawing his pleadings and briefs, however, at leastafter his return from Europe in 1812, always devolved upon others;and, with marginal notes of all the authorities which had beenconsulted, from the year books downward, which were sometimes in lawFrench and law Latin, to the last reports in England and some half adozen of our states, in which may be properly called law English, weresubmitted to his critical acumen; his thousand doubts, suggestions,hints, and queries, which would start from his mind like a flash, andfor a moment seem to throw into inextricable confusion what had beenlaboriously, and perhaps profoundly studied, at last would mostgenerally be adopted without material alterations or additions.

Colonel Burr's mind cannot be said to have been a comprehensive one.It was acute, analytical, perspicacious, discriminating,unimaginative, quick to conceive things in detail, but not calculatedto entertain masses of ideas. He would never have gained celebrity asan author; but as a critic, upon whatever subject, his qualificationshave rarely been surpassed, though in literary matters and the finearts they were only exhibited in conversation. His colloquial powerswere impressive and fascinating, though he generally seemed a listenerrather than a talker; but never failed to say a proper thing in theproper place."

As a public speaker, his ideas were not diffuse enough; or rather, heappeared to lack fluency to make a long, and what is called anelaborate argument upon any matter, however grave or momentous. In acause in which he was employed as associate counsel with GeneralHamilton, an incident occurred, in relation to Chief Justice Yates,not unworthy recording. It speaks a language that cannot hemisunderstood, and is demonstrative of the influence which he had overthe feelings as well as the minds of his hearers. It was thecelebrated case of Le Guen vs. Gouverneur and Kemble, one of the mostimportant, in regard to the legal questions and amount of propertyinvolved, which at that day had been brought before our tribunals, andin which case he completely triumphed. Only a short period previous tohis decease Colonel Burr remarked, that on this occasion he hadacquired more money and more reputation as a lawyer than on any otherduring his long practice at the bar. A letter was addressed to ThurlowWeed, Esq., requesting him to apply to the Hon. John Van Ness Yates,son of the late chief justice, and ascertain whether the incident, asreported, was founded on fact. To that letter Mr. Weed received thefollowing answer.

JOHN VAN NESS YATES TO THURLOW WEED.

Albany, July 8th, 1837.

DEAR SIR,

After some difficulty in finding my father's notes of the argument inthe case of Le Guen vs. Gouverneur and Kemble, I have ascertained thatthe account you showed me, given in the letter of M. L. Davis, Esq.,is in the main correct. My father's notes of General Hamilton'sargument are very copious. Those of Colonel Burr's are limited, inthis way—"Burr for plaintiff, I. The great principles of commerciallaw which apply to this case are"—then follows a hiatus of somelines. After which, as follows:—

"II. The plaintiff"—another hiatus.

"III. !!!!!" and this concludes all I can find.

Hamilton's eloquence was (if I may be allowed the expression)argumentative, and induced no great elevation or depression of mind,consequently could be easily followed by a note taker. Burr's was morepersuasive and imaginative. He first enslaved the heart, andthen led captive the, head. Hamilton addressed himself to the headonly. I do not, therefore, wonder that Burr engrossed all thefaculties of the hearer. Indeed, I have heard him often at the barmyself, and always with the same effect. I do not recollect, inconversation, any particular allusion of my father's to Burr'sargument in the case of Le Guen vs. Gouverneur and Kemble; but Ihave frequently heard him say, that of all lawyers at the bar, Burrwas the most difficult to follow in the way of taking notes. Yet Burrwas very concise in his language. He had no pleonasms or expletives.Every word was in its proper place, and seemed to be the only onesuited to the place. He made few or no repetitions. If what he saidhad been immediately committed to the press, it would want nocorrection.

Yours respectfully,

J. V. N. YATES.

Colonel Burr's style of speaking at the bar was unique, or peculiarlyhis own; always brief; never loud, vehement, or impassioned, butconciliating, persuasive, and impressive; and when his subject calledfor gravity or seriousness, his manner was stern and peremptory. Hewas too dignified ever to be a trifler; and his sarcasm, sometimesindulged in, rarely created a laugh, but powerfully told upon thosewho had provoked it. His enunciation was slow, distinct, and emphatic;perhaps too emphatic; and this was pronounced, by his early anddevoted friend, Judge Paterson, [3] a fault in his mode of speakingwhile a youth, and seems never to have been fully corrected, as he didthat of rapid utterance, attaining the true medium for public speakingin this respect. He spoke with great apparent ease, but could not becalled fluent, although he never appeared at a loss for words, whichwere always so chaste and appropriate that they seemed to, have beenas carefully selected before they fell from his lips as if they hadbeen written down in a prepared speech and committed to memory. Hismanner was dignified and courteous; his self-possession never for aninstant forsook him. He never appeared hurried or confused, orbetrayed the slightest embarrassment for want of ideas to support hisargument, or language in which to clothe it; and possessed a memory sowell disciplined as never to forget any thing in the excitement of thelegal forum which in the retirement of his study he had intended touse. He has frequently been heard to say that he possessed nooratorical talents; that he never spoke with pleasure, or evenself-satisfaction, and seemed unconscious of the effect which heproduced upon the minds of his audience.

Colonel Burr accorded the palm of eloquence to General Hamilton, whomhe frequently characterized as a man of strong and fertileimagination, of rhetorical and even poetical genius, and a powerfuldeclaimer. Burr's ruling passion was an ardent love for militaryglory. Next to the career of arms, diplomacy, no doubt, would havebeen his choice, for which not only his courtly and fascinatingmanners, but every characteristic of his mind peculiarly adapted him.It is idle now to speculate upon what he might have been hadWashington yielded to the importunities of Madison, Monroe, andothers, and appointed him minister to the French republic. Ourcountry, before which he then stood in the original brightness of hischaracter, would have been honoured in the choice, both at home andabroad, and his own destiny, at least, would have been widelydifferent.

Notwithstanding oratory was not his forte, and he never spoke inpublic with satisfaction to himself, still many anecdotes are told ofhim which would show that the effect of his speeches were sometimes ofunequalled power. It is said, that at the close of his farewelladdress to the Senate of the United States on his retirement from thevice-presidency, there was scarcely a dry eye to be seen among hisgrave auditors, many of whom were his bitter political adversaries.His manner of speaking was any thing but declamatory, and moreresembled an elevated tone of conversation, by which a man, withoutany seeming intention, pours his ideas in measured and beautifullanguage into the minds of some small select circle, dislodging allwhich they may have previously entertained upon a particular subject,and fixing his own there, by the power of a seeming magicalfascination, which he could render, when he chose, almostirresistible. To judge him by his success as a public speaker, few mencould be called more eloquent.

As a monument of his legal knowledge and talents, his trial atRichmond may be referred to. The two volumes of Reports which containit exhibit on almost every page the impress of his great mind, in itssingular acuteness and perspicacity, and great powers of analysis andargument. On that trial were engaged some of the ablest lawyers of ourcountry, and he manifestly took the lead of them all. But theabilities which he displayed, hour by hour, and day by day, throughthat long protracted contest, in which the verdict sought for by thosewho then wielded the political destinies of our country was anignominious death, were no less remarkable than his unshaken firmnessand high moral elevation of deportment, struggling as he was forhonour and for life.

Fiat Justicia ruat coelum, was the motto of Chief Justice Marshallon the trial of Colonel Burr. He was acquitted, but his acquittal wasnot owing to the clemency or partiality of his judges. His acutenessas a lawyer, and the adroitness with which he managed his defence,contributed greatly, no doubt, in saving him from becoming a victim,though his innocence of the charge of treason which had been broughtagainst him could hardly have effected that acquittal. Here, then, histalents have done some good to his country, even if it be of anegative character. They saved it from a stain of blood, which wouldhave been as indelible as is that of Admiral Byng upon the escutcheonof England.

After Colonel Burr's return from Europe in 1812, he was engaged inseveral important causes, in which he was preeminently successful. Hislegal opinion in the great steam-boat cause aided in breaking up thatmonopoly. He was originally employed in the important land trial ofMrs. Bradstreet, and in the Eden causes, involving a large amount ofproperty in the city of New-York, and turning upon some of the nicestpoints of the most difficult branch of the law of real property: hetriumphed over almost the entire force of the New-York bar, backed bypowerful corporations and individuals of great wealth, which theyprofusely lavished in a long-protracted contest. He commenced the Edensuits in opposition to an opinion which bad been given by GeneralHamilton, Richard Harrison, and other members of the profession ofhigh standing, and on the faith of which opinions the parties inpossession of the lands had purchased and held them at the time thesuits were commenced.

Had Colonel Burr assiduously pursued the study of law through life,like Marshall, Kent, and others, it is not easy to conjecture to whatelevated point he might have risen; but such was not his destiny; thebent of his genius, which had received its inclination at the stirringperiod of the world when he entered into active life, was military.But to show his persevering industry in his practice as a lawyer, andhis power of enduring fatigue, even when almost an octogenarian, thefollowing letter, written by him, is inserted.

Albany, March, 1834.

Germond's, Wednesday Evening.

Arrived this evening between 6 and 7 o'clock, having been forty-fivehours in the stage without intermission, except to eat a hearty meal.Stages in very bad order—roads excellent for wheels to Peekskill, andthence very good sleighing to this city. The night was uncomfortable;the curtains torn and flying all about, so that we had plenty of freshair.

The term was closed this day. Nelson will hold the Special Courtto-morrow morning—have seen both Wendell and O'Connor thisevening—all ready—came neither fatigued nor sleepy.

A. B.

Footnotes:

1. For the remarks which I am now about to present to the reader I amprincipally indebted to two highly intelligent members of the bar.Either of whom is fully competent to a development of Colonel Burr'slegal character; and neither of whom would be disqualified by anyprejudices in his favour. These gentlemen, it is believed,entertained different views as to the Practical value of that speciesof reading which is necessary to form what is by some termed "a trulylearned lawyer."

2. Colonel Burr's brother-in-law, Judge Tappan Reeve, and his uncle,Pierpont Edwards.

3. see Vol. I., Ch. III.

CHAPTER II.

Before entering upon the details connected with the election of 1800,a brief history of the rise and progress of political parties in theState of New-York is deemed necessary. By the Constitution adoptedduring the revolutionary war, the state was divided into fourdistricts, viz., The Southern, the Middle, the Eastern, and theWestern. In the Southern District was included the counties ofRichmond (Staten Island), Kings, Queens, and Suffolk (LongIsland), New-York (Manhattan Island), and Westchester. These sixcounties, from the autumn of 1776 until the summer of 1783, were in agreat measure in the possession of the British forces, and thoseportions of them which were nominally within the American lines weregenerally inhabited by tories and refugees. Lord North, or the mostunrelenting of his followers, were not as much opposed to Americanindependence as were the tories of the united provinces. The city ofNew-York became the rendezvous of the most intelligent and influentialof this class. From this point they communicated with the Britishpremier, through their correspondents in London. Many of them thatwere in exile from their late homes in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, andConnecticut, left their families behind them, under the protection ofthe whigs. By this arrangement facilities were afforded forascertaining the position, resources, and movements of the rebelarmies. These facilities were not neglected, and the information thusobtained was promptly communicated to the British commander-in-chiefin New-York, and to the ministry in England. The whigs felt thatingratitude was returned for their hospitality, and, in consequence,they became daily more incensed against the tories.

It is believed that the war would have terminated in 1780 or 1781, ifthe British minister and his military commanders in America had notbeen constantly led into errors by the opinions and advice of therefugees, but especially those residing in the city of New-York.Entertaining such views, the suffering whigs, in their most tryinghours, consoled themselves with the hope and belief that, when thestruggle should terminate and the country become independent, theiroppressors and persecutors would no longer be permitted to remainamong them. These were the predominant feelings of the men who wereperilling their lives and enduring every species of privation andhardship for the freedom of their native land.

During the year 1778, Joseph Galloway, formerly of Philadelphia,sailed for England. His correspondence was extensive, and he becamethe depository of all the grievances of the American loyalists. He wasthe medium of communication between them, Lord North, and Lord GeorgeGermain. He possessed, in a high degree, the confidence of those whowere the conscience keepers of the king. Among the correspondents ofMr. Galloway may be enumerated William Franklin, former governor ofNew-Jersey, Daniel Cox, and David Ogden, members of his majesty'scouncil in New-Jersey, the Rev. Dr. Inglis, subsequently bishop ofNova Scotia, and Isaac Ogden, counsellor at law of New-York, JohnPotts, a judge of the Common Pleas in Philadelphia, John Foxcroft,postmaster general of North America, &c., &c. None of Mr. Galloway'scorrespondents exhibited a more vindictive spirit than the Rev. BishopInglis. These letters were private and confidential, excepting so faras, the ministry were concerned, for whose use most of them wereintended. None of them, it is believed, have ever heretofore foundtheir way into print. They are now matters of history. They are wellcalculated to develop the secret designs of the tories, and, at thesame time, they afford the strongest view that could be given of thepatriotism, the sufferings, and the untiring perseverance of the sonsof liberty in those days. Some extracts will now be made from theoriginal manuscripts, for the purpose of showing, in a limited degree,the cause, and thus far justifying the hostile feelings of the whigstowards the refugees.

The Rev. Bishop Inglis, under date of the 12th December, 1778,says—"Not less than sixty thousand of the rebels have perished bysickness and the sword since the war began, and these chiefly farmersand labourers. I consider it certain that a famine is inevitable ifthe war continues two years longer; nay, one year war more will bringinexpressible distress on the country with regard to provisions, andthis will affect the rebellion not less than the depreciation of theirpasteboard dollars. The rebellion, be assured, is on the decline. Itsvigour and resources are nearly spent, and nothing but a littleperseverance and exertion on the part of Britain is necessary tosupress it totally. Butler and Brandt's forces, Indians and loyalists,I am told, amount to five or six thousand men. They have distressedand terrified the rebels more since last spring than the whole royalarmy.

Isaac Ogden, under date 22d November, 1778, says—"Thus has ended acampaign (if it deserve the appellation) without anything capitalbeing done or even attempted. How will the historian gain credit whoshall relate, that at least twenty-four thousand of the best troopsin the world were shut up within their own lines by fifteen thousand,at most, of poor wretches, who were illy paid, badly fed, and worseclothed, and scarce, at best, deserved the name of soldiers?"

Daniel Cox, under date of 17th December, 1778, says—"Ned Biddle hasdeclined his seat in Congress. The truth is, he means to do moreessential service in the assembly, which has ordered the general senseof the people to be taken respecting the present constitution ofPennsylvania. Joe Reed is elected, and accepted the honour of beingpresident and commander-in-chief of the state."

John Potts, under date 1st March, 1779, says—"An opinion prevailshere that government (the British) will adopt the mode of devastation.If that should really take place, adieu to all the hopes of thefriends of government ever again living in America. Be assured that,should government be restored by such means, her friends would find itimpossible to travel this country without a guard to preventassassination. This is not only my opinion, but the real sentiments ofevery friend to government. I have conversed with none, except some ofthe violent tories, indeed, of New England, who seem to partake ofthe savage temper of our countrymen." G—— N——[1] has said, in aconfidential letter to a friend of his, "that government wish to getrid of this country, and is only at a loss how to do it withoutleaving it in a situation to injure her."

Daniel Cox, 28th February, 1779, says—"At any rate, I see absoluteruin attend us poor attainted loyalists should the colonies be givenup, or this place (New-York) be evacuated. I once fondly imaginedneither would happen. I wish that our old friend, the Black Prince, [2]could have the direction here again, and have the glory of conductingthe future operations to a happy conclusion. I think he is morecalculated for it than somebody [3] else, who, though he may possesszeal and honesty, wants head."

Isaac Ogden, 8th March, 1779, says—"Admiral Gambier is ordered fromthis station, to the universal joy of all ranks and conditions. Ibelieve no person was ever more generally detested by navy, army, andcitizen, than this penurious old reptile."

Daniel Cox, 10th April, 1779, says—"In an open letter to me, Mrs.Cox speaks of the increasing depreciation of the continental money,under the allegory of an old acquaintance of mine lying in a deepconsumption. Should Great Britain be really treating, and give us up,there must be an end to her glory. But such a misfortune I can neverbelieve her subject to, unless from her own folly and internalfactions of the accursed opposition."

Thomas Eddy, under date 5th month, 3d, 1779, says—"From accountsreceived by last packet of the determined resolution of government topursue the war in America with vigour, I am led to believe that theleaders in the rebellion must give up before fall. Indeed, when Iconsider the dissatisfaction universally prevalent caused by thebadness of their money, I should not be surprised if such an eventwould take place as soon as General, Clinton opens the campaign."

Bishop, Inglis, 14th May, 1779, says—"Remonstrate loudly to thosein authority against treating with the Congress—treating with them isestablishing them, and teaching the Americans to look up to them fordeliverance and protection. We have been guilty of a fatal error inthis from the beginning; we now see and feel the consequences. Thisshould teach us wisdom and better policy. Though we should conquer therebels, yet, if an accommodation is settled with the Congress, I shallconsider the colonies as eventually lost, and that in a little time,to Great Britain."

John Potts, 15th May, 1779, says—"In my last I mentioned somesanguine hopes which I could not help entertaining, from the prospectof an election to be held in the beginning of April, for a newconvention, as they call it, in Pennsylvania. Those hopes are nowtotally destroyed by the efforts of Joe Reed [4] and the violentparty. Their artful cry of tory against the party in favour of theconvention raised a flame too great to be withstood, and procured morethan twelve thousand signers to petitions against that measure, inconsequence of which the assembly rescinded the resolution for holdingthe election."

"The person to whom I alluded in my last letter is the woman whom Imentioned to you last fall as so truly enterprising. She has broughtthree messages through the winter. From her I have this much furtherto assure you, that great preparations are making at Pittsburgh forthe reception of troops.

"The friends of government all agree that they will be content to riskfor ever every future hope and prospect of being restored to theirestates, provided Great Britain will but secure her own authorityfully before any terms are listened to; and, when that is acknowledgedand established, then grant terms as liberal as she pleases,consistent with good government and future security."

Bishop Inglis, 3d September, 1779, says—"General Tryon made two orthree descents on the coast of Connecticut, and burnt the towns ofFairfield and Norwalk. He was accompanied by a large body of refugees,who were extremely useful, and behaved with a resolution andintrepidity which did them great honour. Had the descents onConnecticut been longer continued and carried on more extensively,the most salutary consequences might be apprehended.

"The delusive notion of treating with Congress, I find, still prevailsin some degree among you. Yet nothing could be more destructive to theinterest of government. Treating with them would be confirming theirusurpation. The loyalists, universally dread this above all things.However they may differ in opinion on other points, they are unanimousand united in this; and where so many are perfectly agreed in a matterwhich is level to all understandings, it must be the evident dictateof truth and reason."

Isaac Ogden, 20th September, 1779, says—"You may well ask what weare doing here. Our army is now (including the garrison from RhodeIsland) at least twenty-four thousand men, a number sufficient tomarch through the whole continent; but what do numbers avail when theyare cooped up in this dastardly manner? A want of knowledge of thecountry, a want of enterprise, or a want of something else, God onlyknows what, has prevented any and every attempt to interfere with theenemy. It is not a want of sufficient force, neither is it because itwas impracticable. These are facts that the warmest of the rebelsacknowledge. Their force is really despicable when compared to thearmy here. How is General Vaughan? I sincerely wish to see him at thehead of the army here, as he is the only general that has been herethat would listen to the advice of the American loyalists."

Bishop Inglis, 6th of November, 1779, says—"We have now within ourlines upward of twenty-six thousand effective men, as I have beeninformed. Such a force, if led out and exerted with judgment andspirit, could not be resisted by the rebels—it must bear down allopposition. It is reported that Sir Henry Clinton is appointed solecommissioner, with authority to choose five assistants as a counsel,and that he is vested with power to treat with Congress, &c. It may bevery proper to have a commissioner here, vested with extensive powers;but as to any hopes of treating with Congress about an accommodation,be assured they are visionary. Congress have done enough to dissipateall such fond expectations, unless their independence is acknowledged;and I should be heartily sorry if a measure so dishonourable to thenation, as treating with the Congress in any respect, were adopted.Insult and obstinacy is all that can be expected from them.

"With respect to the rebellion, I am clearly of opinion that it dailydeclines. Washington is the man to whom the army look for redress andsupport. He is now in America what Monk was in England in 1659. Iwish I could say in every respect. Were he equally disposed, he mighteffect as sudden and total a revolution, here as honest George Monkdid then in England."

Isaac Ogden, 16th December, 1779, says—"There is an anecdote ofGeneral Grey that I have lately heard and believe to be true, thoughthe fact cannot now be fully ascertained. Just before the battle ofBrandywine, an officer was despatched home by General Howe. GeneralGrey undertook to give him his instructions how to demean himself onhis arrival in London, &c. A copy of these instructions was found by acountryman, and delivered to Joe Shippen (Secretary Joe,) who nowhas them in Philadelphia. A gentleman here has seen them. As herelated them to me, you have them. 'You will first go to Lord GeorgeGermain; he will ask you such and such question; you will answer themso and so. You will then be sent to Lord North, who will ask youthese questions; you will thus answer them. You will then be sent tothe king, who will also ask you, &c.; you are also to give him theseanswers. You will then be examined by the queen. She is a sensiblewoman. You must answer with caution, but, of all things, be carefulthat you say nothing that will condemn the conduct of General Howe.'Some pains are taken to procure this paper from Mr. Shippen; if it canbe obtained, you will have it."

David Ogden, 3d December, 1779, says—"What gives me great concernis the fear of a dishonourable peace being made with the rebels. Myfears arise from what I am told many of the officers in the army giveout that America can never be conquered; and the sooner it is givenup, and independence admitted by the crown and parliament, the betterfor Great Britain; and I am also informed that they have wrote to thatpurpose to their friends in England. What effect this may have on yourside of the Atlantic, backed by the anti-ministerial party with you,enemies to monarchy and the great supporters of the rebellion inAmerica, time must show; but I am persuaded that the present ministerswill never give the least countenance to the independence of America.The laying the country waste has been called cruelty by the favourersof the rebellion, and said to be below the character of Britons; butin cases of rebellion, it has always, by the most civilized nations,been held justifiable, and no history affords an instance of callingit cruelty. The great mercy shown the rebels since the commencement ofthe rebellion is esteemed to be the greatest cruelty, as the lives ofmany thousands would have been preserved by a vigorous, exertion ofthe king's troops to distress the rebels wherever they marched, havinga strict regard not to injure the loyalists."

Daniel Cox, 7th December, 1779, says—"Should you see Joe Reed'slate speech to the assembly of Pennsylvania, you would imagine theyfelt no shock from the Georgia defeat. [5]

If but common means are actively employed and properly conducted, therebellion must be crushed totally next campaign. I doubt not everyeffort in the power of Congress, both abroad and at home, will be madeto carry themselves through another year; but, if you are successfulat home, they must go to the devil. For God's sake, therefore, do notbe frightened nor give us up; all must go right if You are but firm."

Reference has already been made to General Arnold's treason during thesummer of 1780.[6]

From the private correspondence of Mr. Galloway, it appears, that asearly as the autumn of 1778 Arnold was considered by the refugees as"lenient," if not friendly to them, and in this light wasrepresented to the British ministry.

Charles Stewart, under date of the 17th December, 1778,says—"General Arnold is in Philadelphia. It is said that he will bedischarged, being thought a pert tory. Certain it is that heassociates mostly with those people, and is to be married to MissShippen, daughter of Edward Shippen, Esq."

David Sproat, 11th January, 1779, says—"You will also hear thatGeneral Arnold, commandant in Philadelphia, has behaved with lenity tothe tories, and that he is on the eve of marriage to one of EdwardShippen's daughters."

James Humphreys, Jun. (printer), 8th of April, 1779, says—"GeneralArnold has been accused by the council of sundry misdemeanors. He hasinsisted upon a trial by a court martial, and was triumphantlyacquitted. The Congress, however, have thought proper to remove himfrom his command in the city of Philadelphia, he being of too lenienta disposition to answer their cruel purposes."

This correspondence also develops the conflicting views which weretaken by the tories as to the operations of the British army. So faras it had any influence, it was calculated to embarrass the ministry.Only two very short extracts will be given on this subject. Thedividing point between the northern and the southern tories waswhether the main army should take possession of Hudson's river, or theisthmus between Newcastle and Chesapeake Bay.

Bishop Inglis, May 14th, 1779, says—"I am still of opinion thattaking possession of Hudson's river should be the first object. Whenthat is done, which will effectually divide the rebel forces,circ*mstances should determine whether our operations should bedirected eastward or westward."

John Potts, December 17th, 1778, says—"If government means topursue this matter, she must spare men enough to take possession ofthe isthmus between Newcastle and Chesapeake Bay, and, by clearingthat country of rebels, procure sufficient provision and forage forthe whole British force in America. That country can also supply thefleet with a great quantity of naval stores. The whole trade ofMaryland and Pennsylvania will be destroyed, and a great part ofVirginia. The interior of that peninsula is better disposed towardsthe British government than any other country in the middle colonies.If possession of Rhode Island and this place (New-York) is retained,and that post taken, America has no access to sea from anyintermediate port but Egg Harbour, which will then be scarcely anobject. This is your plan, excepting the possession of Philadelphiaand Bordentown, and, as the troops would not be dispersed too much,would, for that reason, be more eligible."

During the winter of 1778—79, the tories had it in contemplation toestablish a regular corps for the purpose of plundering the whigs.About this period Colonel Burr took command of the lines inWestchester. His opinion of this system of warfare is expressed in aletter to General McDougall from which the following isextracted—"Colonel Littlefield, with the party, returned thismorning. Notwithstanding the cautions I gave, and notwithstandingColonel Littlefield's good intentions, I blush to tell you that theparty returned loaded with plunder. Sir, till now I never wished forarbitrary power. I could gibbet half a dozen good whigs with all thevenom of an inveterate tory." [7]

Let the reader compare the above whig sentiment with the followingtory arrangement:—

Christopher Sower, 1st March, 1779, says—"An association is signinghere (New-York), according to which the loyalists are to formthemselves into companies of fifty men each; choose their ownofficers; to have the disposal of all prisoners by them taken; tomake excursions against the rebels, plunder them, sell the spoil,appoint an agent to receive the money, and to divide it among them inequal shares." [8]

In the autumn of 1779 the refugees in New-York formed a board ofdelegates from the several provinces. In reference to it, DanielCox, December 7th, 1779, says—"I have lately brought about a generalrepresentation of all the refugees from the respective colonies, whichnow compose a board, called the board of refugees, and of which I havethe honour at present to be president. We vote by colonies, andconduct our debates in quite a parliamentary style."

Christopher Sower, the 5th of December, 1779, says—"The deputies ofthe refugees from the different provinces meet once a week. DanielCox, Esq., was appointed to the chair, to deprive him of theopportunity of speaking, as he has the gift of saying little with manywords."

Only one more extract will be given from the correspondence of Mr.Galloway, and that relates to the doings of this board of refugees.Among their labours, the manner of bringing the war to a speedytermination, and the formation of a constitution for the Britishprovinces, engrossed their attention. No comments will be made on theplan; but it will not be found unworthy a careful perusal. Althoughpresented as the individual suggestion of Mr. Ogden, it is evident,from other portions of the correspondence, that it was not unadvised,and, to the American reader, is now an amusing document.

David Ogden, 3d December, 1779, says—"When America submits to thecrown of Great Britain, which I take as a matter certain, and willsoon happen if proper measures are not neglected—pray, will not aconstitution and government, in a manner something similar to thefollowing, be most for the honour, security, peace, and interest ofGreat Britain, and also for the happiness and safety of America, andmost compatible to the spirit and genius of both?

"That the right of taxation of America by the British parliament begiven up. That the several colonies be restored to their formerconstitutions and forms of government, except in the instances aftermentioned. That each colony have a governor and council appointed bythe crown, and a house of representatives to be elected by thefreeholders, inhabitants of the several counties, not more than fortynor less than thirty for a colony, who shall have power to make allnecessary laws for the internal government and benefit of eachrespective colony that are not repugnant or contradictory to the lawsof Great Britain, or the laws of the American parliament, made andenacted to be in force in the colonies for the government, utility,and safety of the whole. That an American parliament be establishedfor all the English colonies on the continent, to consist of a lordlieutenant, barons (to be created for that purpose), not to exceed, atpresent, more than twelve, nor less than eight from each colony, to beappointed by his majesty out of the freeholders, inhabitants of eachcolony; a house of commons, not to exceed twelve nor less than eight,from each colony, to be elected by the respective houses ofrepresentatives for each colony, which parliament, so constituted, tobe three branches of legislature of the northern colonies, and to bestyled and called the Lord Lieutenant, the Lords, and Commons of theBritish Colonies in North America. That they have the power ofenacting laws, in all cases whatsoever, for the general good, benefit,and security of the colonies, and for their mutual safety, bothdefensive and offensive, against the king's enemies, rebels, &c.;proportioning the taxes to be raised in such cases by each colony. Themode for raising the same to be enacted by the general assembly ofeach colony, which, if refused or neglected, be directed andprescribed by the North American parliament, with power to levy thesame. That the laws of the American parliament shall be in force tillrepealed by his majesty in council; and the laws of the severallegislatures of the respective colonies to be in force till the samebe repealed by his majesty, or made void by an act and law of theAmerican parliament. That the American parliament have thesuperintendence and government of the several colleges in NorthAmerica, most of which have been the grand nurseries of the laterebellion, instilling into the tender minds of youth principlesfavourable to republican, and against a monarchical government, andother doctrines incompatible to the British constitution.

"A constitution and government something similar to the above, I amconvinced, from the knowledge I have of the temper and spirit of theinhabitants of the colonies, will be most acceptable to them ingeneral (it being what they wish for), and will also be conducive toestablish a continued and lasting peace and harmony between GreatBritain and the colonies. The Congress, no doubt, as it will deprivethem of their power, will oppose the same by every artifice, as wellas every other plan of accommodation that will lessen their grandeurand consequence. I am therefore persuaded that the Congress had bestbe altogether disregarded in any overtures of accommodation to be madeor proposed, and all treaties with them absolutely refused, eitherdirectly with them, or indirectly through the courts of France andSpain, as men void of faith, or even common justice—deceivers of thepeople, and enemies to the public weal and happiness of mankind. Andto facilitate a submission instead of a treaty, proceed with the armyagainst the rebels with vigour and spirit, and issue a proclamationcontaining a constitution for North America, and a pardon to all wholay down their arms and take the oath of allegiance to his majesty andhis government, excepting, as necessary examples of justice,

"First. The several members of the Continental Congress who havebeen elected and served as members thereof since the declaration ofIndependence.

"Second. All governors, presidents of the supreme executive councilsor of other councils, or of any of the colonies, acting under theCongress, or any new and usurped form of government.

"Third. All those who have been by his majesty appointed of hiscouncil in any of the colonies, and since taken an active part in thecivil or military department under the Congress or under anyestablishment of the rebel government.

"Fourth. All judges who have, since the rebellion, passed sentenceof death against any of his majesty's liege subjects, for any supposedor real crime, committed or pretended to be committed against any lawenacted or made by the Congress, or by any of the usurped or pretendedlegislatures of the colonies, making the fact or facts criminal forwhich he, she, or they were condemned to suffer death.

"Fifth. All commissaries and others who have seized and sold theestates of any of his majesty's liege subjects, under any pretencewhatsoever, unless it was done by the consent and orders of therightful owner, leaving all such to the mercy of his majesty, to begranted to those only whose conduct merits mercy, and hold up the samein the proclamation, if any should issue.

"Will it not be proper as well as just to have the estates of therebels who are gone out of the king's lines among the rebelsforfeited, confiscated, and sold by commissioners to be appointed forthat purpose, and the moneys arising on the sales to be applied to theuse of the refugees, to compensate for their sufferings by the rebelsin ease of the parliamentary donations? Will not the perfidy of Franceand Spain justify Great Britain in proposing and entering into analliance with the courts of Russia, Prussia, and other powers, tounite against France and Spain, the common disturbers of publictranquillity; take and divide among them all their islands in the WestIndies?"

Footnotes:

1. Lord North.

2. General Vaughan.

3. Sir Henry Clinton.

4. The Hon. Joseph Reed, whom the British attempted to bribe throughthe agency of Mrs. Ferguson.

5. Referring to the discomfiture at Savannah of the combined forces ofFrance and the United States; the former under the command of CountD'Estaing, the latter commanded by General Lincoln.

6. See Vol. I., Ch. XIII.

7. See Vol. I., Ch. IX.

8. On the back of Mr. Sower's letter Mr. Galloway has made, in his ownhandwriting, this endorsem*nt—"Mr. Sower is a German refugee atNew-York, and a person of the greatest influence among the Germans inPennsylvania."

CHAPTER III.

The extracts which have been given from the correspondence of Mr.Galloway present, in a point of view sufficiently clear and distinct,the unquestionable hostility of the tories towards the whigs; themanner in which they wished the British ministry to conduct thecontest; the punishment they would have inflicted upon the rebels ifthey had been successful, and the form in which they would havesubsequently governed the country. These views are deemed a sufficientreason for the feelings of the whigs; a justification of thoselegislative disqualifications of the tories which were adopted by theState of New-York during the war of the revolution, and cause for thepatriotic determination that the refugees should not be protected orpermitted to remain in the land which they had so zealously struggledto enslave.

At a very early period after the declaration of Independence, partieswere formed among the whigs. In the State of New-York, at the firstelection, in 1777, for governor under the new Constitution, GeneralSchuyler was presented in opposition to George Clinton, but wasdefeated. With that defeat it is believed commenced politicalheart-burnings and collisions which, although at times smothered, werenever extinguished. Schuyler was a man of great boldness and sagacity.He was personally unpopular, yet he possessed a commanding influenceover the mind of those with whom lie commingled or was in any mannerconnected; an ascendancy which, in a measure, was to be ascribed tothe force of intellect.

On the 12th of September, 1780, General Schuyler was a candidate forCongress. At that time the members were chosen by the legislature.Each house, viva voce, named a candidate. The two branches then mettogether and compared their nominations. If they both designated thesame individual, he was declared to be chosen. If not, they proceededas one body to a ballot, and the person having a majority of all thevotes given was duly elected. The house almost unanimously nominatedGeneral Schuyler, the vote being for Schuyler, thirty-one, for EzraL'Hommidieu seven. The senate nominated L'Hommidieu. In joint ballot,notwithstanding the vote Schuyler had received in the house,L'Hommidieu was chosen. For some reason not then explained, there wasa sudden and extraordinary change of opinion in the legislature inrelation to General Schuyler.

About this period, certain individuals were for the appointment of a"Supreme dictator, with all the powers conferred by the Roman people."A convention was to be held at Hartford, consisting of delegates fromthe five New-England states and the state of New-York, for thepurpose, among other objects, of devising more efficient measures forthe supply of the army. Judge Hobart, Egbert Benson, and GeneralSchuyler were the delegates. "It was for a contemplated by thelegislature to give them instructions to propose that a dictatorshould be appointed, for which a majority in the more popular branchwere believed to be favourable. This 'mad project,' as ColonelAlexander Hamilton designated it, was communicated to him by GeneralSchuyler in a letter of the 16th of September, 1780." [1]

The scheme was opposed with great ardour and perseverance by GovernorGeorge Clinton, Ezra L'Hommidieu, and others; but, through theinfluence of the former, in a great measure, the "mad project" wasdefeated. Here again the party lines were drawn between GovernorClinton and General Schuyler. It is highly probable that the plan forappointing a "supreme dictator" was a principal cause for the changeof opinion respecting General Schuyler in the legislature on the 12thof September, and contributed to defeat his election to Congress.

From this period until the adoption of the Federal Constitution, theClinton and the Schuyler parties continued to exist. In the ranks ofthe latter there was great concert in action. On an examination of thelegislative journals from 1777 to 1788, it will be seen, that withGeneral Schuyler were the Jays, the Livingstons, the Van Rensellaers,and the Bensons, and that they almost uniformly voted together.

And now of the tories. In the year 1779 some of them, who had removedfrom Albany within the British lines, petitioned the legislature forleave to return, which petition was rejected. At the same session anact was passed requiring all counsellors and attorneys, before theycould be permitted to practice in any court, to produce evidence oftheir attachment to the liberty and independence of the United States.On the 20th of November, 1781, a special act was passed on the samesubject, confirmatory of what bad been done in 1779.

The first session of the legislature after the revolutionary war washeld in the city of New-York. It was convened by proclamation of thegovernor on the 6th of January, 1784, and continued its sitting untilthe 12th of May following. In the first month of the session, numerouspetitions were presented by the tories, praying to be relieved fromtheir banishment, and to be permitted a residence within the state.The legislature perceived that, if they did not act promptly, theirtables would be covered with these memorials. Therefore, in thelanguage of Governor Clinton at the opening of the session, theassembly said—

"While we recollect the general progress of a war which has beenmarked with cruelty and rapine; while we survey the ruins of this onceflourishing city and its vicinity; while we sympathize in thecalamities which have reduced so many of our virtuous fellow-citizensto want and distress, and are anxiously solicitous for means to repairthe wastes and misfortunes which we lament," we cannot hearken tothese petitions. They were referred to a select committee, whichcommittee in a few days reported against granting their prayer, andthe house instantly, without a division, agreed to the report. Thiswas on the 9th of February, 1784.

On the 11th of February, 1784, the assembly passed a resolutiondirecting that the names of those persons that had been attaintedshould be communicated to the governors of the several states;requesting to be supplied, in like manner, with "a list of the personsproscribed or banished by their respective states, in order thatthereby the principles of federal union may be adhered to andpreserved." In the senate this resolution was permitted to sleep.

Chancellor Robert R. Livingston, in a letter to John Jay dated the25th of January, 1784, thus speaks of parties at this period. "Ourparties are, first, the tories, who still hope for power, under theidea that the remembrance of the past should be lost, though theydaily keep it up by their avowed attachment to Great Britain;secondly, the violent whigs, who are for expelling all tories from thestate, in hopes, by that means, to preserve the power in their ownhands. The third are those who wish to suppress all violence, tosoften the rigour of the laws against the loyalists, and not to banishthem from that social intercourse which may, by degrees, obliteratethe remembrance of past misdeeds."

On the 8th of March, 1784, Peter Yates and three hundred otherspetitioned the legislature to prevent those persons who had joined orremained with the enemy during the late war from returning, and toprohibit such as have remained from being eligible to any office ofprofit or trust. On the 31st of the same month strong resolutions wereintroduced into the house, and adopted by both branches, against thetories, declaring, among other things, "That as, on the one hand, therules of justice do not require, so, on the other, the publictranquility will not permit, that such adherents who have beenattainted should be restored to the rights of citizenship."

In May, 1784, the legislature passed an act entitled "An act to,preserve the freedom and independence of this state, and for otherpurposes." The object of this law was to prohibit the tories fromholding any office. The Council of Revision returned the bill, withobjections to its passage, one of which was, "that so large a portionof the citizens remained in parts of the Southern District whichwere possessed by the British armies, that in most places it would bedifficult, and in many absolutely impossible, to find men to fillthe necessary offices, even for conducting elections, until a newset of inhabitants could be procured."

This bill of disfranchisem*nt, notwithstanding the objections of theCouncil of Revision, was passed by more than two thirds of bothbranches, and thus became a law. Such were the feelings of the"violent whigs;" such the policy of the first legislature after thetermination of the war. But, unfortunately, among those who had foughtthe battles of the revolution, there were some who doubted thecapacity of the people for self-government, while there were otherswho sought power and influence at the hazard of principle. TheSchuyler party were in the minority. The Clinton party, designated byChancellor Livingston as the "violent whigs," were uncompromising onthe question of banishing the tories, who were numerous, especially inthe Southern District. It seemed probable, therefore, if restored tocitizenship, that they would amalgamate with the third party, orthat class of whigs "who wished to suppress all violence, and tosoften the rigour of the laws against the royalists."

In March, 1783, the legislature passed an act entitled "An act forgranting more effectual relief in cases of trespass." The object ofthis act was to enable the whigs at the termination of the war torecover from the tories rent for any landed estate they might haveoccupied; and in cases of suit for such rent, the act declares "thatno defendant or defendants shall be admitted to plead in justificationany military order or command whatsoever for such occupancy."

Under this statute an action was commenced by Mrs. Rutgers against Mr.Waddington, in the Mayor's Court of the City of New-York, for therecovery of rent for the occupancy of a brewhouse and malthouse, theproperty of the said Mrs. Rutgers. The cause was argued on the 29th ofJune, 1784, James Duane as Mayor, and Richard Varick as Recorder,presiding. On the 27th of August the court gave judgment "that theplea of the defendant was good for so much of the time as he heldunder the British commander-in-chief; because, in the opinion of thecourt, a liberal construction of the law of nations would make it so."As this decision involved a great principle, and would materiallyaffect the whigs whose property had been occupied by the tories duringthe war, it produced great excitement.

A meeting of the whigs was convened on the 13th of September, 1784. Acommittee was appointed, and an address to the people of the stateprepared and published by them. That committee consisted of MelanctonSmith, Peter Ricker, Jonathan Lawrence, Anthony Rutgers, Peter T.Curtenius, Thomas Tucker, Daniel Shaw, Adam Gilchrist, Junr., and JohnWiley. Of this committee Melancton Smith was the life and soul. He wasthe author of the address—a clear, able, and unanswerable expositionof the case. It states the determination of Mrs. Rutgers to carry itup to the Supreme Court, and, if defeated there, to the Senate, which,with the judges of the Supreme Court, constituted the Court for theCorrection of Errors. Having reference to the contemplatedproceedings, the address closes as follows:—

"Preparatory to such an event, we exhort you to be cautious, in yourfuture choice of senators, that none be elected but those on whom,from long and certain experience, you can rely as men attached to theliberty of America, and firm friends to our laws and constitution; menwho will spurn at any proposition that has a tendency to curtail theprivileges of the people, and who, at the same time that they protectus against judicial tyranny, have wisdom to see the propriety ofsupporting that necessary independence in courts of justice, both ofthe legislature and people.

"Having confined ourselves to constitutional measures, and nowsolemnly declaring our disapprobation of all others, we feel a freedomin sounding the alarm to our fellow-citizens. If that independence,which we have obtained at a risk which makes the acquisition littleless than miraculous, was worth contending for against a powerful andenraged monarch, and at the expense of the best blood in America,surely its preservation is worth contending for against those amongourselves who might impiously hope to build their greatness upon theruins of that fabric which was so dearly established.

"That the principle of decision in the case of Rutgers vs.Waddington is dangerous to the freedom of our government, and that aperseverance in that principle would leave our legislature nothing buta name, and render their sessions nothing more than an expensive formof government, the preceding remarks must evidence.

"Permit us, on this occasion, earnestly to entreat you to join us inwatchfulness against every attempt that may be used, either violentlyand suddenly, or gently and imperceptibly, to effect a revolutionin the spirit and genius of our government; and should there beamong us characters to whom the simplicity of it is offensive, letour attention and perseverance be such as to preclude the hopes of achange."

Here again the party lines of 1777 are distinctly marked. Melancton
Smith, Jonathan Lawrence, &c., were of the Clinton party, while Mr.
Duane and Mr. Varick were attached to the Schuyler interest.

In October, 1784, the case of Rutgers vs. Waddington was broughtbefore the legislature, and on the 27th of that month the assembly

Resolved, That this adjudication is subversive of all law and goodorder; because, if a court instituted for the benefit and governmentof a corporation may take upon themselves to dispense with a law ofthe state, all other courts may do the like: therefore,

Resolved, That it be recommended to the honourable the Council ofAppointment, at their next session, to appoint such persons to bemayor and recorder of the city of New-York as will govern themselvesby the known laws of the land.

Subsequently Waddington compromised the claim against him; but the lawin similar cases became operative, and remained so until its repeal bythe legislature. In the following session, March, 1785, anunsuccessful attempt was made to repeal the act of 1781, disqualifyingtory counsellors and attorneys; some modification, however, of otherlaws of a similar character was effected. In April, 1786, therepealing act passed; and the restriction on the tory lawyers beingremoved, they were permitted to practise in the several courts of thestate. During the same month, "an act for the payment of certain sumsof money" was amended by adding a clause, "restoring to the rights ofcitizenship, on taking the oath of abjuration and allegiance," allsuch persons as had been disfranchised by the third clause of the actentitled "An act to preserve the freedom and independence of thisstate," passed the 12th of May, 1784. During this session the Schuylerparty had the ascendence, and on all questions having a politicalaspect the names of Alexander Hamilton, Richard Varick, C. Livingston,Nicholas Bayard, David Brooks, James Livingston, &c., will be found onthe same side.

On the 10th of March, 1787, Mr. Hamilton asked leave, which wasgranted, to bring in a bill to repeal the act entitled "An act forgranting relief in case of certain trespasses." This was the act underwhich the suit had been commenced against Waddington, and which caseproduced so much excitement in the summer and autumn of 1784. Mr.Hamilton's bill passed; but, lest there should be some forgottenstatute that might restrict or limit the political privileges of thetories, it was deemed expedient, on the 13th of April, to introduceand pass an act under the imposing title of "An act to repeal all lawsof this state inconsistent with the treaty of peace." As itsprovisions met every possible case, the tories were now placed on afooting with the whigs. All they wanted was leaders. The rank and filethey already possessed.

The Schuyler party sought allies. The tories were numerous, especiallyin the Southern District. The Clinton party, designated by ChancellorLivingston, in his letter to John Jay, as the "violent whigs," wereuncompromising on the question of banishing the tories from the state.It seemed probable, therefore, that, sooner or later, if restored tocitizenship, they would amalgamate with that class of whigs who wishedto suppress "all violence, and to soften the rigour of the lawsagainst the royalists."

The effect of these legislative measures on the tories was anticipatedby both friends and foes. Chancellor Livingston, in January, 1784, hadsaid that there were three parties in the state:—

First. The tories.

Second. The violent whigs.

Third. Those who wished " to soften the rigour of the laws againstthe royalists."

The Council of Revision, composed of Robert R. Livingston, JusticeMorris, and Judge Hobart, had solemnly placed on record their opinion,that, in some portions of the Southern District "it would bedifficult, and in many absolutely impossible, to find whigs to fillthe necessary offices even for conducting elections." Under suchcirc*mstances it was evident that the first and third parties mustamalgamate, and such was the result.

In January, 1788, the legislature met, and directed the call of aState Convention, to whom was to be submitted the FederalConstitution, as adopted by the General Convention held inPhiladelphia in May, 1787. During this session the same party linescontinued to be visible, although the respective parties had nowassumed, or were designated by new names. The Schuyler was called theFederal party, and the Clinton the anti-Federal party; thev werecomposed, however, of the same individuals, with very few exceptions.The great, and almost the only strength which the federal partypossessed in the state was in the Southern District. Here theacquisition of the tories rendered their power and influenceirresistible. From this district, composed of the counties ofWestchester, New-York, Richmond, King's, Queen's, and Suffolk, thefederalists had in the Assembly, during the session of 1788-89,twenty votes, and on no party question did they command, duringthe whole session, more than twenty-three votes.

In December, 1788, a bill for carrying into operation the federalconstitution being under consideration, a proposition was made tochoose United States senators; but the federalists having a majorityin the Senate, and the anti-federalists a majority in the House ofAssembly, no compromise between the parties could be effected, andconsequently no senators were chosen.

The following persons may be considered as constituting the strengthof the Schuyler, now federal party, in the assembly of 1788-89:—

Brockholst Livingston, of the city of New-York. William W. Gilbert, "
" Alexander Macomb, " " Richard Harrison, " " Nicholas Hoffman, " "
John Watts, Jun., " " Nicholas Low, " " Gulian Verplanck, " " Comfort
Sands, " " Philip Van Cortlandt, Westchester county. Philip
Livingston, " " Nathaniel Rockwell, " " Walter Seaman, " " Jonathan
Horton, " " John Younglove, Albany county. Henry K. Van Rensellaer, "
" Stephen Carman, Queen's county. Whitehead Cornwell, " " Peter
Vandervoort, King's county. Aquilla Giles, " " Abraham Bancker,
Richmond county. John C. Dongan, " " Samuel A. Barker, Dutchess
county.

It will be observed, that all the above Schuyler or federal members,with the exception of two from Albany and one from Dutchesscounty, were elected as representatives from the Southern District.

Having stated the origin and progress of the great political partiesin the State of New-York, as they appear from the public records, itmay be proper to add that Colonel Burr belonged to what was termed byMr. Livingston "the violent whig party." By that party, while thetories were disfranchised, Mr. Burr was elected in 1784 to representthe city and county of New-York in the legislature. By that party, in1789, he was appointed attorney-general of the state. By that party,in 1791, he was appointed a senator of the United States. By thatparty, in 1792, he was appointed a judge of the Supreme Court. By thatparty, subsequently, he was elected a member of the Assembly and amember of the Convention to revise the Constitution of the State, ofwhich convention he was president; and by that party, in 1800, he waselected vice-president of the United States.

It is not intended to discuss the policy, the humanity, or the justiceof the several measures proposed or adopted in relation to the toriesby "the violent whigs," or by those whigs who wished "to soften therigour of the laws against the loyalists." The historical facts havebeen given, and the sources from whence they were derived specified.The feelings and opinions of "the violent whigs," are expressed bythe legislature of the state on the 9th of February, 1784, and byGovernor George Clinton at the opening of that session in the city ofNew-York. They say—" While we recollect the general progress of a warwhich has been marked with cruelty and rapine; while we survey theruins of this once flourishing city and its vicinity; while wesympathize in the calamities which have reduced so many of ourvirtuous fellow-citizens to want and distress, and are anxiouslysolicitous for means to repair the wastes and misfortunes which welament, we cannot hearken to these petitions."

On the other hand, the sentiments and views of those whigs who wished"to soften the rigour of the laws against the loyalists" are to befound in the following extracts of letters.

JOHN JAY TO GOVERNOR WILLIAM LIVINGSTON. [2]

"Passay, 9th April, 1783.

"The tories will doubtless cause some difficulty; but that they havealways done; and as this will probably be the last time, we mustmake the best of it. A universal, indiscriminate condemnation andexpulsion of those people would not redound to our honour, because soharsh a measure would partake more of vengeance than of justice. Formy part, I wish that all, except the faithless and cruel, may beforgiven. That exception would indeed extend to very few; but evenif it applied to the case of one only, that one ought, in my opinion,to be saved."

JOHN JAY TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

"Passay, 12th September, 1783.

"Europe hears much, and wishes to hear more of divisions, seditions,violences, and confusions among us. The tories are generally andgreatly pitied; more, indeed, than they deserve. The indiscriminateexpulsion and ruin of that whole class and description of men wouldnot do honour to our magnanimity or humanity, especially in theopinion of those nations who consider, with more astonishment thanpleasure, the terms of peace which America has obtained."

Footnotes:

1. See Life of Hamilton, Vol. I., p. 316

2. Jay's Works, Vol. I., p. 128.

CHAPTER IV.

It has been seen that the Livingstons were of the Schuyler partyduring the revolutionary war, and that they continued so until theyear 1787, when, in common with their political friends, they were thewarm and ardent champions of the Federal Constitution. After itsadoption, and the organization of the government under it, they soonbecame dissatisfied. The cause of that dissatisfaction has beendifferently explained. On the one hand it was said that they werealarmed at the doctrines of those who had been called to administerthe government, and at the assumption of powers not delegated by thepeople. That they apprehended the government was verging towards aconsolidated national, instead of a federal government of states.

On the other hand it was alleged that the family were disappointed anddisgusted at the neglect which they experienced from GeneralWashington. That, as Robert R. Livingston had been, in the stateconvention which adopted the Constitution, one of its most splendidand efficient supporters, he and his connexions anticipated hisappointment to some exalted station; but that, while he was passed byunnoticed, his colleagues in that body, John Jay and AlexanderHamilton, had both received distinguished appointments—the one asChief Justice of the United States, and the other as Secretary of theTreasury. Whatever may have been the cause of this change, it iscertain that they soon abandoned the federal, and united theirpolitical destiny with the anti-federal party. Although thesegentlemen, as politicians, were acting in concert with Mr. Burr, yetthere was no cordiality of feeling between them. In their socialintercourse, however, the most perfect comity was observed; and asthey were in a minority, struggling to break down a party haughty,proscriptive, and intolerant beyond any thing that the American peoplehad beheld, they zealously united their efforts in effecting therevolution of 1800.

Soon after the adoption of the new constitution, the anti-federalparty were recognised by a name more descriptive of their principlesand their views. They assumed the title of democrats. They consideredthemselves anti-consolidationists, but not anti-federalists. They knewthat a section of the dominant party were the friends of a splendidnational government. That they were the advocates of a system, bymeans of which all power would have concentrated in the general, andthe state governments been reduced to the level of mere corporations.Against this system the democrats reasoned and contended with unabatedzeal. They were the early, unflinching, and faithful champions ofstate rights_.

From the year 1790 until 1800, the democratic and federal parties werealternately triumphant, both in the city and in the state of New-York.In the former, the result of an election was frequently decided by theoperations of some local or exciting topic. No decisive contest tookplace between the parties previous to 1800, founded on any great orcontrolling principle of government. But, during the years 1798 and1799, the whole country was agitated from one extreme to the other.Revolutionary France was convulsed, and, in the midst of herconvulsions and sufferings, was daily committing the most cruel andwanton excesses towards her own citizens, while she was offeringtaunts and insults to foreign nations. The federal party seemed tosigh for a war with France. Pretending that they apprehended a Frenchinvasion, a large standing army was raised. At the head of this army,second in command to General Washington, was placed General AlexanderHamilton. To support the army and other useless extravagantexpenditures, a land tax and an eight per cent. loan was foundnecessary. To silence the murmurs of an oppressed people, a seditionlaw was enacted. Such were some of the fruits of the elder Mr. Adams'sadministration.

In the autumn of 1799 and the winter of 1799-1800, the interesting andvital question was presented to the American nation:—Will you sustainthis administration and these measures, and thus rivet chains uponyourselves and your posterity? Or will you calmly, but firmly and inunion, resort to the constitutional remedy (the ballot-boxes) forrelief from wrongs and oppressions which, if permitted to endure, mustterminate in the horrors of intestine war? Here was a question ofprinciple; and, it is believed, a question which was to decide thecharacter of the government. Each party felt that it was a mightystruggle, decisive of its future political influence, if not of itsexistence.

The elections in the state of New-York were held in the month ofApril. In the year 1799 the federalists had a majority in the city ofmore than nine hundred. During the summer, it was universally concededthat on the state of New-York the presidential election would depend,and that the result in the city would decide the fate of the state.That this opinion was as universal as it was true, cannot be moredistinctly exhibited than by the following extract of a letter fromMr. Jefferson to Mr. Madison, dated 4th March, 1800.

"In New-York all depends on the success of the city election, which isof twelve members, and of course makes a difference of twenty-four,which is sufficient to make the two houses, joined together,republican in their vote. * * * * * * Upon the whole, I consider it asrather more doubtful than the last election (1796), in which I was notdeceived in more than a vote or two. * * * * * * In any event, we maysay, that if the city election of New-York is in favour of therepublican ticket, the issue will be republican; if the federal ticketfor the city of New-York prevails, the probabilities will be in favourof a federal issue, because it would then require a republican voteboth from New-Jersey and Pennsylvania to preponderate againstNew-York, on which we could not count with any confidence."

Reference has been made to the conflicting factions of which thedemocratic party was now composed. The Clinton section, the Livingstonsection, and the Burr section. The first and last were apparently thesame, but not so in reality. Colonel Burr's commanding talents hadacquired for him an influence in the ranks of the democratic party inother states, which created some jealousy in the Clinton family, theyounger and collateral branches of which were extremely hostile tohim. The ambition of Burr, sustained by a daring spirit andunconquerable perseverance, awakened the apprehensions of GovernorGeorge Clinton lest he should be supplanted. The governor was a man ofgreat sagacity and shrewdness. But these two sections, or, perhaps,more properly, the heads of them, united in their opposition to theLivingstons.

During the winter of 1800, the efforts of Colonel Burr to bring abouta concert in action of these discordant materials were unceasing. Withhis own personal friends he had no difficulty, for it was ever one ofhis characteristics to secure inviolable the attachment of hisfriends. They were of the most ardent and devoted kind. Confiding inhis patriotism and judgment, and feeling that he was incapable ofdeceiving them, they seemed willing, at all times and under allcirc*mstances, to hazard their lives and fortunes in his support. Theywere generally young men of gallant bearing and disinterested views.No sordid calculations were made by them. No mercenary considerationsinfluenced their conduct. They beheld in Colonel Burr a patriot heroof the revolution, who had commingled with their fathers in thebattle-field, and who had perilled every thing in his country's cause.Such were his friends, and such their zeal in his behalf. It was herethat Colonel Burr was all-powerful, for he possessed, in a pre-eminentdegree, the art of fascinating the youthful. But with all this tactand talent, he was credulous and easily deceived. He therefore oftenbecame the dupe of the most worthless and unprincipled.

Mr. Burr held frequent private meetings with his most intimate andconfidential friends. At all these meetings it is believed the successof the democratic party was the only question under consideration. Nolocal or personal interests were permitted to be discussed. Thetriumph of the party, as a whole, was the great object. By hisadherents, it was deemed indispensable that he should be a member ofthe legislature to be chosen in April, which body was to appoint thepresidential electors. While, on the other hand, it was considered notless necessary that he should be free to act at the polls in the cityof New-York during the election. How was this to be effected? Aftermuch conference and deliberation it was resolved that he should beelected from Orange county, if the arrangement could be made, and theexecution of the plan was intrusted principally to Peter Townsend,Esquire, of Chester, who, with the aid of other influential friends,accomplished it.

The next question was, Of whom shall the assembly ticket for the citybe composed? On the suggestion of Colonel Burr, the names of certaindistinguished individuals, venerable in years, and respected for theirservices, for months before the election were put in circulation ascandidates; and, among others, Governor George Clinton and GeneralHoratio Gates. At length the nominating committees were chosen; but sogeneral had been the conversations as to suitable candidates, thatvery little diversity of opinion prevailed in the formation of theticket.

The following persons were nominated: George Clinton, Horatio Gates,
Samuel Osgood, Henry Rutgers, Elias Nexsen, Thomas Storm, George
Warner, Philip I. Arcularius, James Hunt, Ezekiel Robins, Brockholst
Livingston, and John Swartwout.

In this ticket the three sections of the democratic, but at thiselection designated the republican party, are fully represented.Governor Clinton at the head of one section, Brockholst Livingstonrepresenting another, and General Gates, well known to be the personaland political friend of Colonel Burr. This ticket being nominated bythe committee, the difficulty was to procure their consent to stand ascandidates. A majority of them had no expectation of success. Theyconsidered the contest as a forlorn hope, and shrank from being set upas targets to be shot at. Governor Clinton, General Gates, BrockholstLivingston, and others, had repeatedly declared their fixeddetermination not to permit their names to be used.

A sub-committee was appointed to wait upon the candidates, and obtainpermission to present their names for approval to a general meeting ofcitizens to be convened for that purpose. The sub-committee consistedof Aaron Burr, David Gelston, John Swartwout, John Mills, and MatthewL. Davis. After various communications and much persuasion, nine ofthe candidates consented, some of them conditionally. But GovernorClinton, General Gates, and Brockholst Livingston were for a timeimmoveable. At length Colonel Burr induced Judge Livingston to agreethat he would serve, if Governor Clinton and General Gates consentedto serve. The sub-committee next waited upon General Gates, andColonel Burr appealed to him in the most mild and persuasive language.After much importunity he yielded, provided Governor Clinton was alsoa candidate.

No terms can give a correct idea of the scenes between GovernorClinton and the sub-committee, for they had an interview with him onthree different days. The last was at the house of Colonel Burr, whereMr. Clinton met the committee by appointment. He never did consent tostand, but pledged himself to Colonel Burr and the committee that hewould publish nothing in the newspapers, reserving to himself theright (which he subsequently exercised) of stating in conversationthat his name was used without his authority or permission. Thus it isevident, that but for the matchless perseverance of Colonel Burr, theticket, as it stood, never could have been formed, and, when formed,would have been broken up, and the republican party discomfited andbeaten.

An imperfect sketch of the scene at the house of Colonel Burr waspublished in the year 1802, in a pamphlet under the signature ofAristides. The following is extracted from it. The note of referencehere given is also extracted. Its correctness was never publiclydenied by either of the gentlemen named. There exists no longer anyreason for concealment on the subject; and it is therefore nowadmitted that this note was written from memorandums made at thetime by the author of this volume.

EXTRACT,

"Governor Clinton, however, remained unmoved by the most earnestsolicitations; and, with matchless firmness, resisted the arguments ofMr. Burr, who forcibly asserted that it was a right inherent in thecommunity to command the services of an individual when the nature ofpublic exigences seemed to require it. He was inflexible to the last,and then was nominated and elected without a distinct expression ofhis approbation. Justice, however, induces me to acknowledge, that thereasons he assigned for the reluctance with which he acted wereplausible and potent.

"He explicitly declared that he had long entertained an unfavourableopinion of Mr. Jefferson's talents as a statesman and his firmness asa republican. That he conceived him an accommodating trimmer, whowould change with times, and bend to circ*mstances for the purposes ofpersonal promotion. Impressed with these sentiments, he could not,with propriety, he said, acquiesce in the elevation of a man destituteof the qualifications essential to the good administration of thegovernment; and added other expressions too vulgar to be hererepeated. 'But,' said he, with energy, 'if you, Mr. Burr, was thecandidate for the presidential chair, I would act with pleasure andwith vigour.'"

It is so notorious that these were Governor Clinton's sentiments, thatit is scarcely necessary to produce authority to prove it. To remove,however, every doubt in the reader's mind, I will refer him to Mr.David Gelston, Mr. John Mills, Mr. John Swartwout, or Mr. Matthew L.Davis, in whose presence these sentiments, and many others moredisrespectful, if possible, were uttered. It was at the house of Mr.Burr, who, anticipating the evil consequences that at that criticalmoment would result from such conduct in Governor Clinton, insisted,before he left the house, that he should promise his friends to desistfrom using such language previous to or during the election. This wasvery reluctantly complied with on the part of Mr. Clinton.

"Notwithstanding this, they were continually reiterated by his son,who publicly and loudly animadverted upon the character of Mr.Jefferson with the most vulgar severity. Similar sentiments werecertainly entertained by all Governor Clinton's connexions, as theirconduct during the election clearly evinced. Mr. Dewitt Clinton,through the whole contest, never appeared at the poll, but observedthe most shameful indfference and inactivity."

The nomination of a ticket having been made and approved at a publicmeeting over which Anthony Lispenard presided, its effect upon bothparties was tremendous. The character and standing of the candidatesseemed a presage of victory. It elated, and gave life and vigour tothe republicans, while it paralyzed and depressed the federalists.

Never before or since has a ticket been presented to the citizens ofNew-York composed of men combining such talents, patriotism,experience, and public services, as the republican assembly ticket forthe year 1800.

Those who possess a knowledge of the character of Colonel Burr knowwhat were his qualifications for execution. The plan of the campaignhaving been opened, it only remained to be executed. In theperformance of this duty, all Mr. Burr's industry, perseverance, andenergy were called into operation. Nor were the federal party idle orinactive. They possessed wealth and patronage. Led on to the contestby their talented chieftain, General Hamilton, whose influence intheir ranks was unbounded, they made a desperate but ineffectualresistance to the assaults upon their political citadel. If defeatedhere, their power was gone, and the administration of the governmentlost. Both General Hamilton and Colonel Burr exerted themselvespersonally at the polls during the three days of election. Theyrepeatedly addressed the people, and did all that men could do. Theyfrequently met at the same polls, and argued, in the presence of largeassemblages, the debatable questions. Their deportment towards eachother and towards their opponents was such as comported with thedignity of two of the most accomplished and courtly gentlemen of theage in which they lived.

The polls of the election opened on the morning of the 29th of April,and finally closed at sunset on the 1st of May. Immediately after, theinspectors commenced counting and canvassing the ballots. Sufficientprogress was made during the night to render it, in a great measure,certain that the republican ticket had succeeded; and on the 2d of Maythis result was announced, the average majority being about 490. Alldoubt as to the presidential vote of the state of New-York was nowremoved, unless the federal party, in their expiring agonies, coulddevise some plan by which the will of the people, thus clearlyexpressed, should be defeated. Such apprehensions were entertained,and, it was soon discovered, not entertained without good reason.

In both branches of the legislature elected in 1799 the federalistshad a majority. The time of service of the members would expire on the1st of July, 1800. After the nomination of the republican assemblyticket, but previous to the election in April, 1800, it was suspectedthat certain federalists had in contemplation a project to render thecity election null and void if the republicans succeeded. When thepolls were closed, therefore, discreet and intelligent men were placedat them to guard, if it should be found necessary, the inspectors fromcommitting, inadvertently, any errors, either in canvassing or makingtheir returns. Every movement, subsequently, of leading federalgentlemen was narrowly and cautiously watched. The result of theelection was announced on the 2d of May. On the 3d of May, in theevening, a select and confidential federal caucus was held. On the 4tha letter was written to William Duane, editor of the Aurora, statingthat such a caucus had been held the preceding night, and that it wasdetermined by the caucus to solicit Governor Jay to convene theexisting legislature forthwith, for the purpose of changing the modeof choosing electors for president, and placing it in the hands of thepeople by districts. The effect of such a measure would have been toneutralize the State of New-York, and, as the result finally proved,would have secured to the federal party their president andvice-president. This letter was published in the Aurora of the 6th ofMay, and called forth the denunciations of those federal papers whoseconductors were not in the secret. The author of the letter wasassailed as a Jacobin calumniator, and the whole story waspronounced a vile fabrication. One of the New-York city papersreprinted the letter, and thus closes its commentary on it:—"Where isthe American who will not detest the author of this infamous lie? Ifthere is a man to be found who will sanction this publication, he isworse than the worst of Jacobins!"

What effect, if any, was produced by this immediate exposure of thecaucus proceedings, it is not necessary now to inquire. It issufficient to say that the development was, in all its parts,literally correct, and the subject is here introduced for the twofoldpurpose of showing, first, the vigilance, promptitude, andarrangement of the republican party of that day; and, second, themeans to which certain desperate federalists were willing to resortfor the purpose of retaining power. That the representations containedin the publication of the Aurora were strictly true, is now matter ofrecorded history.

In the life of John Jay, vol. i., p. 412, the letter addressed to thegovernor on this subject is published. It bears date one day afterthe publication in the Aurora, but before the paper reached the cityof New-York. The author of the work, after some preliminary remarks,Says—"These details will explain the proposal made in the followingletter, which was received by the governor from one of the mostdistinguished federalists in the United States." [1]

TO JOHN JAY.

New-York May 7, 1800.

DEAR SIR,

You have been informed of the loss of our election in this city. It isalso known that we have been unfortunate throughout Long Island and inWestchester. According to the returns hitherto, it is too probablethat we lose our senator for this district.

The moral certainty, therefore, is, that there will be an anti-federalmajority in the ensuing legislature; and the very high probability is,that this will bring Jefferson into the chief magistracy, unless it beprevented by the measure which I shall now submit to yourconsideration; namely, the immediate calling together of the existinglegislature.

I am aware that there are weighty objections to the measure; but thereasons for it appear to me to outweigh the objections; and, in timeslike these in which we live, it will not do to be over scrupulous. Itis easy to sacrifice the substantial interests of society by a strictadherence to ordinary rules.

In observing this I shall not be supposed to mean that any thing oughtto be done which integrity will forbid; but merely that the scruplesof delicacy and propriety, as relative to a common course of things,ought to yield to the extraordinary nature of the crisis. They oughtnot to hinder the taking of a legal and constitutional step to preventan atheist in religion and a fanatic in politics from gettingpossession of the helm of state.

You, sir, know in a great degree the anti-federal party; but I fearyou do not know them as well as I do. 'Tis a composition, indeed, ofvery incongruous materials, but all tending to mischief—some of themto the overthrow of the government, by stripping it of its dueenergies; others of them to a revolution after the manner ofBonaparte. I speak from indubitable facts, not from conjectures andinferences. In proportion as the true character of the party isunderstood, is the force of the considerations which urge to everyeffort to disappoint it; and it seems to me that there is a verysolemn obligation to employ the means in our power.

The calling of the legislature will have for object the choosing ofelectors by the people in districts; this (as Pennsylvania will donothing) will ensure a majority of votes in the United States for afederal candidate. The measure will not fail to be approved by all thefederal party, while it will, no doubt, be condemned by the opposite.As to its intrinsic nature, it is justified by unequivocal reasons ofpublic safety.

The reasonable part of the world will, I believe, approve it. Theywill see it as a proceeding out of the common course, but warranted bythe particular nature of the crisis and the great cause of socialorder.

If done, the motive ought to be frankly avowed. In your communicationto the legislature, they ought to be told that temporary circ*mstanceshad rendered it probable that, without their interposition, theexecutive authority of the general government would be transferred tohands hostile to the system heretofore pursued with so much success,and dangerous to the peace, happiness, and order of the country. Thatunder this impression, from facts convincing to your own mind, you hadthought it your duty to give the existing legislature an opportunityof deliberating whether it would not be proper to interpose, andendeavour to prevent so great an evil, by referring the choice ofelectors to the people distributed into districts.

In weighing this suggestion, you will doubtless bear in mind thatpopular governments must certainly be overturned; and, while theyendure, prove engines of mischief, if one party will call to its aidall the resources which vice can give, and if the other (howeverpressing the emergency) confines itself within all the ordinary formsof delicacy and decorum.

The legislature can be brought together in three weeks, so that therewill be full time for the object; but none ought to be lost.

Think well, my dear sir, of this proposition; appreciate the extremedanger of the crisis; and I am unusually mistaken in my view of thematter if you do not see it right and expedient to adopt the measure.

Respectfully and affectionately yours.

Mr. Jay's biographer adds—"On this letter is the followingendorsem*nt in the governor's hand, Proposing a measure for partypurposes which I think it would not become me to adopt."

Footnotes:

1. As there were but few of "the most distinguished federalists inthe United States" residing at that time in the city of New-York, theintelligent reader will form his own conclusions as to the source fromwhence it emanated.

CHAPTER V.

During the summer of 1800 General Hamilton prepared for the press hiscelebrated pamphlet, entitled—"A letter from Alexander Hamilton,concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq.,president of the United States." It was the design of the author ofthis pamphlet that it should be privately printed, and circulated inSouth Carolina only a few days before the election, for the purpose ofpreventing Mr. Adams from getting the vote of South Carolina, butsecuring it to Mr. Pinckney, who was the federal candidate for thevice-presidency. The consequence would have been to place Mr.Pinckney's electoral vote higher than Mr. Adams's, and thus, if thefederal party succeeded, Mr. Pinckney would have been electedpresident and Mr. Adams vice-president. Colonel Burr ascertained thecontents of this pamphlet, and that it was in the press. Its immediatepublication, he knew, must distract the federal party, and thuspromote the republican cause in those states where the elections hadnot yet taken place. Arrangements were accordingly made for a copy, assoon as the printing of it was completed; and when obtained, JohnSwartwout, Robert Swartwout, and Matthew L. Davis, by appointment, metColonel Burr at his own house. The pamphlet was read, and extractsmade for the press. Mr. Davis was charged with forwarding theseextracts to William Duane, editor of the Aurora, and to Charles Holt,editor of the Bee, printed in New-London, which was accordingly done,and the extracts immediately published. [1]

The effect of this sudden and unexpected explosion was such as mighthave been anticipated. It rent the federal party in twain. Thepublication, from time to time, of extracts, and the excitement whichwas produced throughout the country by them, at length compelled Mr.Hamilton to authorize the publication of the entire pamphlet; andaccordingly, in October, as the electors were to be chosen inNovember, it was advertised for sale in the Daily Gazette. The editorof the paper explained that it was not the intention of GeneralHamilton to give publicity to this letter at the time it was madepublic; but that extracts from it by some unknown means had foundtheir way to the public, and therefore the whole was now given.

Further evidence of the vigilance and efficiency of Colonel Burr inpromoting the revolution of 1800 is deemed unnecessary. It is mostsolemnly believed that the overthrow of the federal party at that timewould not have been accomplished but through his zeal, sagacity, andindustry. His friends, therefore, have ascribed to him, and notwithout some foundation, the election of Mr. Jefferson to thepresidency.

Governor Jay having refused to comply with the wishes of "one of themost distinguished federalists in the United States," as proposing ameasure for party purposes which he (Governor Jay) thought it wouldnot become him to adopt, the legislature did not convene until thefourth day of November, 1800, and on the sixth they proceeded to thechoice of electors for president and vice-president. The republicanticket prevailed. It was composed of the following, persons:—

Isaac Ledyard, of Queen's County.

Anthony Lispenard, of New-York.

P. Van Courtlandt, of Westchester

James Burt, of Orange.

Gilbert Livingston, of Dutchess.

Thomas Jenkins, of Columbia.

[continued list of Republican electors]

Peter Van Ness, of Columbia.

Robert Ellis, of Saratoga.

John Woodworth, of Rensellaer.

J. Van Rensellaer, of Albany.

Jacob Eacker, of Montgomery, and

William Floyd, of Suffolk.

The vote stood:—

Republican. Federal.
In the Senate 18 24 In the Assembly 64 39

Thus, on joint ballot, the republican majority was nineteen; andconsequently, as the city of New-York elected twelve members, if thefederalists had succeeded in the city, they would have had, in jointballott, a majority of from six to ten.

As a part of the history of this election, the following letter andextracts from letters are here inserted.

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO AARON BURR.

Washington, December 15, 1800.

"DEAR SIR,

Although we have not official information of the votes for presidentand vice-president, and cannot have until the first week in February,yet the state of the votes is given on such evidence as satisfies bothparties that the two republican candidates stand highest. From SouthCarolina we have not even heard of the actual vote, but we havelearned who were appointed electors, and with sufficient certainty howthey would vote. It is said they would withdraw from yourself onevote. It has also been said that a General Smith, of Tennessee, haddeclared that he would give his second vote to Mr. Gallatin, not fromany indisposition towards you, but extreme reverence to the characterof Mr. Gallatin. It is also surmised that the vote of Georgia will notbe entire. Yet nobody pretends to know these things of a certainty,and we know enough to be certain that what it is surmised will bewithheld, will still leave you four or five votes at least above Mr.Adams. However, it was badly managed not to have arranged withcertainty what seems to have been left to hazard. It was the morematerial, because I understand several high-flying federalists haveexpressed their hope that the two republican tickets may be equal, andtheir determination in that case to prevent a choice by the House ofRepresentatives (which they are strong enough to do), and let thegovernment devolve on a president of the Senate. Decency required thatI should be so entirely passive during the late contest, that I neveronce asked whether arrangements had been made to prevent so many fromdropping votes intentionally as might frustrate half the republicanwish; nor did I doubt, till lately, that such had been made.

"While I must congratulate you, my dear sir, on the issue of thiscontest, because it is more honourable, and, doubtless, more gratefulto you than any station within the competence of the chief magistrate,yet, for myself, and for the substantial service of the public, Ifeel most sensibly the loss we sustain of your aid in our newadministration. It leaves a chasm in my arrangements which cannot beadequately filled up. I had endeavoured to compose an administrationwhose talents, integrity, names, and dispositions should at onceinspire unbounded confidence in the public mind, and ensure a perfectharmony in the conduct of the public business. I lose you from thelist, and am not sure of all the others. Should the gentlemen whopossess the public confidence decline taking a part in their affairs,and force us to take persons unknown to the people, the evil genius ofthis country may realize his avowal that 'he will beat down theadministration.' The return of Mr. Van Benthuysen, one of yourelectors, furnishes me a confidential opportunity of writing this muchto you, which I should not have ventured through the postoffice atthis prying season. We shall, of course, see you before the fourth ofMarch. Accept my respectful and affectionate salutations."

The letter is, in a great measure, incomprehensible. It indicatesnothing but Mr. Jefferson's extreme terror and apprehension lest heshould be disappointed in his anticipated elevation to the presidency.It displays the tact of the ostrich, and the sincerity of arefined Jesuit. What does Mr. Jefferson mean by the declaration thathe had formed a cabinet, of which Mr. Burr was to be a member? Whatwhen he says—"I lose you from the list?' Can any man believe thatMr. Jefferson expected to be elected president, but that Colonel Burrwould be defeated; and that, acting upon such a state of facts, he hadalready selected the members of his administration, and that Mr. Burrwas one of them? The supposition is absurd; but, without such asupposition, what becomes of the truth of Mr. Jefferson's declarationwhen he says—"I feel most sensibly the loss we sustain of your aid inour new administration. It leaves a chasm in my arrangements whichcannot be adequately filled up?" If this letter is carefully read andanalyzed, its object may be comprehended. It was written a few weeksbefore the balloting was to take place in Congress. Mr. Jeffersonexpresses doubt as to the vote Mr. Burr will receive, but considers itcertain that he will have "four or five votes at least above Mr.Adams." Four days after this letter he writes in a very different toneto a friend.

MR. JEFFERSON TO MR. MADISON.

"Washington, December 19, 1800.

"DEAR SIR,

"Mrs. Brown's departure for Virginia enables me to writeconfidentially what I would not have ventured by the post at thisprying season. The election in South Carolina has, in some measure,decided the great contest. Though, as yet, we do not know the actualvotes of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Vermont, yet we believe the votes tobe, on the whole, Jefferson, 73; Burr, 73; Adams, 65; Pinckney, 64.Rhode Island withdrew one from Pinckney. There is a possibility thatTennessee may withdraw one from Burr, and Burr writes that there maybe one vote in Vermont for Jefferson. But I hold the latterimpossible, and the former not probable; and that there will be anabsolute parity between the two republican candidates. This hasproduced great dismay and gloom on the republican gentlemen here, andexultation in the federalists, who openly declare they will prevent anelection, and will name a president of the Senate pro tem. by what,they say, would only be a stretch of the constitution. The prospectof preventing this is as follows. Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee,Kentucky, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and New-York can be counted on fortheir vote in the House of Representatives, and it is thought, bysome, that BAER of Maryland and LINN of New-Jersey will come over."

The preceding extract shows that Mr. Jefferson entertained no doubt"that there would be an absolute parity between the two republicancandidates," notwithstanding his doubting remarks on that subject toColonel Burr. Hopes were also entertained "that Mr. Baer of Marylandand Linn of New-Jersey would come over." Reference will hereafter bemade to these two states. The result of the electoral vote was as Mr.Jefferson anticipated. Seventy-three republican and sixty-fivefederal.

Although the ballots for president and vice-president had not beenexamined officially, yet it was well known that there was a tiebetween Mr. Jefferson and Colonel Burr.

On the 5th of February, 1801, Mr. Bayard, in the House ofRepresentatives, offered a resolution declaring that, in case of atie, the house would continue to ballot until a choice of presidentwas made. It was referred to a select committee, and, on the 10th, it,with other rules to govern the house during the balloting, wasadopted. The Senate passed a resolution that the ballots should beopened with closed doors. William H. Wells, of Delaware, of theSenate, and John Nicholas, of Virginia, and John Rutledge, of SouthCarolina, of the House of Representatives, were appointed tellers.

On the 11th of February the ballots were opened. During theperformance of this ceremony a most extraordinary incident occurred.As it is known to but few now living, and never been publicly spokenof, it has been deemed proper to record it here, as a part of thehistory of that exciting contest.

The Aurora of the 16th of February, 1801, remarks, that "the tellersdeclared that there was some informality in the votes of Georgia; but,believing them to be true votes, reported them as such." Noexplanation of the nature of this informality was given; nor is itknown that any has ever been given since. Had it been announced at thetime, there can be no doubt it would have proved fatal to the electionof Mr. Jefferson. Whether the interest of our country would or wouldnot have been thereby promoted, is not a question for discussion here.

By the Constitution of the United States at that time it was provided,Art. 2, sect. 1, "The electors shall meet in their respective states,and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not bean inhabitant of the same state with themselves. And they shall make alist of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes foreach, which list they shall sign, and certify, and transmit, sealed,to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to thePresident of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in thepresence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all thecertificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person havingthe greatest number of votes shall be the president, if such number bea majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if therebe more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number ofvotes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose, byballot, one of them for president; and if no person have a majority,then from the five highest on the list the said house shall, in likemanner, choose the president. But, in choosing the president, thevotes shall betaken by states, and a majority of all the states shallbe necessary to a choice."

From the above extract it will be seen that the Constitution isimperative as to the form and manner in which the electoralreturns are to be made. The ceremony of opening was performed in thepresence of the two houses. The package of a state having been openedby the vice-president, it was handed by him to the tellers. Mr.Jefferson was the presiding officer. On opening the package endorsedGeorgia votes, it was discovered to be totally irregular. Thestatement now about to be given is derived from an honourablegentleman, a member of Congress from the state of New-York during theadministration of Mr. Jefferson, and yet living in this state. He saysthat Mr. Wells (a teller on the part of the Senate) informed him thatthe envelope was blank; that the return of the votes was notauthenticated by the signatures of the electors, or any of them,either on the outside or the inside of the envelope, or in any othermanner; that it merely stated in the inside that the votes of Georgiawere, for Thomas Jefferson _four, and for Aaron Burr four, withoutthe signature of any person whatsoever. Mr. Wells added, that he wasvery undecided as to the proper course to be pursued by the tellers.It was, however, suggested by one of them that the paper should behanded to the presiding officer, without any statement from thetellers except that the return was informal; that he consented to thisarrangement under the firm conviction that Mr. Jefferson wouldannounce the nature of the informality from the chair; but, to hisutmost surprise, he (Mr. Jefferson) rapidly declared that the votes ofGeorgia were four for Thomas Jefferson and four for Aaron Burr,without noticing their informality, and in a hurried manner put themaside, and then broke the seals and handed to the tellers the packagefrom the next state. Mr. Wells observed, that as soon as Mr. Jeffersonlooked at the paper purporting to contain a statement of the electoralvote of the state of Georgia, his countenance changed, but that thedecision and promptitude with which he acted on that occasionconvinced him of that which he (a federalist) and his party had alwaysdoubted, that is to say, Mr. Jefferson's decision of character, atleast when his own interest was at hazard. Mr. Wells further stated,that if the votes of Georgia had not been thus counted, as it wouldhave brought all the candidates into the house, Mr. Pinckney among thenumber, Mr. Jefferson could not have been elected president.

The same honourable member of Congress further stated, that some fewyears after receiving the above information from Mr. Wells, he becameintimately acquainted with John Nicholas, who was one of the tellersreferred to, and who had removed from Virginia into the western partof the State of New-York. Mr. Nicholas gave to the honourable memberthe same statement in substance, not knowing that it had beenpreviously derived from Mr. Wells. Mr. Nicholas was a warm personaland political friend of Mr. Jefferson, and declared that he never feltso astounded in his life as when he discovered the irregularity. Heclaimed some credit for the adroit manner in which he had managed Mr.Rutledge, so far as to obtain his consent to hand the paper to Mr.Jefferson without public explanation from the tellers, and which waseffected by a conciliatory appeal to the magnanimity of the memberfrom South Carolina.

The whole number of electoral votes given at the election in 1800 wasone hundred and thirty-eight: necessary to a choice, seventy. Mr.Jefferson and Mr. Burr had each, according to the return made,seventy-three. Georgia gave _four _votes. If that number had beendeducted from Jefferson and Burr, as illegally returned, of whichthere is no doubt, they would have had only sixty-nine votes each;consequently they would not have had, in the language of theConstitution, "a majority of the whole number of electors appointed,"and the candidates out of which a choice of president must be madewould have been Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Burr, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Pinckney.The federal members would then have said to the republicans, We willunite with you in the choice of either of the gentlemen presented tothe house except Mr. Jefferson; and if the government is to be broughtto a termination by our failure to elect a president, theresponsibility will be on you. And is it to be believed, that in sucha case the doubtful members who were sighing for office, if any suchthere were, would have rejected the suggestion in toto?

The balloting continued from the 11th until the 17th of Februaryinclusive. Nine states were necessary to a choice. On the firstballot Mr. Jefferson had eight, Mr. Burr six, and two stateswere divided. At every ballot the same result was announced, until thethirty-sixth ballot, which was given on the 17th of February, whenMr. Jefferson was declared duly elected, ten states having voted forhim.

On the first ballot Mr. Jefferson received New-York, New-Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Georgia, and
Tennessee—eight.

Mr. Burr received New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
Connecticut, Delaware, and South Carolina —six.

Divided, Vermont and Maryland—two.

On the final ballot Mr. Jefferson received New-York, New-Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Georgia, Tennessee,
Maryland (four votes and four blanks), Vermont (one vote and
one blank)—ten.

Mr. Burr received New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and
Connecticut—four.

Delaware blank, South Carolina no vote.

During the balloting one hundred and six members of the House ofRepresentatives were present. Of this number fifty-one, on the firstballot, voted for Mr. Jefferson; and on no subsequent vote was thatnumber increased. The election was effected by the states of Marylandand Vermont giving their vote, instead of remaining equally divided,and thus having no vote; and that change was produced in Maryland byMr. Craick, Mr. Dennis, Mr. Baer, and Mr. Chew Thomas voting blank,and Mr. Lewis R. Morris, of Vermont, in like manner voting blank,leaving Mr. Matthew Lyon the sole representative of the state.

Previous to the balloting, Mr. Burr addressed to General S. Smith, ofBaltimore, a member of the House of Representatives, the followingletter. It will be seen by the date, that as soon as Colonel Burrsupposed that there was a probability of a tie, he constituted GeneralSmith his proxy to declare his sentiments.

EXTRACT.

"New-York, 16th December, 1800.

"It is highly improbable that I shall have an equal number of voteswith Mr. Jefferson; but, if such should be the result, every man whoknows me ought to know that I would utterly disclaim all competition.Be assured that the federal party can entertain no wish for such anexchange. As to my friends, they would dishonour my views and insultmy feelings by a suspicion that I would submit to be instrumental incounteracting the wishes and the expectations of the United States.And I now constitute you my proxy to declare these sentiments if theoccasion should require." [2]

Baltimore, February 28, 1801.

Sir—Many of the citizens of Baltimore, who have just now heard ofyour arrival among them, beg leave to congratulate you and themselvesupon the success of the late election of President and Vice-presidentof the United States. They, in a particular manner, appreciate thatpatriotism which disclaimed competition for the presidential chairwith that other eminent character who has finally been called toit—as setting a just value upon the will of the people.

By order of the meeting.

THOMAS McELDERRY.

To Aaron Burr, Vice-president elect of the United States of America.

Footnotes:

1. Mr. Tucker, in his life of Jefferson, ascribes the defeat of thefederal party in South Carolina to General Hamilton's pamphlet. Itspremature publication, no doubt, contributed largely to produce thisresult.

2. The effect of this letter upon public opinion may be judged of bythe following, among other testimonials which might be inserted.

CHAPTER VI.

This contest in Congress produced, almost immediately, strong feelingsof dissatisfaction between some of the friends of Mr. Jefferson andColonel Burr. Jealousies and distrust had previously existed. Mr.Jefferson was anxious that Mr. Madison should be his successor inoffice. The Clinton and Livingston families were prepared to unite ina crusade against Colonel Burr; the chieftains of each section hopingto fill the station from which he was to be expelled. General Hamiltonwas in favour of the election of Mr. Jefferson, as opposed to ColonelBurr. The result afforded him a triumph, and be was prepared, whenopportunity should present, to prostrate his late successful opponent.Such was the state of parties, and such the feelings of leading anddistinguished partisans, when Colonel Burr entered upon thevice-presidency, on the fourth of March, 1801. He was hemmed in onevery side by political adversaries, ready for the onset so soon as itshould be deemed expedient to make it. Every movement, everyexpression at the convivial board or in the social circle, and everyaction, was carefully watched and noted for future use, if, by theexercise of ingenuity and misrepresentation, such expression or actioncould be so tortured as to operate injuriously to him. These severalsections, each acting within its own sphere, impelled by conflictingmotives, were untiring in their efforts to accomplish the greatobject—the ruin of the vice-president. They combined wealth, talents,and government patronage.

The following short extracts from letters, written as early as 1794and 1795, will show what were the wishes of Mr. Jefferson (so far asany reliance can be placed on professions) in relation to Mr. Madison.

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JAMES MADISON.

"Monticello, December 28, 1794.

"DEAR SIR,

"I do not see in the minds of those with whom I converse a greateraffliction than the fear of your retirement; [1] but this must not be,unless to a more splendid and more efficacious post. [2]

There I should rejoice to see you; I hope I may say, I shall rejoiceto see you. I have long had much in my mind to say to you on thatsubject; but double delicacies have kept me silent. I ought, perhaps,to say, while I would not give up my own retirement for the empire ofthe universe, how I can justify wishing one, whose happiness I haveso much at heart as yours, to take the front of the battle which isfighting for my security."

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JAMES MADISON.

"Monticello, April 27, 1795.

"DEAR SIR,

"In mine, to which yours of March the twenty-third was an answer, Iexpressed my hope of the only change of position I ever wished to seeyou make, and I expressed it with entire sincerity, because there isnot another person in the United States who, being placed at the helmof our affairs, my mind would be so completely at rest for the fortuneof our political bark. The wish, too, was pure, and unmixed with anything respecting myself personally. * * * * * *

"If these general considerations were sufficient to ground a firmresolution never to permit myself to think of the office (president),or be thought of for it, the special ones which have supervened on myretirement still more insuperably bar the door to it. My health isentirely broken down within the last eight months; my age requiresthat I should place my affairs in a clear state; these are sound, iftaken care of, but capable of considerable dangers if longerneglected; and, above all things, the delights I feel in the societyof my family, and in the agricultural pursuits in which I am soeagerly engaged. The little spice of ambition which I had in myyounger days has long since evaporated, and I set still less store bya posthumous than present name."

It is a remarkable fact, that, previous to the balloting in Congress,all parties and sections of parties concurred in the opinion that theelection would finally be determined, as it was, by New-York,New-Jersey, and Maryland. These three states would render theelection of Colonel Burr certain; two of them could elect Mr.Jefferson. The vote, of New-York was to be decided by TheodorusBailey, of Dutchess county, and Edward Livingston, of the city ofNew-York; the vote of New-Jersey by Mr. Linn, and the vote ofMaryland by Mr. Dent or Mr. Baer.

In the Commercial Advertiser of the thirteenth of February, 1801, apaper opposed to the election of Colonel Burr, there is published anextract of a letter from a member of Congress, dated Washington,February 10, which states that, upon the second ballot, it is expectedthat New-York, New-Jersey, and Maryland will vote for Mr. Burr.

On the sixth of February, 1801, a leading and influential republicanmember of Congress writes to his correspondent a letter, from whichthe following is extracted:—

"I have not time to answer your letter as fully as I could wish, as itwould have been my desire to communicate to you not only facts, butsome of the reasons which have induced us to adopt the steps we haveheretofore taken. But, at all events, it is important that you shouldhave an immediate knowledge of the present situation of affairs.

"It is reduced to moral certainty, so far as any reliance can beplaced on the solemn determinations of men, that either Mr. Jeffersonwill be chosen, or that there will be no choice made. The republicanmajorities of eight states (including Linn [3] of New-Jersey, andthe New-York representation, [4] the republican half of Maryland,including Mr. Dent, [5] and Lyon of Vermont, are pledged topersevere in voting for Mr. Jefferson to the end, be the consequencewhat it will."

Colonel Burr, soon after his election, gave his enemies an opportunityto cavil. It would be impossible to enter into all the detailsconnected with this subject; but the principal charges which were madeagainst the vice-president, and assigned as reasons for opposing hisrenomination, will be briefly presented. The replies to orexplanations of them, by the parties implicated, will also be given.

Late in November, 1801, when Mr. Burr was on his way to Washington totake his seat in Senate as vice-president, he was addressed by certaincitizens of Baltimore, on which occasion he remarked, "Time will notallow me to return you a written answer, but I must be permitted tostate my disapprobation of the mode of expressing public sentiment byaddresses." This gave offence to some, and, by the artful anddesigning, was misrepresented. Mr. Burr, during the years 1798 and1799, had beheld, with mortification and disgust, the adulatory, ifnot sycophantic addresses presented to President Adams. This reproof,therefore, of his friends, evinced his natural independence ofcharacter as well as the purest republican notions.

In the month of January, 1802, a bill to repeal what was termed by therepublicans the federal midnight judiciary act, was pending before theSenate. On the 27th of January, a motion was made to refer the bill toa committee for the purpose of amendment. On this motion the voteswere, ayes, 14; noes, 14. The vice-president, Colonel Burr, was inthe chair. He said—"I am for the affirmative, because I never canresist the reference of a measure where the Senate is so nicelybalanced, and when the object is to effect amendment that mayaccommodate it to the opinions of a large majority, and particularlywhen I can believe that gentlemen are sincere in wishing a referencefor this purpose. Should it, however, at any time appear that delayonly is intended, my conduct will be different."

This decision afforded the enemies of Colonel Burr an opportunity tobreak ground more openly against him. He was now charged with aidingthe federal party in their efforts to embarrass the administration,and with the design of defeating the wishes of the American people. Asyet, the charge of intriguing and negotiating with the federalists toobtain the presidency in opposition to Mr. Jefferson had not beenmade. The allies had not yet sufficiently poisoned the public mindagainst the vice-president, nor had they subsidized the requisitenumber of presses for carrying on the work of destruction. While thegrand assault was meditating, and these feints were carrying onagainst the vice-president, he was constantly receiving approbatoryletters from intelligent and well-informed citizens, many of whomcowered beneath the storm when, in the height of its fury, it burstupon the victim. From among a number the following are selected:—

FROM A. J. DALLAS.

Philadelphia, 3d February, 1802.[6]

DEAR SIR,

On the judiciary question, I wrote my sentiments to Mr. WilsonNicholas early in the session. I am sorry our friends have taken soperemptory a position, as the very circ*mstance of having taken itwill render it difficult to move them. I cannot concur with them inthe policy or expediency of the measure. The business of the courtwill not allow me to give my reasons in detail, but you shall have mybrief.

1. There never was a case in which a party could be more justified inexpressing their resentment, on account of the manner of passing theact; the manner of organizing the courts; the nature of the oppositionto the repeal, denying its constitutionality, and menacing a civilwar.

2. The repeal would be constitutional, from a review of theprinciples, and terms of the constitution itself; of the peculiarsituation of the country ; its growing population ; its extendingprospects; its increasing wants, pursuits, and refinements, &c.; ofthe analogy to the Judiciary Institution of England, where independentof the legislature is not within the policy or provision of thestatutes relative to the commissions of the judges; of the analogy tothe Judiciary Institutions of the sister states, which have all beensubject to legislative interference occasionally. In Pennsylvaniaparticularly, the constitution declares that the judges shall holdtheir commissions during good behaviour; yet it expressly authorizesthe legislature to abolish the Court of Common Pleas, &c.; and of theprecedents in the existing act of Congress, which is an exercise ofthe power sub modo.

3. But notwithstanding the indignation I feel, in common with ourfriends, at the manner of passing the Circuit Court act; andnotwithstanding my perfect conviction that Congress has the power ofrepealing the act, I think the repeal would be impolitic andinexpedient. If it would be impolitic acting on party principles, itwould be inexpedient of course; but I mean, also, that it would beinexpedient on account of the use that Pennsylvania (and I presume thesame as to other states) has derived from the institution:

1st. It is impolitic.

The republicans are not agreed on the constitutionality of the repeal.The people at large have imbibed strong prejudices on the subject ofjudicial independence. The repeal would be ascribed to partyanimosity; and if future amendments should be made, it would beconsidered as a personal proceeding, merely to remove the presentjudges: the hazard of loss in public opinion is greater than the hopeof gain. There is a mass of the community that will not be fermentedby the leaven of party passions. By persons of this description, themotive and effect will be strictly analyzed and purified. The mereresuscitation of the old system will either expose the administrationof justice to inconceivable embarrassments, or demonstrate the motiveto be abstractedly a party one, by calling for an immediate reform.The clamour of the federalists will at least have a reasonablefoundation.

2. It is inexpedient.

The mere repeal will reinstate a system which every man of commonsense and candour must deprecate. It will entirely destroyinstitutions susceptible of being modelled into a form economical aswell as useful. It will deprive some states of tribunals which havebeen found highly advantageous, to the despatch of business. I alludeparticularly to Pennsylvania. In this state justice, as far asrespects our state courts, is in a state of dissolution, from theexcess of business and the parsimony of the legislature.

With this view of the subject you will perceive that I think—First,There ought not to be a total repeal. Second, There ought to beamendments.

If, however, a repeal should take place, I am clearly of opinion thatit would be unjustifiable to make any provision for the ex-judges. Onthis point and on the introduction of amendments I will, if you desireit, amplify by a future post.

The zealous republicans are exciting some intemperance here, inopposition to a memorial from our bar, which, you will perceive, isconfined to the operation of the law in this state as a matter offact, and not to any controversy of a constitutional or politicalnature.

I shall be anxious to hear from you as often as you can spare amoment, and particularly while the judiciary bill is pending.

Yours, with great regard,

A. J. DALLAS.

FROM NATHANIEL NILES.

February 17, 1802.

DEAR SIR,

Permit me to thank you most sincerely for the vote you gave in favourof Mr. Dayton's motion to refer the judiciary bill to a selectcommittee; not because I am by any means satisfied it is not best thatbill should pass, but because I earnestly desire that republicanismshould on every occasion display the spirit of conciliation, as far ascan be done without the destruction of principle. I am every day moreand more satisfied that the cause is more endangered by the want ofsuch displays than by every thing besides. The fate of parties in andabout Congress will ultimately be determined by the great body of thewell informed in the middle walks of life. It is happy, in somerespects, that these are generally so far from the scene of action asto be tolerably free from the blinding influence of those passionswhich the scene itself is calculated to excite. They wish for everything that tends to convince the great public that republicanism,instead of being hostile, is friendly to moderation and harmony. Shallwe not do well to mark with great care and precision the sunken rocksand shoals on which self-denominated federalism has dashed itself topieces? Among these I would enumerate their too eager and violentpursuit of their object. Had they been patient and accommodating, theeyes of the public would have been still hoodwinked, until habit,gradually acquired, would have rendered an expensive monarchy the mostagreeable government. But, thank Heaven, they, by overacting, exposedtheir own feelings and designs. Will not the same pertinacity andprecipitation endanger the better—the opposite cause? It is aprevalent idea among us middling people, that a good government mustbe a moderate one; and we are exceedingly apt to judge of the spiritof the government from the spirit of our rulers. Every thingnon-conciliating bears in its very front strong symptoms of atyrannical spirit.

I am, sir, the more gratified by your moderation because (though I amashamed to avow it) I have heard you was too impetuous. Pardon mymistake; and suffer me to entreat you to encourage a steady pursuit ofrepublican measures in that way which will convince the bystandersthat the actors are uniformly and irresistibly urged to pursue them bycool conviction, resulting from a candid, extensive, and philanthropicsurvey of the great object. Passion and caprice very illy become soawfully sublime an object as that for which well-informed republicanscontend.

With sentiments of respect, your obedient servant,

NATHANIEL NILES.

FROM A. J. DALLAS.

Philadelphia, 3d April, 1802.

DEAR SIR,

The judiciary storm has passed away for the present. I perceive,however, that an effort is making to improve the old system withoutincreasing the number of judges; and we are once more unanimous at thebar of Philadelphia in rejoicing that Paterson, and not Chase,presides in our circuit. I had begun an outline of courts andjurisdictions agreeably to your wish; but I lost the hope of its beingadopted when finished, so I abandoned the labour. Perhaps it may beworth while to renew the scheme, with a view to a future session.

There are some rumours of jealousy and dissatisfaction prevailingamong the republican leaders, in the executive as well as thelegislative departments of the federal as well as of our stategovernment. It will be disgraceful, indeed, if the rumours axe true.Very sincerely yours,

A. J. DALLAS.

Such were the sentiments and views of many of the most pure andintelligent of the republican party in relation to a repeal of thejudiciary act of 1800. The preceding letters express the opinionsentertained by thousands who were opposed to federal men and federalmeasures, but who wanted time for reflection; and yet, when ColonelBurr voted to recommit the repealing bill for the purpose ofascertaining whether it could not be rendered more satisfactory, theconspirators cried aloud, Crucify him—crucify him.

The plot now began to thicken. During the year 1801, a Scotchman bythe name of Wood was employed to write "A History of John Adams'sAdministration." Ward & Barlas, booksellers in New-York, were theproprietors of the copyright, and printed 1250 copies. William Duane,editor of the Aurora, furnished the author a portion of his materials,and became the agent to negotiate with a London bookseller for thepublication of an edition in England. In the summer or autumn of 1801Colonel Burr was informed of the progress of the work, and procured acopy before it was ready for publication. On examining it, he came tothe conclusion that it was calculated to do the republican party moreinjury than good. It abounded with misrepresentations, errors, andlibels. Mr. Burr, through a friend, agreed to pay a stipulated sum forthe suppression of the work, under the most solemn assurance that nocopy or copies would be permitted to go into the hands of any thirdperson, but that the whole edition should be delivered to the agentwho was to pay the money. Before the time of payment arrived, it wasascertained that a copy or copies had been parted with, and would notbe returned. The contract was, therefore, never carried into effect.Pending this negotiation, Mr. Duane, through Wood or Ward & Barlas,was made acquainted with the arrangements which were in progress.Cheetham, the editor of the American Citizen, was also informed ofwhat was doing. This was considered a most favourable opportunity forassailing the vice-president, and charging him with the design ofsuppressing the History of John Adams's Administration for the purposeof keeping the people in ignorance of the wrong doings of the federalparty. Although the assailants had a full view of the whole ground,yet the attack was commenced by innuendoes, indicating ignorance ofthe true state of facts. The charge operated most injuriously upon therepublican character of Colonel Burr. The injury was irreparable, andthe attacks continued with unexampled malignity.

This brief statement, it is hoped, will be found sufficiently explicitto be intelligible. And now for the conduct of Mr. Duane on theoccasion. His object, and the object of his employers, wasaccomplished; but whether a short development of the whole case willor will not add to his fame, the reader must determine.

On or about the 27th of February, 1802, the editor of the Aurora, inhis paper, states that a curious fact has lately been brought to lightin New-York; that Wood had completed his engagement with Ward & Barlasto furnish a history of John Adams's Administration, and that 1250copies were printed, but suppressed at the desire of some person. Mr.Duane then animadverts with harshness, and expresses a wish to get aclew to the names of the person or persons who suppressed the work.

On the 31st of May, 1802, the Aurora states that the American Citizenand the Evening Post have commenced a warfare, of which Mr. Burr isthe object; that the principal matter of charge is the suppression ofWood's History of John Adams's Administration; and then adds—"We arefully possessed of one side of the subject, and have perused thesuppressed book attentively."

On the 12th of July, 1802, the Aurora says—"So far as it relates toMr. Burr, my opinions have been uniform and reiterated to hisparticular friends, that if the motives for the suppression of thebook were not satisfactorily explained to the public, his standingwith the republican interest was gone."

During the period between February and July, 1802, the Aurorareprinted the slanders of Cheetham against Mr. Burr in relation to thesuppressed book, and continued, from time to time, his own attacksupon the vice-president. While thus publicly giving currency tothese calumnies, would it be believed (if asserted) that Mr. Duane wasprivately writing Colonel Burr, and approving of his conduct insuppressing the work? One of his letters on this subject is deemedsufficient to a right understanding of the case. It will now be givenwithout comment. * * * * *

FROM WILLIAM DUANE.

Thursday, April 15, 1802.

DEAR SIR,

I think it fortunate that the pamphlet of Mr. Wood has not yet beenpublished, and that it would be much more so if it were not ever tosee the light. It has disappointed my expectations of finding in it atleast some useful reflections and reasonings, however little noveltythere might be in the facts. But, even in the narration of facts, Ifind numerous errors, and not a few misrepresentations of thingsnotorious to every man who has attended with understanding to thecourse of public affairs. There is in it a something, too, of acharacter very different from what was represented to me; the adoptionof the story of Hamilton [7] and Lafayette, if it is not the effect ofan indifference to accuracy, or a coldness in pursuit of truth, issomething much worse, and at least is suspicious: there is more of thesame kind of matter, and less attention to the influence and views ofsuch characters, than the subject required. I consider it, upon thewhole, as a hasty, crude, and inconsistent production, calculatedrather to produce evil than the least good—as it would be attributedto the republicans, with all its faults and inconsistencies, and acredit assumed from it as a party confession of merit, in a particularcharacter, which is not founded, at least in the way stated in thepamphlet. Were some parts of it omitted, and false statementsrectified, it might not do any harm; and perhaps it might be foundadvisable to adopt some plan of that kind, making a careful record ofthe omissions to insert any future misrepresentations, and a likerecord of such additions or alterations. This might be very easilydone by printing the pages anew which contain the exceptionable parts,and, if necessary, substituting reflections or anecdotes, founded infact, in their places. This might be done at a small expense. Thething, thus corrected, published; and, if any effort should be made tomisrepresent, credit would be derived even by the defence, and theexposure of the motives for suppressing the misstatements.

This I have thought proper to write you, and I hope will, in itsobject and motives, find with you an excuse for doing so.

I am, with respect, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM DUANE.

Footnotes:

1. Mr. Madison was then a member of Congress.

2. President of the United States.

3. Appointed by Mr. Jefferson supervisor of internal revenue for thestate of New-Jersey.

4. Edward Livingston and Theodorus Bailey; the former appointed UnitedStates district attorney for the district of New-York; the lattersubsequently appointed postmaster of the city of New-York, and removedfrom the country, a distance of nearly one hundred miles, to takecharge of the office. Cheetham, editor of the American Citizen, sometime after Mr. Livingston's appointment, in referring to him,says—"Should Mr. Burr's confidential friend ever become dangerous,we will show what he has been and what he is."

5. Appointed United States marshal for the Potomac district ofMaryland.

6. This letter is dated seven days after Mr. Burr's casting vote inthe Senate.

7. The story here referred to is thus related by Wood in his history:"In the year 1780, he (Hamilton) was promoted to the rank of colonel,and at the siege of Yorktown commanded the attack on one of theredoubts, the capture of which decided the fate of Lord Cornwallis andhis army. The conduct of Mr. Hamilton on this occasion was trulyhonourable, and, in the history of his life, ought to weigh againstseveral of those scars that have since stained his character. Previousto the attack, the Marquis de Lafayette proposed to General Washingtonto put to death all the British troops that should be found in theredoubts, as a retaliation for several acts of barbarity committed bythe royal army. The steady and nervous mind of Washington, which wasever known to yield to the virtuous prejudice of compassion, gave hisassent to the bloody order. But Mr. Hamilton (the tenderness of whosefeelings has led him into error), after the redoubts were subdued,took the conquered under his protection, and proved to his enemiesthat Americans know how to fight, but not to murder." [GeneralHamilton, in a letter referring to this same story, says—"Positivelyand unequivocally, I declare that no such or similar order, or anyintimation or hint resembling it, was ever by me received orunderstood to have been given."

CHAPTER VII.

Colonel Burr's silence under these reiterated attacks, with such meansof defence as his enemies knew that he possessed, encouraged andimboldened them to make other and more daring assaults. He was nowcharged, in general terms, with intriguing for the presidency, inopposition to Mr. Jefferson; with endeavouring to obtain federalelectoral votes, and thus to defeat Mr. Jefferson and promote his ownelevation; with having entered into terms and conditions with federalmembers of Congress in the winter of 1800; and with having committedhimself to, that party, in the event of success through theirinstrumentality. These slanders were countenanced and circulated inwhispers by men high in authority, until the political integrity ofColonel Burr was so far ruined as to render any defence, on his partor on the part of his friends, useless and unavailing. The hirelingpress now boldly entered upon specific charges; naming the partieswith whom Colonel Burr or his friends had negotiated, and the agentswhom the vice-president had employed to effect his purposes. Thesedetails were given in a manner so circ*mstantial, as, by theiraudacity, seemingly to command confidence. The slanders werecirculated with industry and rapidity, while the contradictions rarelymet the public eye, except through the medium of a federal press,which publication, with the already prejudiced republican, wasconstrued as evidence of the truth of the charge. The principalinstances of specific cases will now be presented as briefly aspracticable.

The presidential electors of the state of New-Jersey were federal. Dr.Samuel S. Smith, president of Princeton College, was an elector. TheHon. Jno. B. Prevost, son of Mrs. Burr by her first husband, wasmarried to the daughter of Dr. Smith. This circ*mstance renderedplausible a story invented and propagated by the calumniators ofColonel Burr. They boldly charged that "Dr. Smith, of New-Jersey, wassecretly to have voted for Mr. Burr, and thus made him President ofthe United States." To this charge Dr. Smith replied as follows :—

TO THE EDITOR OF THE EVENING POST.

Princeton, July 29, 1802.

SIR,

In your paper of Monday, July 26, under the article entitled A Viewof the Political Conduct of Aaron Burr, Esq., by the author of theNarrative, I observe some very gross misrepresentations, which Iconceive it to be a duty that I owe to Mr. Burr, the New-Jerseyelectors, and myself, to declare to be absolutely false. Mr. Burrnever visited me on the subject of the late election for president andvice-president—Mr. Burr never conversed with me a single second onthe subject of that election, either before or since the event. Noproject or plan of the kind mentioned in that paper was proposed orhinted at among the electors of New-Jersey. I am assured that Mr. Burrheld no intrigue with them on that occasion, either collectively orindividually. They were men above intrigue; and I do not know that hewas disposed to use it. At their meeting, they unanimously declaredthat a fair and manly vote, according to their sentiments, was theonly conduct which was worthy of their own characters or of theircause.

"SAMUEL. S. SMITH."

It was next charged that Colonel Burr had sent, at his own expense,special agents to different states, previous to the choice ofelectors, with the view of influencing their selection, and to promotehis own elevation to the exclusion of Mr. Jefferson. The agents namedwere Mr. Abraham Bishop, of New-Haven, and Mr. Timothy Green, ofNew-York. It was asserted that Mr. Bishop was Mr. Burr's agent atLancaster, Pennsylvania, during the session of the legislature thatappointed the presidential electors.

In August, 1802, Mr. Bishop published a full and explicit refutationof the charge. He denied that Mr. Burr sent him to Lancaster, or thathe went there for any purposes personally or politically regardingthat gentleman. The publication of Mr. Bishop is not readily to befound; but he is still living, and subsequently was appointed by Mr.Jefferson collector of the port of New-Haven.

In relation to Mr. Green, it was alleged that he was sent to Columbia,South Carolina, for similar purposes, and that he "corresponded withthe vice-president on the subject of the then approaching election,under cover to John Swartwout." The replies of Mr. Green and Mr.Swartwout were as follows:—

"New-York, October 11, 1802,

"MESSRS. DENNISTON AND CHEETHAM,

"In the American Citizen of this day you have made a publication, towhich you have affixed your names. In this you have stated, 1st, ThatTimothy Green, of this city, was despatched as an agent to Columbia,the seat of government of the state of South Carolina, by thevice-president. 2dly, That he was the eulogist and intercessor for thevice-president. 3dly, That he sent the vice-president despatchesregularly, addressed to Mr. John Swartwout, of this city, under cover.

"Now, as you have been most egregiously imposed upon by somedisorganizing person, it is your duty and mine that the public beimmediately furnished with both what were and what were not myinducements and motives in making a journey in November, 1800, toColumbia, and of my conduct while there. For this purpose you willplease to insert in your paper of to-morrow the following correctionsto your statement:—

"1st, I aver that I never went on any message of a political nature toColumbia, in South Carolina, or to any other place for thevice-president or any other person; neither was I ever requested ordesired by the vice- president or by any other person to go toColumbia, in South Carolina, or any other place, on any political orelectioneering mission, of any name or nature whatsoever. On thecontrary, my journey to Columbia, in South Carolina, in the year ofour Lord 1800, and my engagements until my return in 1801, was whollyunsolicited by any person (except my debtors in South Carolina), andwere solely of a commercial nature, and for which I had been preparingeight months before.

"2dly, That I never wrote a letter to the vice-president of apolitical nature; neither did I write him any information relative tothe presidential election in South Carolina, neither did I everenclose a letter, directed to the vice-president, in a letter or coverdirected to Mr. John Swartwout.

"3dly, That my letters to Mr. Swartwout while in South Carolina wereunsolicited, and written solely with the motive to relieve the mindsof my friends from the anxiety necessarily attendant on a state ofsuspense, while an important event is hourly expected to take place.

"4thly, That I never was in the habit of eulogizing public men,neither did I vary from my usual manners while in South Carolina. Ihad no occasion to intercede for the election of Colonel Burr: all thefear I had while there was lest a compromise should take place, as thepolitical parties were nearly balanced in the state legislature. ThisI did, as far as in my power, conscientiously endeavour to prevent;knowing that, if union and good faith were not inviolably preservedamong the constitutional republicans, our past, present, and futureexertions would be unavailing.

"TIMOTHY GREEN."

FOR THE AMERICAN CITIZEN.

"New-York, October 13, 1802.

"MESSRS. DENNISTON AND CHEETHAM,

"In your seventh letter addressed to Aaron Burr, Esq., Vice-presidentof the United States, published in the American Citizen of the 11thinstant, I notice the following paragraph, viz.:—

"Meantime, Sir, you had your eye on South Carolina; you despatched anagent, Mr. Timothy Green, of this city, to Columbia, the seat ofgovernment of that state. It was questionable whether South Carolinawould give you a single vote. At that period you were scarcely knownin the state. Mr. Green was at Columbia at least two months. He, wasyour eulogist; your intercessor; he sent you despatches regularly;they were addressed to Mr. John Swartwout, of this city, under cover,and by him communicated to you.

"You will please to inform the public, through the medium of yourpaper, that the above paragraph, so far as relates to my receivingletters under cover, or communications from Timothy Green for AaronBurr, is utterly destitute of truth.

"JOHN SWARTWOUT."

In a pamphlet entitled "A View of Aaron Burr's Political Conduct," itwas charged that "Mr. Burr, while in the city of New-York, carried ona negotiation with the heads of the federal party at Washington with aview to his election as President of the United States. A person wasauthorized by them to confer with him on the subject, who accordinglydid so. Mr. Burr assented to the propositions of the negotiator, andreferred him to his confidential friend to complete the negotiation.Mr. Burr stated that, after the first vote taken in the House ofRepresentatives, New-York and Tennessee would give in to thefederalists."

To this Colonel Burr replied, in a letter to Governor Bloomfield, of
New-Jersey, under date September 21, 1802:—

"You are at liberty to declare from me that all those charges andinsinuations which aver or intimate that I advised or countenanced theopposition made to Mr. Jefferson pending the late election andballoting for president; that I proposed or agreed to any terms withthe federal party; that I assented to be held up in opposition to him,or attempted to withdraw from him the vote or support of any man,whether in or out of Congress; THAT ALL SUCH ASSERTIONS ANDINTIMATIONS ARE FALSE AND GROUNDLESS."

In the pamphlet already referred to, and various newspaperpublications, it was alleged that General Hamilton had personalknowledge of Colonel Burr's negotiations with the federalists. On the13th of October, 1802, the editor of the New-York Evening Post(William Coleman) states that he is authorized to say that GeneralHamilton, at a dinner at Edward Livingston's, declared that he had nopersonal knowledge of any negotiation in reference to the presidencybetween Colonel Burr and any person whatever.

It will be recollected that Colonel Burr, in his letter to GovernorBloomfield, denied the charge of "having proposed or agreed to anyterms with the federal party." The person named as being the agent ofthe federalists, with authority to confer with Colonel Burr, was DavidA. Ogden, Esq., of the city of New-York, who was intimately connectedwith General Hamilton in professional business. Dr. Peter Irving wasat that time the proprietor and editor of a highly respectable dailyjournal (Morning Chronicle) published in the city of New-York. Thefacts in relation to this charge are developed in the followingletters.

P. IRVING TO DANIEL A. OGDEN.

"New-York, November 24, 1802.

"SIR,

"Though I have not the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with you, Iflatter myself that the contents of this letter will preclude thenecessity of an apology for addressing you.

"It has been asserted in various publications that Mr. Burr, duringthe late election for president and vice-president, entered intonegotiations and agreed to terms with the federal party, or withcertain individuals of that party, with a view to advance himself tothe office of president to the exclusion of Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Burr,in a letter to Governor Bloomfield, dated the 21st of September last,declared that all such allegations were false and groundless; and thecharges have been renewed in more recent publications, which point toyou by name as the person through whom such negotiations were carriedon and terms concluded. It has now become interesting to a greatportion of the community to be informed how far these assertions andcharges have been authorized by you, or are warranted by yourknowledge of facts.

"Having received frequent anonymous communications for the MorningChronicle relative to these matters, and being unwilling to occupy thepaper with vague and unsubstantial conjectures or remarks on a subjectof such importance, I am induced to apply directly to yourself as anauthentic source of information. I do this with the more confidence,from a persuasion that you can have no wish to suffer false reports tocirculate under the authority of your name for mere party purposes;and that, in the actual posture of things, you cannot be averse todeclare publicly and explicitly your agency, if any, in the business.I take the liberty, therefore, of requesting your written declarationto the points above stated, together with any circ*mstances you may bepleased to communicate tending to establish the truth or falsehood ofthe charges in question.

"I have the honour to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

P. IRVING."

DAVID A. OGDEN TO P. IRVING.

New-York, November 24, 1802.

"SIR,

"Though I did not conceive it to be incumbent upon me, or in itselfproper to notice a publication in a newspaper in which my name wasused without my permission or knowledge, yet I have no objection toreply to an inquiry which comes in the shape of that contained in yourletter, and from a person of your standing in society.

"I declare that my journey to the city of Washington, in the year1800, was purely on private business, and without any understanding orconcert whatever with Colonel Burr, whom I met at the stage-office onhis way to Trenton, not having had before the least intimation of sucha meeting; and that I was not then or at any time charged by him withany commission or errand of a political nature. In the course of ourjourney, no political conversation took place but of a general natureand in the presence of the passengers.

"When about to return from the city of Washington, two or threemembers of Congress, of the federal party, spoke to me about theirviews as to the election of president, desiring me to converse withColonel Burr on the subject, and to ascertain whether he would enterinto terms. On my return to New-York I called on Colonel Burr, andcommunicated the above to him. He explicitly declined the explanation,and did neither propose nor agree to any terms. I had no otherinterview or communication with him on the subject; and so little wasI satisfied with this, that in a letter which I soon afterward wroteto a member of Congress, and which was the only one I wrote, Idissuaded from giving support to Colonel Burr, and advised rather toacquiesce in the election of Mr. Jefferson, as the less dangerous manof the two to that cause with which I believed the public interest tobe inseparably connected.

"There are no facts within my knowledge tending to establish the truthof the charges specified in your letter.

"With due respect, I am, sir, your obedient servant,

"DAVID A. OGDEN.

"DR. P. IRVING."

It was then boldly asserted that Edward Livingston was "theconfidential friend" to whom Mr. Ogden was referred "to complete thenegotiation;" whereupon Mr. Burr made a call upon Mr. Livingston, towhich the following reply was given:—

"SIR,

"In consequence of certain insinuations lately circulated, I think itproper to declare that you did not, in any verbal or writtencommunication to me, during the late presidential election, expressany sentiment inconsistent with those contained in your letter toGeneral Smith, [1] which was published, or evincing any desire thatthe vote of the state should be transferred from Mr. Jefferson toyourself.

"I am, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

(Signed) "EDWARD LIVINGSTON.

"The Vice-president of the United States."

In the hope of giving some support to these, calumnies, Mr. William S.Pennington, of New-Jersey, addressed a letter to the editors of theAmerican Citizen, in which he asserted that General John Swartwout hadwritten to Robert Williams, of Poughkeepsie, pending the election,recommending or countenancing the support of Mr. Burr for president tothe exclusion of Mr. Jefferson. To this General Swartwout replied:—

TO THE PUBLIC.

"The false colouring given by the relation of one William S.Pennington, in a letter to Denniston & Cheetham, which appeared in theAmerican Citizen of the 22d inst., and their subsequent maliciousremarks, oblige me once more to ask pardon for obtruding myself on thepublic attention.

"I declare, on my honour, that I did not at any time advise theelection of Mr. Burr as president of the United States to theexclusion of Mr. Jefferson; nor did I ever write to any person orpersons to that effect; and I hereby authorize Mr. Robert Williams topublish any letter or letters he may have received from me on thesubject of the late presidential election. I am induced to contradictthe base slanders of those exclusive patriots by a regard to truthonly, and not from a conviction that it would have been eitherdishonourable to me, or disadvantageous to the country or therepublican party, to have promoted the election of Mr. Burr to thepresidential chair.

"JOHN SWARTWOUT.

"New-York, January 23."

The principal specifications, intended as explanatory of the generalcharge against Colonel Burr of intriguing for the presidency, have nowbeen given. The replies of the parties implicated accompany them. Awhole generation has passed away since these scenes occurred, and yetthe time has not arrived when they can be calmly reviewed withimpartiality and free from prejudice. They may serve, however, asbeacon-lights for those who are now figuring or may hereafter figureon the great political theatre of our country. Through life, ColonelBurr committed an error, if he did not display a weakness, inpermitting his reputation to be assailed, without contradiction, incases where it was perfectly defensible. His enemies took advantage ofthe sullen silence which he was known to preserve in regard tonewspaper attacks. Under these attacks he fell from the proud eminencehe once enjoyed to a condition more mortifying and more prostrate thanany distinguished man has ever experienced in the United States.

Different individuals, to gratify different feelings, have ascribedthis unprecedented fall to different causes. But one who is notaltogether ignorant of the springs of human actions; whosepartialities and prejudices are mellowed by more than threescore yearsof experience; who has carefully and laboriously, in this case,examined cause and effect, hesitates not in declaring that, from themoment Aaron Burr was elected vice-president, his doom was unalterablydecided, if that decision could be accomplished by a combination ofwealth, of talent, of government patronage, of favouritism andproscription, inflamed by the worst passions, and nurtured by the hopeof gratifying a sordid ambition. The contest in Congress fixed hisfate. Subsequent events were only consequences resulting fromantecedent acts.

In the progress of this work no desire has been evinced, none is feltto screen Colonel Burr from censure where it is merited. But the manwho can read, unmoved, the evidence which has already been presentedof the injustice done him in the charge of having intrigued andnegotiated with the federal party for the presidency, must possessmore of philosophic than of generous or magnanimous feelings. It wouldseem that the task of recording the presidential contest in Congress,in the spring of 1801, was now brought to a close. But not so. Thereyet remains another and imposing view to be presented. Whatever mayhave been the wishes of Colonel Burr, it is certain that they were sofar under his own control as to prevent him from entering into anynegotiation, bargain, or intrigue to obtain the presidency. There isnot the slightest evidence of any such attempt on his part, whilethere is strong, if not conclusive proof to the contrary. Can as muchbe said in favor of his great competitor on that occasion? This is theview that remains to be taken. But, before presenting the testimony inthe case, some explanation is necessary as to the manner in which itwas first obtained and subsequently made public.

In the year 1804, a suit was instituted by Colonel Burr against JamesCheetham, editor of the American Citizen, for a libel, in charging himwith intriguing for the presidency. This suit was commenced by Mr.Burr with reluctance, and only to gratify personal friends. Itprogressed tardily, impediments having been thrown in the way ofbringing it to trial by the defendant, and probably the cause notsufficiently pressed by the complainant. In 1805 or 1806, some personswho were really desirous of ascertaining not only the truth or falsityof the charge, but whether there was any foundation for it, determinedon having a wager-suit placed at issue on the records of the court,and then take out a commission to examine witnesses. Accordingly, thenames of James Gillespie, plaintiff, and Abraham Smith, defendant,were used. The latter at the time being a clerk in the store ofMatthew L. Davis, then in the mercantile business, trading under thefirm of Strong & Davis.

It was universally believed, that if there were two men in Congressthat could unfold the whole negotiation if any had taken place, thosetwo men were James A. Bayard, of Delaware, and Samuel Smith, ofBaltimore. The former, a federal gentleman of high standing, the solerepresentative of a state in the Congress of 1800, and thuspossessing, at any moment, the power of deciding the contest in favourof Mr. Jefferson. The latter, a political and personal friend of Mr.Jefferson, and the very individual whom Colonel Burr had previouslyselected as his proxy to declare his sentiments, in case there was atie between Mr. Jefferson and himself. A commission was accordinglytaken out, and, on the 3d of April, 1806, Mr. Bayard and Mr. Smithwere examined. No use, however, was made of these depositions untilDecember, 1830, being a period of nearly twenty-five years.

On the publication of Mr. Jefferson's writings, the sons of the lateJames A. Bayard felt that the memory of their father had beenwrongfully and unjustly assailed in two paragraphs in the fourthvolume of this work. The first of these paragraphs, on the 28th ofJanuary, 1830, was read in the United States Senate by the Hon. Mr.Clayton, of Delaware, General Samuel Smith and Edward Livingston bothbeing members of the Senate and present. He read the following:

"February 12, 1801. Edward Livingston tells me that Bayard appliedto-day or last night to General Samuel Smith, and represented to himthe expediency of coming over to the states who vote for Burr; thatthere was nothing in the way of appointment which he might notcommand, and particularly mentioned the secretaryship of the navy.Smith asked him if he was authorized to make the offer. He said he wasauthorized. Smith told this to Livingston and W. C. Nicholas, whoconfirms it to me," &c.

Mr. Clayton then called upon the senator from Maryland (Mr. Smith) andthe senator from Louisiana (Mr. Livingston) to disprove the statementhere made by Mr. Jefferson.

Mr. Smith, of Maryland, rose and said "that he had read the paragraphbefore he came here to-day, and was, therefore, aware of its import.He had not the most distant recollection that Mr. Bayard had ever madesuch a proposition to him. Mr. Bayard, said he, and myself, thoughpolitically opposed, were intimate personal friends, and he was anhonourable man. Of all men, Mr. Bayard would have been the last tomake such a proposition to any man; and I am confident that he had toomuch respect for me to have made it under any circ*mstances. I neverreceived from any man any such proposition."

Mr. Livingston, of Louisiana, said, "that as to the precise questionwhich had been put to him by the senator from Delaware, he must say,that having taxed his recollection as far as it could go on so remotea transaction, he had no remembrance of it."

The sons of the late Mr. Bayard, not yet being satisfied as to theother paragraph, resolved on an investigation of the subject, and withthis view one of them wrote the following letter. [2]

FROM RICHARD H. BAYARD.

Wilmington, March 8, 1830.

SIR,

In the fourth volume of Mr. Jefferson's Writings, lately published byhis grandson, page 521, under the head of a note made April 15, 1806,occurs the following paragraph, after the detail of a conversationheld with you about a month previously:—

"I did not commit these things to writing at the time, but I do now,because, in a suit between him and Cheetham, he has had a depositionof Mr. Bayard taken which seems to have no relation to the suit, norto any other object than to calumniate me. Bayard pretends to haveaddressed to me, during the pending of the presidential election inFebruary, 1801, through General Samuel Smith, certain conditions onwhich my election might be obtained; and that General Smith, afterconversing with me, gave answers from me. This is absolutely false. Noproposition of any kind was ever made to me on that occasion byGeneral Smith, or any answer authorized by me. And this fact GeneralSmith affirms at this moment."

Mr. Jefferson supposes this deposition to have been made in your suitagainst Cheetham. I have some reason to think he is mistaken as to theprecise case in which it was made. However this may be, I am anxiousto procure a copy of it, as returned with the commission under whichit was taken.

If I may not be considered as trespassing too far on your time andattention, will you permit me to ask whether the deposition referredto by Mr. Jefferson is still in existence? In what case it was taken?And whether a copy of it can be procured?

I have the honour to be, respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

RICHARD H. BAYARD.

TO RICHARD H. BAYARD.

New-York, March 10, 1830.

SIR,

I have this day received your letter of the 8th inst., containing anextract from the fourth volume of the writings of Mr. Jefferson. Ihave not seen that book, and, on inquiry, do not learn that there is acopy in this city.

The suit referred to is not that of Cheetham, but one instituted,without my agency or knowledge, on a wager. The title not nowrecollected. A commission to take testimony was transmitted to me,then at Washington, and several depositions thereupon taken; copies ofall of which may, no doubt, be found among the papers of the late Mr.Bayard.

A gentleman well informed of these matters is now at Albany, where Iexpect to meet him about the 20th inst., when it may be in my power togive you further satisfaction on the subject of your letter.

I pray in the mean time to be informed whether you are a son of thelate Mr. Bayard. Or how, if at all related to him. And what use it isproposed to make of the communications you may receive. Permit me toadd, it will at all times afford me great pleasure to gratify thefamily of Mr. Bayard on this or on any other occasion.

I have the honour to be, very respectfully,

A. BURR.

TO MATTHEW L. DAVIS.

New-York, March 15, 1830.

SIR,

I enclose you copies of a letter from Mr. Richard H. Bayard, with myanswer, and have only to inquire whether I may refer to you to answerthis letter of Mr. Bayard; your memory being better than mine, and Inot having the depositions in question, or any copies thereof at thismoment at my command. If you should write, please to enclose yourletter to me. I think it was you who got up that suit. Pray give methe title and date.

I expect to be in Albany early next week. In your answer to this, letme know where to find you. God speed you.

A. BURR.

FROM MATTHEW L. DAVIS.

Albany, March 18, 1830.

SIR,

The irregularity of the mails has prevented my receiving your letterof the 15th inst., with its enclosures, until this day.

I have read Mr. Bayard's letter to you under date of the 8th inst. Allthe circ*mstances connected with the subject to which it refers arewithin my recollection; but, absent as I am from my papers, I amunwilling to speak with great confidence in relation to events whichhave occurred nearly thirty years since.

The deposition of Mr. Bayard, to which I presume Mr. Jefferson alludesin his memorandum of the 15th of April, 1806, was taken, as youremark, in the case of a wager. The title of the cause I do not nowrecollect; but Abraham Smith, a clerk in my store, was one of theparties, and I think the period was during the winter of 1805. It mayhave been a year later.

In that deposition Mr. Bayard states that a negotiation in regard tothe pending election between Mr. Jefferson and Colonel Burr, inFebruary, 1801, was entered into with Mr. Jefferson, through Mr.Nicholas, of Virginia, and General Samuel Smith, of Maryland; and thatMr. Jefferson did agree to certain stipulations or conditions thereinspecified. It is proper for me to add, that to both Robert G. Harperand General Smith the same interrogatories were propounded that wereanswered by Mr. Bayard, and that the testimony (if my memory iscorrect) of Mr. Bayard was, in every material point, sustained by boththese gentlemen. These examinations were made under a commissionissued out of the Supreme Court of our state.

Several copies of these depositions were made from the originals, andI have reason to believe that one copy of them was in the possessionof Mr. Bayard or Mr. Harper, and another in the possession of StephenR. Bradley, Esq., of Vermont. They were read by different gentlemen;among them, I think, was General John P. Van Ness, of Washington city,and Rundolph Bunner, Esq., late a member of Congress from this state,who, I have no doubt, can and would, if asked, detail their contents.I should suppose that General Smith would not only recollect theoccurrences in February, 1801, but the contents also of the depositionto which he has sworn.

During the contest I was the advocate of Mr. Jefferson's election, andcorresponded with different members of Congress; among the number wereEdward Livingston and Albert Gallatin, Esquires. The letters I thenreceived enumerated not only the doubtful states, but the doubtfulmen of both parties which were in Congress. These letters have beencarefully preserved.

It is due to the character of the late Mr. Bayard to remark, that, sofar as the circ*mstances have come to my knowledge, there was nothingin the transaction calculated in the slightest degree to impeach hisfidelity to his party or his honour. The object of the negotiation wasnot to aggrandize or to elevate himself or his friends, but to secureand perpetuate certain cardinal points of federal policy.

I have not seen the works of Mr. Jefferson, but I will obtain andexamine them with care and attention. The history of the times towhich these memorandums and documents relate are enveloped in thickdarkness. Whether the period has yet arrived when an effort should bemade to dispel that darkness is problematical. The means, however, doexist of proving, to the satisfaction of the most skeptical, what arethe facts in the case; and, consequently, of doing full justice to allthe parties concerned; and that duty, however unpleasant, shall, at aproper crisis, be fairly, impartially, and fearlessly performed.

At my advanced age I do not wish to be drawn into newspapercontroversies; nor can I be induced, prematurely, to make anypublication on the subject alluded to in this letter. At the sametime, you are at liberty to communicate the whole or any part of itscontents to Mr. Bayard, in the expectation that it will be useddiscreetly.

Respectfully, your friend,

M. L. DAVIS.

GENERAL SAMUEL SMITH TO RICHARD H. BAYARD AND JAMES A. BAYARD.

Washington, April 3, 1830.

GENTLEMEN,

Ill health, and disinclination to go back to circ*mstances whichhappened thirty years past, has prevented an earlier answer to yourletter. In the extract you have sent me from Mr. Jefferson's writings,it is said—"Bayard" (alluding to his deposition) "pretends to haveaddressed to me, during the pending of the presidential election inFebruary, 1801, through General Smith, certain conditions on which myelection might be obtained, and that General Smith, after conversingwith me, gave answer for me. This is absolutely false. No propositionof any kind ever was made to me on that occasion by General Smith, orany answer authorized by me; and the fact General Smith affirms atthis moment"—to wit, 15th of April, 1806. Yes, gentlemen, it was (Ibelieve) on that day I put into the hands of Mr. Jefferson a presscopy of my deposition in the case of Cheetham, [3] in which Iperfectly recollect that I deny having ever received from Mr.Jefferson any proposition of any kind to be made by me to Mr. Bayardor any other person. Not, perhaps, in those words, but in detail tothat effect; or having ever communicated any proposition of the kindas from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Bayard.

My experience in life has shown that few men take advice unless itcomports with their own views. I will, however, recommend that you letwell enough alone. Your father was a bitter, most bitter enemy of Mr.Jefferson; his enmity was known to all, and, I presume, to Mr.Jefferson; it was therefore very natural for him to conclude that thesuit of Cheetham had been got up for the express purpose of obtainingthe oath of your father with the view of injuring him, and that yourfather had advised such a course. My recollection of what passed onthe occasion is as strong as if it had happened yesterday. I willgive you a detail in as few words as possible.

Two or three days before the election was terminated, a member, who Isuppose had been deputed by the federal party, called on me toconverse on the subject. I held little conversation with him. Yourfather then called on me, and said that he was anxious to put an endto the controversy; that, in case of dissolution, Delaware never couldexpect to obtain her present advantages; that, if satisfied on certainpoints, he would terminate the contest. He then went on to state thosepoints: they were three or four. I can now remember only three, towit—the funding system, the navy, and the retaining or dismissal offederalists then in office. I answered promptly that I could satisfyhim fully on two of the points (which two I do not now recollect), forthat I had had frequent conversations with him on them, and I statedwhat I understood and believed to be his opinions, and what I thoughtwould be his rule of conduct; with which explanation your fatherexpressed his entire satisfaction, and on the third requested that Iwould inform myself.

I lodged with Mr. Jefferson, and that night had a conversation withhim, without his having the remotest idea of my object. Mr.Jefferson was a gentleman of extreme frankness with his friends; heconversed freely and frankly with them on all subjects, and gave hisopinions without reserve. Some of them thought that he did so toofreely. Satisfied with his opinion on the third point, I communicatedto your father the next day—that, from the conversation that I hadhad with Mr. Jefferson, I was satisfied in my own mind that hisconduct on that point would be so and so. But I certainly never didtell your father that I had any authority from Mr. Jefferson tocommunicate any thing to him or to any other person.

During the session of Congress of 1805-6, your father told me that alittle lawyer in Delaware had (he supposed at the instance of ColonelBurr) endeavoured to get from him a deposition touching a conversationwith me; that he had refused it; that Burr had, however, trumped up asuit for the sole purpose of coercing his deposition and mine, andsaid that a commission to take testimony was now in the city, and thathe apprized me that I might be prepared. I asked him what he wouldstate in his deposition. He answered similar to the quotation you havesent. I told him instantly that I had communicated to him my ownopinion, [4] derived from conversation with Mr. Jefferson, and notone word from him to your father; and that my testimony would, as tothat point, be in direct hostility. He then said, the little fellowwill have our testimony by some means or other, and I will give mine.I answered that I would also. A few nights afterward Colonel Burrcalled on me. I told him that I had written my deposition, and wouldhave a fair copy made of it. He said, trust it to me, and I will getMr. ——- to copy it. I did so, and, on his returning it to me, Ifound words not mine interpolated in the copy. I struck out thosewords, had it copied again, and, to prevent all plea of false copying,I had a press copy taken of it. When I appeared before the commission,I found a deposition attached to that of your father, and asked howthey came by that. They answered that it had been sent to them. Irequested them to take it off; that I had the deposition in my hand towhich alone I would swear; they did so, and my deposition wasattached. The next day (I think) I called, and told Mr. Jefferson whathad passed, read to him the press copy, and asked him if herecollected having given to me the opinions I had detailed. Heanswered that he did not, but it might be so, for that they wereopinions he held and expressed to many of his friends, and as probablyto me as any other, and then said that he would wish to have a copy. Itold him that I had no use for it; he might, and I gave him the presscopy.

You have now a tolerable full view of the case, and will see that nopossible censure can attach to Mr. Jefferson; that a diversity ofopinion will arise from publication as to your father's credibility ormine, and that both may suffer in the Public estimation. I willconclude that, during my long life, I have scarcely ever known aninstance of newspaper publication between A. and B. that some obloquydid not attach to both parties.

I am, gentlemen, with respect,

Your obedient servant,

S. SMITH.

FROM RICHARD H. BAYARD.

Wilmington, Delaware, April 22, 1830.

SIR,

I have just received your letter of the 10th ult., in answer to mineof the 8th, the reason of which delay is to be found in the fact ofyour having directed it to Wilmington, North Carolina. It wasaccordingly conveyed to that place, and was returned and received byme this morning.

I reply to your inquiries that I am the eldest son of the late James
A. Bayard, and that the object which I have in view is the vindication
of his character from the aspersion contained in the passage in Mr.
Jefferson's writings, a copy of which I sent you.

It is true that among my father's papers I have found rough copies ofthe deposition made in your suit against Cheetham, as well as of thatmade in the wager case. Together with the first-named deposition thereis also a copy of the interrogatories; but, in the latter case, simplya rough copy of the deposition, without title, or any memorandum ofthe names of the parties. You will perceive at once the necessity ofaccompanying the deposition in the wager case with its title and acopy of the interrogatories, in order to show, in the first place, Mr.Jefferson's error in the statement of the case, and, secondly, torefute his assertion that the deposition had "nothing to do with thesuit, or with any other object than to calumniate him."

The subsequent part of his statement will be met by the depositionitself, by reference to concomitant circ*mstances, and suchcorroborating testimony as time has spared. Being anxious to avoid allroom for cavil, by publishing the depositions as returned with therespective commissions, lest, perchance, there should be some slightverbal inaccuracies, I applied to you, believing it was in your powerto give the information necessary to enable me to procure certifiedcopies of the record.

You have thus, Sir, an entire exposition of my motives for addressingyou my letter of the 8th ult.; and, in conformity with the sentimentyou are so good as to express in the conclusion of your letter, Idoubt not you will furnish me with such information as you possess onthe subject.

I wrote some time since to Mr. Edward N. Rogers, of your city, toprocure for me copies of my father's and General Samuel Smith'sdepositions in both cases. He informs me, by his letter of the 17thinst., that the depositions in your suit against Cheetham are not tobe found in the office; that the case went off by default, and hesupposes they were never filed. At all events, the clerk cannot nowfind them.

You will probably be able to state what became of them, and whethercopies can be procured. I will ask of you, therefore, the favour tocommunicate to him information on this point, as well as the name ofthe wager case, that he may be enabled to comply with my request,with the execution of which he has been so kind as to charge himself.

I have the honour to be, respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

RICHARD H. BAYARD.

Footnotes:

1. See Ch. V.

2. It is considered proper to state here that the correspondence whichfollows is published without the privity or consent of either of theMr. Bayards. It is found among the papers of Colonel Burr, and isintimately connected with a history of the transaction.

3. The suit was James Gillespie vs. Abraham Smith. See deposition.

4. Will the reader examine the deposition, especially what relates toMr. McLean and Mr. Latimer?

CHAPTER VIII.

The necessary information having been given to Mr. Bayard to enablehim to procure the depositions of his father and General Smith, theywere accordingly obtained from Mr. Bradley, of Vermont. Beforepresenting them, it may not be improper to give the letters of twomembers of Congress, one of which enters somewhat into a history ofthe case, and both of which negatives, in the most positive manner,any attempt of Colonel Burr, or any person acting in his behalf, tonegotiate, bargain, or intrigue with the federal party for the officeof president.

WILLIAM COOPER TO THOMAS MORRIS. [1]

Washington, February 10, 1801.

DEAR SIR,

We have this day locked ourselves up by a rule to proceed to choose apresident before we adjourn. * * * * * * * We shall run Burrperseveringly. You shall hear of the result instantly after the factis ascertained. A little good management would have secured ourobject on the first vote, but now it is too late for any operationsto be gone into, except that of adhering to Burr, and leave theconsequences to those who have heretofore been his friends. If wesucceed, a faithful support must, on our part, be given to hisadministration, which, I hope, will be wise and energetic.

Your friend,

W. COOPER.

WILLIAM COOPER TO THOMAS MORRIS.

February 13, 1801.

DEAR SIR,

We have postponed, until to-morrow 11 o'clock, the voting forpresident. All stand firm. Jefferson eight—Burr six—divided two.Had Burr done any thing for himself, he would long ere this have beenpresident. If a majority would answer, he would have it on everyvote.

FROM JAMES A. BAYARD TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Washington, January 7, 1801.

DEAR SIR,

I have been but a few days in this city; but, since my arrival, havehad the pleasure to receive the letter which you did me the honour towrite on the 27th ult. I am fully sensible of the great importance ofthe subject to which it relates, and am, therefore, extremely obligedby the information you have been so good as to communicate.

* * * * *

It is considered that at least, in the first instance, Georgia, NorthCarolina, Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, andNew-York will vote for Mr. Jefferson. It is probable that Maryland andVermont will be divided. It is therefore counted, that upon the firstballot it would be possible to give to Mr. Burr six votes. It iscalculated, however, and strongly insisted by some gentlemen, that apersevering opposition to Mr. Jefferson would bring over New-York,New-Jersey, and Maryland. What is the probability relative toNew-York?—your means enable you to form the most correct opinion. Asto New-Jersey and Maryland, it would depend on Mr. Linn of the formerand Mr. Dent of the latter state.

I assure you, sir, there appears to be a strong inclination in amajority of the federal party to support Mr. Burr. The current hasalready acquired considerable force, and is manifestly increasing. Thevote which the representation of a state enables me to give woulddecide the question in favour of Mr. Jefferson. At present I am by nomeans decided as to the object of preference. If the federal partyshould take up Mr. Burr, I ought certainly to be impressed with themost undoubting conviction before I separated myself from them. Icannot, however, deny that there are strong considerations which givea preference to Mr. Jefferson. The subject admits of many and verydoubtful views; and, before I resolve on the part I shall take, I willawait the approach of the crisis, which may probably bring with itcirc*mstances decisive of the event.

The federal party meet on Friday for the purpose of forming aresolution as to their line of conduct. I have not the least doubt oftheir agreeing to support Colonel Burr. Their determination will notbind me; for though it might cost me a painful struggle to disappointthe views and wishes of many gentlemen with whom I have beenaccustomed to act, yet the magnitude of the subject forbids thesacrifice of a strong conviction.

I cannot answer for the coherence of my letter, as I have undertakento write to you from the chamber of representatives, with an attentiondivided by the debate which occupies the house. I have not consideredmyself at liberty to show your letter to any one, though I think itwould be serviceable, if you could trust my discretion in thecommunication of it.

With great consideration,

Your obedient servant,

JAMES A. BAYARD.

GEORGE BAER TO RICHARD H. BAYARD.

Frederick, April 19, 1830

SIR,

In compliance with your request, I now communicate to you myrecollections of the events of the presidential election by the Houseof Representatives in 1801. There has been no period of our politicalhistory more misunderstood and more grossly misrepresented. The courseadopted by the federal party was one of principle, and not of faction;and I think the present a suitable occasion for explaining the viewsand motives at least of those gentlemen who, having it in their powerto decide the election at any moment, were induced to protract it fora time, but ultimately to withdraw their opposition to Mr. Jefferson.

I have no hesitation in saying that the facts stated in the depositionof your father, the late James A. Bayard, so far as they came to myknowledge, are substantially correct; and although nearly thirty yearshave elapsed since that eventful period, my recollection is vivid asto the principal circ*mstances, which, from the part I was called uponto act, were deeply graven on my memory. As soon as it was generallyknown that the two democratic candidates, Jefferson and Burr, had thehighest and an equal number of votes, and that the election wouldconsequently devolve on the House of Representatives, Mr. Dent, whohad hitherto acted with the federal party, declared his intention tovote for Mr. Jefferson, in consequence of which determination the voteof Maryland was divided.

It was soon ascertained that there were six individuals, the vote ofany one of whom could at any moment decide the election. These were,your father, the late James A. Bayard, who held the vote of the stateof Delaware; General Morris, of Vermont, who held the divided vote ofthat state; and Mr. Craik, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Dennis, and myself, whoheld the divided vote of Maryland. Much anxiety was shown by thefriends of Mr. Jefferson, and much ingenuity used to discover the lineof conduct which would be pursued by them. Deeply impressed with theresponsibility which attached to their peculiar situation, andconscious that the American people looked to them for a president,they could not rashly determine either to surrender theirconstitutional discretion, or disappoint the expectations of theirfellow-citizens.

Your father, Mr. Craik, and myself having compared ideas upon thesubject, and finding that we entertained the same views and opinions,resolved to act together, and accordingly entered into a solemn andmutual pledge that we would in the first instance yield to the wishesof the great majority of the party with whom we acted, and vote forMr. Burr, but that no consideration should induce us to protract thecontest beyond a reasonable period for the purpose of ascertainingwhether he could be elected. We determined that a president should bechosen, but were willing thus far to defer to the opinions of ourpolitical friends, whose preference of Mr. Burr was founded upon abelief that he was less hostile to federal men and federal measuresthan Mr. Jefferson. General Morris and Mr. Dennis concurred in thisarrangement.

The views by which the federal party were governed were these:—Theyheld that the Constitution had vested in the House of Representativesa high discretion in a case like the present, to be exercised for thebenefit of the nation; and that, in the execution of this delegatedpower, an honest and unbiased judgment was the measure of theirresponsibility. They were less certain of the hostility of Mr. Burr tofederal policy than of that of Mr. Jefferson, which was known anddecided. Mr. Jefferson had identified himself with, and was at thehead of the party in Congress who had opposed every measure deemednecessary by the federalists for putting the country in a posture ofdefence; such as fortifying the harbours and seaports, establishingmanufactories of arms; erecting arsenals, and filling them with armsand ammunition; erecting a navy for the defence of commerce, &c. Hisspeculative opinions were known to be hostile to the independence ofthe judiciary, to the financial system of the country, and to internalimprovements. All these matters the federalists believed to beintimately blended with the prosperity of the nation, and theydeprecated, therefore, the elevation of a man to the head of thegovernment whose hostility to them was open and avowed. It was feared,too, from his prejudices against the party which supported them, thathe would dismiss all public officers who differed with him insentiment, without regard to their qualifications and honesty, but onthe ground only of political character. The House of Representativesadopted certain resolutions for their government during the election,one of which was that there should be no adjournment till it wasdecided.

On the 11th February, 1801, being the day appointed by law forcounting the votes of the electoral colleges, the House ofRepresentatives proceeded in a body to the Senate chamber, where thevice-president, in view of both houses of Congress, opened thecertificates of the electors of the different states; and, as thevotes were read, the tellers on the part of each house counted andtook lists of them, which, being compared and delivered to him, heannounced to both houses the state of the votes; which was, for ThomasJefferson 73 votes, for Aaron Burr 73 votes, for John Adams 65 votes,for Charles Pinckney 64 votes, for John Jay one vote; and thendeclared that the greatest number and majority of votes being equal,the choice had devolved on the House of Representatives. The membersof the house then withdrew to their own chamber, and proceeded toballot for a president. On the first ballot it was found that ThomasJefferson had the votes of eight states, Aaron Burr of six states, andthat two were divided. As there were sixteen states, and a majoritywas necessary to determine the election, Mr. Jefferson wanted the voteof one state. Thus the result which had been anticipated was realized.

The balloting continued throughout that day and the following night,at short intervals, with the same result, the 26th ballot being takenat 8 o'clock on the morning of the 12th of February. The ballotingcontinued with the same result from day to day till the 17th ofFebruary, without any adjournment of the house. On the previous day(February 16), a consultation was held by the gentlemen I havementioned, when, being satisfied that Mr. Burr could not be elected,as no change had taken place in his favour, and there was no evidenceof any effort on the part of himself or his personal friends toprocure his election, it was resolved to abandon the contest. Thisdetermination was made known to the federal members generally, andexcited some discontent among the violent of the party, who thought itbetter to go without a president than to elect Mr. Jefferson. Ageneral meeting, however, of the federal members was called, and thesubject explained, when it was admitted that Mr. Burr could not beelected. A few individuals persisted in their resolution not to votefor Mr. Jefferson, but the great majority wished the electionterminated and a president chosen. Having also received assurancesfrom a source on which we placed reliance that our wishes with regardto certain points of federal policy in which we felt a deep interestwould be observed in case Mr. Jefferson was elected, the oppositionof Vermont, Delaware, and Maryland was withdrawn, and on the 36thballot your father, the late James A. Bayard, put in a blank ballot,myself and my colleagues did the same, and General Morris absentedhimself. The South Carolina federalists also put in blank ballots.Thus terminated that memorable contest.

Previous to and pending the election, rumours were industriouslycirculated, and letters written to different parts of the country,charging the federalists with the design to prevent the election of apresident, and to usurp the government by an act of legislative power.Great anxiety and apprehensions were created in the minds of all, andof none more than the federalists generally, who were not apprized ofthe determination of those gentlemen who held the power, and wereresolved to terminate the contest when the proper period arrived. Butneither these rumours, nor the excitement produced by them, nor thethreats made by their opponents to resist by force such a measure, hadthe least influence on the conduct of those gentlemen. They knew thepower which they possessed, and were conscious of the uprightness oftheir views, and of the safety and constitutional character of thecourse they had adopted. I was privy to all the arrangements made, andattended all the meetings of the federal party when consulting on thecourse to be pursued in relation to the election; and I pledge my mostsolemn asseveration that no such measure was ever for a momentcontemplated by that party; that no such proposition was ever made;and that, if it had ever been, it would not only have beendiscouraged, but instantly put down by those gentlemen who possessedthe power, and were pledged to each other to elect a president beforethe close of the session.

I am respectfully, Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

GEORGE BAER.

INTERROGATORIES to be administered to James A. Bayard, Esq., of thestate of Delaware, late a member of Congress for the United Statesfrom the said state of Delaware, a witness to be produced, sworn, andexamined in a cause now depending in the Supreme Court of Judicatureof the state of New-York, between Aaron Burr, plaintiff, and JamesCheetham, defendant, on the part of the defendant.

1st. Do you know the parties, plaintiff and defendant, or either andwhich of them, and how long have you known them respectively?

2d. Were you a member of the House of Representatives, in Congress ofthe United States, from the state of Delaware, in the sessions holdenin the months of January and February, in the year 1801?

3d. Was there not an equal number of votes for Thomas Jefferson andAaron Burr, as president and vice-president of the said United States,at the election for those officers in the December preceding, and didnot the choice of a president consequently devolve on the said Houseof Representatives?

4th. Did not the said house ballot for the president several timesbefore a choice was made? if so, how many times? Was not the frequencyof balloting occasioned by an attempt on the part of several membersof Congress to elect the said plaintiff, Aaron Burr, as president? Doyou know who such members were? if so, what were their names?

5th. Do you know that any measures were suggested or pursued by anyperson or persons to secure the election of Aaron Burr to thepresidency? if so, who were such person or persons? Did he, the saidAaron Burr, know thereof? Were there any letter or letters writtencommunicating such an intention? if so, were such letter or lettersforwarded to him through the postoffice by any person, and who? Has henot informed you, or have you not understood (and if so, how?) that hewas apprized that an attempt would be made to secure his election?

6th. Did he or any other person (and if so, who?) ever communicate toyou, by writing or otherwise, or to any other person or persons toyour knowledge, that any measure had been suggested or would bepursued to secure his election? When were these communications made?

7th. Had not some of the federal members of Congress a meeting atWashington, in the month of December, 1800, or of January or ofFebruary, 1801, at which it was determined to support Aaron Burr forthe presidency? Or if there were any meeting or meetings to yourknowledge, in respect to the ensuing election for a president of theUnited States in the said House of Representatives, what was advisedor concluded upon, to the best of your remembrance or belief? Was notDavid A. Ogden, of the city of New-York, attorney at law, authorizedor requested by you, or some other member or members of Congress, orsome other person, and who in particular, to call upon the plaintiffand inquire of him—

1st. What conduct he would pursue in respect to certain cardinalpoints of federal policy?

2d. What co-operation or aid the plaintiff could or would affordtowards securing his own election to the presidency? or if you or someother person did not authorize or request the said David A. Ogden tomake such communication to the plaintiff in exact terms, what, insubstance, was such authority or request? Do you know, or were youinformed by the said David A. Ogden or otherwise, that he or any otherperson had made the said communication to the plaintiff, or the samein substance? Do you know, or have you been informed (and if so, how?)that the plaintiff declared, as to the first question, it would not beexpedient to enter into explanations, or words to that effect? That,as to the second question, New-York and Tennessee would vote for himon a second ballot, and New-Jersey might be induced to do the same, orwords to that effect? Did you ever communicate with the plaintiff, orhe with you, on the subject? Do you know any person who didcommunicate with him? and if so, what did he say?

Did you not receive a letter or letters from Alexander Hamilton, ofNew-York, and late Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, nowdeceased, in the month of January or February, 1801, or at some othertime, and when, respecting the election of a president of the UnitedStates? Did he not communicate to you that the said David A. Ogden hadbeen requested to see the plaintiff for the purposes aforesaid? Andwhat in particular were the contents of such letters or letter, orcommunication? Do you know that any, and if so, what measures weresuggested or pursued to secure the election of said plaintiff aspresident; and did the said plaintiff know, or was he informedthereof, or what did he know, or of what was he informed? Had you anyreason or reasons to believe that any of the states would relinquishThomas Jefferson and vote for Aaron Burr as president in the saidelection in the said House of Representatives, or that the said AaronBurr calculated on such relinquishment? If so, which state or states,and what was the reason or reasons of such belief?

8th. Do you know any matter, circ*mstance, or thing which can bematerial to the defendant in this cause? If yea, set the same forthfully and particularly.

Interrogatory on the part of the plaintiff.—Do you know of anymatter or thing that may be beneficial to the plaintiff on the trialof this cause? If so, declare the same fully and at length, in thesame manner as if you had been particularly interrogated thereto.

Miller & Van Wyck, Attorneys for Defendant.

Approved, March 6, 1805.

B. Livingston.

The deposition of James A. Bayard, sworn and examined on the twenty—— day of ——, in the year of our Lord 1805, at Wilmington, in thestate of Delaware, by virtue of a commission issuing out of theSupreme Court of Judicature of the state of New-York, to John Vaughan,—— or any two of them, directed for the examination of the saidJames A. Bayard, in a cause there depending between Aaron Burr,plaintiff, and James Cheetham, defendant, on the part and behalf ofthe defendant.

1st. To the first interrogatory this deponent answers and says, As amember of the House of Representatives, I paid a visit of ceremony tothe plaintiff on the fourth of March, in the year 1801, and wasintroduced to him. I had no acquaintance with him before that period.I had no knowledge of the defendant but what was derived from hisgeneral reputation before the last session of Congress, when apersonal acquaintance commenced upon my becoming a member of theSenate.

2d. To the second interrogatory, this deponent saith, I was.

3d. To the third interrogatory this deponent saith, There was anequality of electoral votes for Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr, and thechoice of one of them did, of consequence, devolve on the House ofRepresentatives.

4th. To the fourth interrogatory this deponent saith, The houseresolved into states, balloted for a president a number of times, theexact number is not at present in my recollection, before a choice wasmade. The frequency of balloting was occasioned by the preferencegiven by the federal side of the house to Mr. Burr. With the exceptionof Mr. Huger, of South Carolina, I recollect no federal member who didnot concur in the general course of balloting for Mr. Burr. I cannotname each member. The federal members at that time composed a majorityof the house, though not of the states. Their names can be ascertainedby the journals of the House of Representatives.

5th. To the fifth interrogatory this deponent saith, I know of nomeasures but those of argument and persuasion which were used tosecure the election of Mr. Burr to the presidency. Several gentlemenof the federal party doubted the practicability of electing Mr. Burr,and the policy of attempting it. Before the election came on therewere several meetings of the party to consider the subject. It wasfrequently debated, and most of the gentlemen who had adopted adecided opinion in favour of his election employed their influence andaddress to convince those who doubted of the propriety of the measure.I cannot tell whether Mr. Burr was acquainted with what passed at ourmeetings. But I neither knew nor heard of any letter being written tohim on the subject. He never informed me, nor have I reason tobelieve, further than inference, from the open professions and publiccourse pursued by the federal party, that he was apprized that anattempt would be made to secure his election.

6th. To the sixth interrogatory the deponent saith, Mr. Burr, or anyperson on his behalf, never did communicate to me in writing orotherwise, or to any other persons of which I have any knowledge, thatany measures had been suggested or would be pursued to secure hiselection. Preceding the day of the election, in the course of thesession, the federal members of Congress had a number of generalmeetings, the professed and sole purpose of which was to consider thepropriety of giving their support to the election of Mr. Burr. Thegeneral sentiment of the party was strongly in his favour. Mr. Huger,I think, could not be brought to vote for him. Mr. Craik and Mr. Baer,of Maryland, and myself, were those who acquiesced with the greatestdifficulty and hesitation. I did not believe Mr. Burr could beelected, and thought it vain to make the attempt; but I was chieflyinfluenced by the current of public sentiment, which I thought itneither safe nor politic to counteract. It was, however, determined bythe party, without consulting Mr. Burr, to make the experiment whetherhe could be elected. Mr. Ogden never was authorized or requested byme, nor any member of the house to my knowledge, to call upon Mr.Burr, and to make any propositions to him of any kind or nature. Iremember Mr. Ogden's being at Washington while the election wasdepending. I spent one or two evenings in his company at Stiller'shotel, in small parties, and we recalled an acquaintance of very earlylife, which had been suspended by a separation of eighteen or twentyyears. I spent not a moment with Mr. Ogden in private. It was reportedthat he was an agent for Mr. Burr, or it was understood that he was inpossession of declarations of Mr. Burr that he would serve aspresident if elected. I never questioned him on the subject. AlthoughI considered Mr. Burr personally better qualified to fill the officeof president than Mr. Jefferson, yet, for a reason above suggested, Ifelt no anxiety for his election, and I presumed if Mr. Ogden came onany errand from Mr. Burr, or was desirous of making any disclosuresrelative to his election, he would do it without any application fromme. But Mr. Ogden or any other person never did make any communicationto me from Mr. Burr, nor do I remember having any conversation withhim relative to the election. I never had any communication, directlyor indirectly, with Mr. Burr in relation to his election to thepresidency. I was one of those who thought from the beginning that theelection of Mr. Burr was not practicable. The sentiment was frequentlyand openly expressed. I remember it was generally said by those whowished a perseverance in the opposition to Mr. Jefferson, that severaldemocratic states were more disposed to vote for Mr. Burr than for Mr.Jefferson; that, out of complaisance to the known intention of theparty, they would vote a decent length of time for Mr. Jefferson, and,as soon as they could excuse themselves by the imperious situation ofaffairs, would give their votes for Mr. Burr, the man they reallypreferred. The states relied upon for this change were New-York,New-Jersey, Vermont, and Tennessee. I never, however, understood thatany assurance to this effect came from Mr. Burr. Early in the electionit was reported that Mr. Edward Livingston, the representative of thecity of New-York, was the confidential agent for Mr. Burr, and thatMr. Burr had committed himself entirely to the discretion of Mr.Livingston, having agreed to adopt all his acts. I took an occasion tosound Mr. Livingston on the subject, and intimated that, having it inmy power to terminate the contest, I should do so, unless he couldgive me some assurance that we might calculate upon a change in thevotes of some of the members of his party. Mr. Livingston stated thathe felt no great concern as to the event of the election, but hedisclaimed any agency from Mr. Burr, or any connexion with him on thesubject, and any knowledge of Mr. Burr's designing to co-operate insupport of his election.

7th. The deponent, answering that part of the seventh interrogatorywhich relates to letters received from the late Alexander Hamilton,says, I did receive, in the course of the winter of 1801, severalletters from General Hamilton on the subject of the election, but thename of David A. Ogden is not mentioned in any of them. The generaldesign and effect of these letters was to persuade me to vote for Mr.Jefferson, and not for Mr. Burr. The letters contain very strongreasons; and a very earnest opinion against the election of Mr. Burr.In answer to the residue of the same interrogatory, the deponentsaith, I repeat that I know of no means used to promote the electionof Mr. Burr but persuasion. I am wholly ignorant of what the plaintiffwas apprized of in relation to the election, as I had no communicationwith him directly or indirectly; and as to the expectation of a changeof votes from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Burr, I never knew a better groundfor it than the opinions and calculations of a number of members.

8th. In answer to the eighth interrogatory the deponent saith, I knowof nothing which, in my opinion, can be of service to the defendant inthe cause.

To the interrogatory on the part of the plaintiff the deponentanswers, Having yielded, with Messrs. Craik and Baer, of Maryland, tothe strong desire of the great body of the party with whom we usuallyacted, and agreed to vote for Mr. Burr, and those gentlemen and myselfbeing governed by the same views and motives, we pledged ourselves toeach other to pursue the same line of conduct and act together. Wefelt that some concession was due to the judgment of the greatmajority of our political friends who differed with us in opinion, butwe determined that no consideration should make us lose sight for amoment of the necessity of a president being chosen. We thereforeresolved, that as soon as it was fairly ascertained that Mr. Burrcould not be elected, to give our votes to Mr. Jefferson. GeneralMorris, of Vermont, shortly after acceded to this arrangement. Theresult of the ballot of the states had uniformly been eight states forMr. Jefferson, six for Mr. Burr, and two divided. Mr. Jefferson wantedthe vote of one state only; those three gentlemen belonged to thedivided states; I held the vote of the state of Delaware; it wastherefore in the power of either of us to terminate the election.These gentlemen, knowing the strong interest of my state to have apresident, and knowing the sincerity of my determination to make one,left it to me to fix the time when the opposition should cease, and tomake terms, if any could be accomplished, with the friends of Mr.Jefferson. I took pains to disclose this state of things in such amanner that it might be known to the friends of Mr. Burr, and to thosegentlemen who were believed to be most disposed to change their votesin his favour. I repeatedly stated to many gentlemen with whom I wasacting that it was a vain thing to protract the election, as it hadbecome manifest that Mr. Burr would not assist us, and as we could donothing without his aid. I expected, under these circ*mstances, ifthere were any latent engines at work in Mr. Burr's favour, the planof operations would be disclosed to me; but, although I had the power,and threatened to terminate the election, I had not even an intimationfrom any friend of Mr. Burr's that it would be desirable to them toprotract it. I never did discover that Mr. Burr used the leastinfluence to promote the object we had in view. And being completelypersuaded that Mr. Burr would not co-operate with us, I determined toend the contest by voting for Mr. Jefferson. I publicly announced theintention, which I designed to carry into effect the next day. In themorning of the day there was a general meeting of the party, where itwas generally admitted Mr. Burr could not be elected; but some thoughtit was better to persist in our vote, and to go without a presidentrather than to elect Mr. Jefferson. The greater number, however,wished the election terminated, and a president made; and in thecourse of the day the manner was settled, which was afterward adopted,to end the business.

Mr. Burr probably might have put an end sooner to the election bycoming forward and declaring that he would not serve if chosen; but Ihave no reason to believe, and never did think that he interfered,even to the point of personal influence, to obstruct the election ofMr. Jefferson or to promote his own.

Interrogatories to be administered to witnesses to be produced, sworn,and examined in a certain cause now depending and at issue in theSupreme Court of Judicature of the people of the state of New-York,wherein James Gillespie is plaintiff, and Abraham Smith defendant, onthe behalf of the defendant.

1st. Do you or do you not know Thomas Jefferson, president of theUnited States? If yea, declare the same, together with the time whenyou first became acquainted with him.

2d. Was you a member of the House of Representatives of the UnitedStates, at Washington, in the session of 1800 and 1801? If yea, statethe time particularly.

3d. Do you or do you not know that in the years 1800 and 1801, ThomasJefferson and Aaron Burr had each an equal number of votes given bythe electors for president and vice-president of the United States,and that consequently the right of electing a president devolved uponthe House of Representatives of the United States? State yourknowledge herein particularly.

4th. Do you or do you not know, or have you heard so that you believe,of any negotiations, bargains, or agreements, in the year 1800 or1801, after the said equality became known and before the choice ofthe president, by or on behalf of any person, and whom, with theparties called federal or republican, or either of them, or with anyindividual or individuals, and whom, of either of the said parties,relative to the office of president of the United States? If yea,declare the particulars thereof, and the reasons of such your belief.

5th. Do you or do you not know Aaron Burr, late vice-president of theUnited States? If yea, declare the same, with the time when youracquaintance commenced.

6th. Do you know, or have you heard so that you believe, of anynegotiations, bargains, or agreements in the year 1800 or 1801, by oron behalf of the said Aaron Burr, or by or on behalf of any otherperson, and whom, with the parties called federal or republican, oreither of them, or with any individual, and whom, of the said parties,relative to the office of president of the United States? If yea,declare the same, with all the particulars thereof, and the reasons ofsuch your belief.

7th. Did you receive any letters from the said Aaron Burr after thesaid equality of votes was known and before the final choice of apresident? If yea, what was the tenour of such letter? Did the conductof the said Aaron Burr correspond with the declarations contained inthe said letter? Declare your knowledge and belief, together with thegrounds and reasons thereof.

Deposition of the Honourable James A. Bayard, a witness produced,sworn, and examined in a cause depending in the Supreme Court of thestate of New-York, between James Gillespie, plaintiff, and AbrahamSmith, defendant, on the part of the plaintiff, follows.

To the first interrogatory deponent answers and says, I do not knoweither the plaintiff or defendant.

To the second interrogatory he answers and says, I was personallyacquainted with Thomas Jefferson before he became president of theUnited States, the precise length of time I do not recollect. Theacquaintance did not extend beyond the common salutation upon meeting,and accidental conversation upon such meetings.

To the third interrogatory he answers and says, I was a member of theHouse of Representatives of the United States, during the fifth,sixth, and seventh Congresses, from the 3d of March, 1797, to the 3dof May, 1803.

To the fourth interrogatory he answers and says, The electoral votesfor Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr for president of the United Stateswere equal, and that the choice of one of them as president diddevolve on the House of Representatives.

To the fifth interrogatory he answers and says, I presume thisinterrogatory points to an occurrence which took place before thechoice of president was made, and after the balloting had continuedfor several days, of which I have often publicly spoken. My memoryenables me to state the transaction in substance correctly, but not tobe answerable for the precise words which were used upon the occasion.Messrs. Baer and Craik, members of the House of Representatives fromMaryland, and General Morris, a member of the house from Vermont, andmyself, having the power to determine the votes of the states fromsimilarity of views and opinions during the pendency of the election,made an agreement to vote together. We foresaw that a crisis wasapproaching which might probably force us to separate in our votesfrom the party with whom we usually acted. We were determined to makea president, and the period of Mr. Adams's administration was rapidlyapproaching.

In determining to recede from the opposition to Mr. Jefferson, itoccurred to us that probably, instead of being obliged to surrender atdiscretion, we might obtain terms of capitulation. The gentlemen whosenames I have mentioned authorized me to declare their concurrence withme upon the best terms that could be procured. The vote of either ofus was sufficient to decide the choice. With a view to the endmentioned, I applied to Mr. John Nicholas, a member of the house fromVirginia, who was a particular friend of Mr. Jefferson. I stated toMr. Nicholas that if certain points of the future administration couldbe understood and arranged with Mr. Jefferson, I was authorized to saythat three states would withdraw from an opposition to his election.He asked me what those points were: I answered, First, sir, thesupport of the public credit; secondly, the maintenance of the navalsystem; and, lastly, that subordinate public officers employed only inthe execution of details established by law shall not be removed fromoffice on the ground of their political character, nor withoutcomplaint against their conduct. I explained myself that I consideredit not only reasonable, but necessary, that offices of high discretionand confidence should be filled by men of Mr. Jefferson's choice. Iexemplified by mentioning, on the one hand, the offices of thesecretaries of state, treasury, foreign ministers, &c., and, on theother, the collectors of ports, &c. Mr. Nicholas answered me that heconsidered the points as very reasonable; that he was satisfied thatthey corresponded with the views and intentions of Mr. Jefferson, andknew him well. That he was acquainted with most of the gentlemen whowould probably be about him and enjoying his confidence in case hebecame president, and that, if I would be satisfied with hisassurance, he could solemnly declare it as his opinion that Mr.Jefferson, in his administration, would not depart from the points Ihad proposed. I replied to Mr. Nicholas that I had not the least doubtof the sincerity of his declaration, and that his opinion wasperfectly correct; but that I wanted an engagement, and that, if thepoints could in any form be understood as conceded by Mr. Jefferson,the election should be ended; and proposed to him to consult Mr.Jefferson. This he declined, and said he could do no more than give methe assurance of his own opinion as to the sentiments and designs ofMr. Jefferson and his friends. I told him that was notsufficient—that we should not surrender without better terms. Uponthis we separated; and I shortly after met with General Smith, to whomI unfolded myself in the same manner that I had done to Mr. Nicholas.In explaining myself to him in relation to the nature of the officesalluded to, I mentioned the offices of George Latimer, [2] collectorof the port of Philadelphia, and Allen M'Lane, collector ofWilmington. General Smith gave me the same assurances as to theobservance by Mr. Jefferson of the points which I had stated which Mr.Nicholas had done. I told him I should not be satisfied or agree toyield till I had the assurance of Mr. Jefferson himself; but that, ifhe would consult Mr. Jefferson, and bring the assurance from him, theelection should be ended. The general made no difficulty in consultingMr. Jefferson, and proposed giving me his answer the next morning. Thenext day, upon our meeting, General Smith informed me that he had seenMr. Jefferson, and stated to him the points mentioned, and wasauthorized by him to say that they corresponded with his views andintentions, and that we might confide in him accordingly. Theopposition of Vermont, Maryland, and Delaware was immediatelywithdrawn, and Mr. Jefferson was made president by the votes of tenstates.

To the sixth interrogatory the deponent answers and says, I wasintroduced to Mr. Burr the day of Mr. Jefferson's inauguration aspresident. I had no acquaintance with him before, and very littleafterward, till the last winter of his vice-presidency, when I becamea member of the Senate of the United States.

To the seventh interrogatory the deponent answers and says, I do notknow, nor did I ever believe, from any information I received, thatMr. Burr entered into any negotiation or agreement with any member ofeither party in relation to the presidential election which dependedbefore the House of Representatives.

To the eighth interrogotary the deponent answers and says, Upon thesubject of this interrogatory I can express only a loose opinion,founded upon the conjectures at the time of what could be effected byMr. Burr by mortgaging the patronage of the executive. I can only say,generally, that I did believe at the time that he had the means ofmaking himself president. But this opinion has no other ground thanconjecture, derived from a knowledge of means which existed, and, ifapplied, their probable operation on individual characters. In answerto the last part of the interrogatory, deponent says, I know ofnothing of which Mr. Burr was apprized which related to the election.

(Signed) J. A. Bayard.

District of Columbia, Washington.

The deposition of the Honourable James A. Bayard, consisting of sixpages, was taken and sworn to before us, this 3d day of April, A. D.1806.

STEPHEN R. BRADLEY.

GEORGE LOGAN.

Deposition of the Honourable Samuel Smith, Senator of the UnitedStates for the state of Maryland, a witness produced, sworn, andexamined in a cause depending in the Supreme Court of the state ofNew-York, between James Gillespie, plaintiff, and Abraham Smith,defendant, on the part and behalf of the defendant, as follows:

1st. I knew Thomas Jefferson some years previous to 1800; the precisetime when our acquaintance commenced I do not recollect.

2d and 3d. I was a member of the House of Representatives of theUnited States in 1800 and 1801, and know that Thomas Jefferson andAaron Burr had an equal number of the votes given by the electors ofpresident and vice-president of the United States.

4th. Presuming that this question may have reference to conversations(for I know of no bargains or agreements) which took place at the timeof the balloting, I will relate those which I well recollect to havehad with three gentlemen, separately, of the federal party. On theWednesday preceding the termination of the election, Colonel JosiahParker asked a conversation with me in private. He said that manygentlemen were desirous of putting an end to the election; that theyonly wanted to know what would be the conduct of Mr. Jefferson in casehe should be elected president, particularly as it related to thepublic debt, to commerce, and the navy. I had heard Mr. Jeffersonconverse on all those subjects lately, and informed him what, Iunderstood were the opinions of that gentleman. I lived in the housewith Mr. Jefferson, and, that I might be certain that what I bad saidwas correct, I sought and had a conversation that evening with him onthose points, and, I presume, though I do not precisely recollect,that I communicated to him the conversation which I had with ColonelParker.

The next day General Dayton (a senator), after some jestingconversation, asked me to converse with him in private. We retired. Hesaid that he, with some other gentlemen, wished to have a terminationput to the pending election; but be wished to know what were theopinions or conversations of Mr. Jefferson respecting the navy,commerce, and the public debt. In answer, I said that I had last nighthad conversation with Mr. Jefferson on all those subjects; that be hadtold me that any opinion be should give at this time might beattributed to improper motives; that to me he had no hesitation insaying that, as to the public debt, he had been averse to the mannerof funding it, but that he did not believe there was any man whor*spected his own character who would or could think of injuring itscredit at this time; that, on commerce, he thought that a correct ideaof his opinions on that subject might be derived from his writings,and particularly from his conduct while he was minister at Paris, whenbe thought he had evinced his attention to the commercial interest ofhis country; that he had not changed opinion, and still did considerthe prosperity of our commerce as essential to the true interest ofthe nation; that on the navy he had fully expressed his opinions inhis Notes on Virginia; that he adhered still to his ideas then given;that he believed our growing commerce would call for protection; thathe had been averse to a too rapid increase of our navy; that hebelieved a navy must naturally grow out of our commerce, but thoughtprudence would advise its increase to progress with the increase ofthe nation, and that in this way he was friendly to the establishment.General Dayton appeared pleased with the conversation, and (I think)said, that if this conversation had taken place earlier, much troublemight have been saved, or words to that effect.

At the funeral of Mr. Jones (of Georgia) I walked with Mr. Bayard (ofDelaware). The approaching election became the subject ofconversation. I recollect no part of that conversation except hissaying that he thought that a half hour's conversation between usmight settle the business. That idea was not again repeated. On theday after I had held the conversation with General Dayton, I was askedby Mr. Bayard to go into the committee-room. He then stated that hehad it in his power (and was so disposed) to terminate the election,but he wished information as to Mr. Jefferson's opinions on certainsubjects, and mentioned, I think, the same three points alreadyalluded to as asked by Colonel Parker and General Dayton, and receivedfrom me the same answer in substance (if not in words) that I havegiven to General Dayton. He added a fourth, to wit: What would be Mr.Jefferson's conduct as to the public officers? He said he did not meanconfidential officers, but, by elucidating his question, he added,such as Mr. Latimer, of Philadelphia, and Mr. M'Lane, of Delaware. Ianswered, that I never had heard Mr. Jefferson say any thing on thatsubject. He requested that I would inquire, and inform him the nextday. I did so. And the next day (Saturday) told him that Mr.Jefferson had said that he did not think that such officers ought tobe dismissed on political grounds only, except in cases where they hadmade improper use of their offices to force the officers under them tovote contrary to their judgment. That, as to Mr. M'Lane, he hadalready been spoken to in his behalf by Major Eccleston, and, from thecharacter given him by that gentleman, he considered him a meritoriousofficer; of course, that he would not be displaced, or ought not to bedisplaced. I further added, that Mr. Bayard might rest assured (orwords to that effect) that Mr. Jefferson would conduct, as to thosepoints, agreeably to the opinions I had stated as his. Mr. Bayardthen said, We will give the vote on Monday; and then separated. Earlyin the election my colleague, Mr. Baer, told me that we should have apresident; that they would not get up without electing one or theother of the gentlemen. Mr. Baer had voted against Mr. Jefferson untilthe final vote, when I believe he withdrew, or voted blank, but do notperfectly recollect.

5th. I became acquainted with Colonel Burr some time in therevolutionary war.

6th. I know of no agreement or bargain in the years 1800 and 1801 withany person or persons whatsoever respecting the office of president inbehalf of Aaron Burr, nor have I any reason to believe that any suchexisted.

7th. I received a letter from Colonel Burr, dated, I believe, 16thDecember, 1800, in reply to one which I had just before written him.The letter of Colonel Burr is as follows:—

"It is highly improbable that I shall have an equal number of voteswith Mr. Jefferson; but, if such should be the result, every man whoknows me ought to know that I would utterly disclaim all competition.Be assured that the federal party can entertain no wish for such anexchange. As to my friends, they would dishonour my views and insultmy feelings by a suspicion that I would submit to be instrumental incounteracting the wishes and expectations of the people of the UnitedStates. And I now constitute you my proxy to declare these sentimentsif the occasion shall require."

I have not now that letter by me, nor any other letter from him torefer to; the preceding is taken from a printed copy, whichcorresponds with my recollection, and which I believe to be correct.My correspondence with him continued till the close of the election.In none of his letters to me, or to any other person that I saw, wasthere any thing that contradicted the sentiments contained in thatletter.

(Signed) S. SMITH.

City of Washington, in the District of Columbia.

The deposition of the Honourable Samuel Smith, written upon fivepages, was duly taken and sworn to before us, two of the commissionersnamed in the annexed commission, at the capitol in the said city ofWashington, on the fifteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord onethousand eight hundred and six, and of the independence of the UnitedStates the thirtieth.

(Signed) GEORGE LOGAN.

DAVID STONE.

Footnotes:

1. Judge Cooper, of Cooperstown, state of New-York.

2. During the year 1802 unsuccessful efforts were made by thedemocracy of Philadelphia to have Mr. Latimer removed from the officeof collector. The federal party complained of the number of removalswhich had already been made. The Aurora of June 29, 1802, referring tothis subject, says—"We can tell them (the federalists) that the mostlucrative office under the government of the United States in thiscommonwealth, the emoluments of which amount to triple the salary ofthe governor of this commonwealth, is now held by _George Latimer,collector of the customs;" and on the 29th September, he adds, "Letany man of candour say if Latimer ought not long since to have beendischarged from his office." Mr. Duane had not then read thedepositions of Messrs. Bayard and Smith, and perhaps was ignorant ofthe arrangements by virtue of which this gentleman and Mr. M'Lane,of Delaware, were retained in office.

CHAPTER IX.

A history of the presidential contest in Congress in the spring of1801, with an account of some of the circ*mstances which preceded andfollowed it, has now been presented. It afforded the enemies ofColonel Burr an opportunity to lay a foundation deep and broad, fromwhich to assail him with the battering-rams of detraction, falsehood,and calumny. From that day until the period when he was driven intoexile from the land of his fathers, he was pursued with an intolerancerelentless as the grave. The assailants of his reputation and theirmore wicked employers felt and knew the wrongs they had done.Self-abased with reflecting on the motives which had impelled them toaction, their zeal for his ruin became more fiery, and they falteredat no means, however dishonourable, to effect their object. The powerof the press is great. But, painful as the remark is, it isnevertheless true—the power of the press to do evil is much greaterthan to do good. The power of the press is too often irresistible whenconducted by unprincipled and corrupt men, pampered by the smiles andthe patronage of those filling high places. A stronger illustration ofthis remark cannot be found in history than the case of Aaron Burrfrom 1801 to 1804. At the height of his popularity, influence, andglory in the commencement of 1801, before the close of 1804 he wassuspected—contemned—derided, and prostrated; and this mightyrevolution in public opinion was effected without any wrong act ordeed on the part of the vice-president.

The charge against him was that he had been faithless to the politicalparty which had sustained him through life; that he had negotiated,bargained, or intrigued with the federalists to promote his ownelection to the exclusion of Mr. Jefferson. The public mind becamepoisoned; suspicions were engendered; his revilers were cherished; thefew stout hearts that confided in his political integrity, and noblyclustered around him, were anathematized and proscribed. Themercenary, the selfish, and the timid united in the cry—down withhim.

It has been seen, that whenever and wherever the charge was renderedtangible by specification, it was met and repelled. For a refutationof the general charge, Mr. Bayard's and Mr. Smith's testimony issufficiently explicit. Concurring testimony could be piled upon pile;but, if there remains an individual in the community who will not beconvinced by the evidence which has been produced, then thatindividual would not be convinced "though one were to rise from thedead" and bear testimony to the falsity of the charge.

The details in relation to the presidential contest of 1801 haveoccupied much time and space. This could not be avoided. It fixed thedestiny of Colonel Burr. Besides, it forms a great epoch in thehistory of our country and its government, and has been butimperfectly understood.

Mr. Jefferson's malignity towards Colonel Burr never ceased but withhis last breath. His writings abound with proof of that malignity,smothered, but rankling in his heart. Let the highminded man read thefollowing extracts Mr. Jefferson, in a long and laboured letter toColonel Burr, written uninvited, not in reply to one received, datedPhiladelphia, 17th June, 1797, says—"The newspapers give so minutelywhat is passing in Congress, that nothing of detail can be wanting foryour information. Perhaps, however, some general view of our situationand prospects since you left us may not be unacceptable. At any rate,it will give me an opportunity of recalling myself to your memory, andof EVIDENCING MY ESTEEM FOR YOU."

In his Ana, under date of the 26th of January, 1804, he says—, "Ihad never seen Colonel Burr till he came as a member of Senate. [1]

His conduct very soon inspired me with distrust. I habituallycautioned Mr. Madison against trusting him too much."

Thus, according to his own showing, while he was endeavouring "torecall himself to the memory" of Colonel Burr "and evidencing hisesteem for him," he was "habitually cautioning Mr. Madison againsttrusting him too much."

Again. January 26, 1804, be says—"Colonel Burr, the vice-president,called on me in the evening, having previously asked an opportunity ofconversing with me. He began by recapitulating summarily that he hadcome to New-York a stranger some years ago; that he found the countryin possession of two rich families (the Livingstons and Clintons);that his pursuits were not political, and he meddled not," &c.

Now who that knows the history of Colonel Burr's life will believe onesentence or one word of this statement? In the year 1778, Colonel Burrwas in command on the lines in Westchester. In July of that year hewas appointed by General Washington to receive from the commissionersfor conspiracies the suspected persons. He remained at this postduring the winter of 1778-79. Ill health compelled him, in March,1779, to resign. In the autumn of 1780 he commenced the study of lawwith Judge Paterson, of New-Jersey, where he remained until the springof 1781, when be removed to Orange county, in the state of New-York,and continued the study of law. In 1782 he was licensed by the SupremeCourt of the state of New-York as counsellor and attorney, andimmediately commenced practice in Albany. In July of that year he wasmarried, then twenty-six years old. In April, 1783, through an agent,he hired a house in the city of New-York, and removed his family intoit as soon as the British evacuated the city. In the spring of 1784,six months after his removal into the city, he was elected torepresent it in the state legislature. [2]

In the face of these facts, to talk of his "having come to New York astranger some years ago, and finding the state in possession of tworich families," &c. What absurdity! But, shrinking from thesedisgusting and revolting exposures, the reader, it is believed, willcheerfully turn to the perusal of those letters which again presentsto his view Colonel Burr in the domestic and social scenes of life.

TO THEODOSIA.

Trenton, January 2, 1800.

The question—When shall we meet? is already answered; but I mustnow answer it anew, and for a more distant day; perhaps Wednesday,perhaps Thursday; but you will hear again. Your letters amuse me; yourrecovery rejoices me; your determination not to torment yourself isneither from philosophy nor spleen—it is mere words, and an attemptto deceive yourself, which may succeed for the moment; ergo, nodetermination; ergo, not founded on philosophy; ergo, not onresentment; ergo, neither. I have no doubt but chose is on theway; the journey cannot at this season be performed in thirty days.

My compliments to A. C. M., and am very much obliged to them. It isthe most fatiguing thing imaginable for such crude tastes as those ofTheodosia and A. B. You had better apologize. You are sick and I amabsent. But you have not mentioned the day—neither that of thebeauty's ball, for which I owe you much ill will, and therefore mynext shall be to Natalie, to whom all good wishes.

A. BURR.

THEODOSIA.

Albany, January 29, 1800.

You must be weary of hearing that "I have not yet a line from you, andthat John and Alexis are not arrived," but you must submit to hearoften of what so often employs my thoughts.

Most of all, I amuse and torment myself by fancying your occupations,your thoughts, your attitudes at different hours in the day andnight—generally I find you reading or studying; sometimes musing; nowand then counting the time of my probable absence. In comes C. C.—apleasant interruption, or a note from C. C., and then follows troubleand embarrassments, and sometimes scolding. They are always answered,however.

We have agreed that the cause of Le Guen shall come on next Tuesday.It will last the whole week. The week following I shall hope to leavethis place; but I may be deceived, for the court may take a week toconsider of the business, and I cannot leave the ground till the thingbe determined.

Adieu, chere amiè,

AARON BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Albany, February 13, 1800.

Your letter by this day's mail, dated the 13th, and postmarked the12th, is one of those hasty and unsatisfactory scraps which neitherimprove you nor amuse me. I pray you never to write to me with themere motive of getting rid of the task. These performances always leadme to fear that all other tasks are performed in the same manner; butadieu to tasks and reproaches. I will endure your haste or yoursilence without a murmur. One is not always in the bumour to write,and one always writes as much as the humour prompts.

I am here sentinel over the interest of Le Guen, and cannot leave thepost until the final decision be had, of which, at present, I form noconjecture as to the period; but I entertain no doubt of Le Guen'seventual success.

Among the letters forwarded by you is one recommending to me in veryhigh terms a Mr. Irving, or Irwin, [3] from London; pray inquire whohe is, and where to be found, and be able to inform me, on my return,if I should happen to return.

Mr. Eacker has offered his services to take a letter. You see that Icannot refrain from improving every occasion of assuring, you how verytruly I am your faithful friend and affectionate father,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA,

Albany, February 15, 1800.

This will be handed you by Mr. Brown, [4] secretary to GeneralHamilton. By the two preceding mails I had nothing from you; by thatof this day I am again disappointed. I do indeed receive a verypleasant little letter, but I expected a volume. Would it be anintolerable labour, if, precisely at half past nine o'clock everyevening, you should say, "I will now devote an hour to papa?" Or evenhalf an hour. Your last letter, though not illy written, has evidentmarks of haste.

I agree entirely with your eulogium on our amiable friend; but onepoint you overlook. Her heart is as cold as marble, And you mistakethe effusions of politeness, mingled with respect, for symptoms oftender emotions.

The argument of the cause of Le Guen is concluded. I fear that I mustwait for the final decision of the court before I can leave Albany.To-morrow I go with John to Schenectady. I am more impatient to returnthan I can express.

A. BURR.

THEODOSIA.

Albany, March 5, 1800.

I had taken my passage for this day, and anticipated the pleasure ofdining with you on Saturday. But—but—these buts—how they mar allthe fine theories of life! But our friend Thomas Morris [5] hasentreated in such terms that I would devote this day and night tocertain subjects of the utmost moment to him, that I could not,without the appearance of unkindness, refuse. He would, I know, at anytime, devote a week or month, on like occasion, to serve me. How,then, could I refuse him one day? I could not.

But, again, more buts. But after I had consented to give him a day,I sent to take passage for to-morrow, and lo! the stage is taken bythe sheriff to transport criminals to the state prison. I should notbe much gratified with this kind of association on the road, and thusI apprehend that my journey will be (must be) postponed until Friday,and my engagement to dine with you until Monday.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, January 15, 1801.

MY DEAR SIR,

Your two letters have been received, and gave me great pleasure. Weare about to begin our journey to Albany. I propose to remain theretill the 10th of February; possibly till the 20th. If you should comenorthward, you will find a letter for you in the postoffice of thiscity.

The equality of Jefferson and Burr excites great speculation and muchanxiety. I believe that all will be well, and that Jefferson will beour president. Your friend,

A. BURR.

THEODOSIA TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

Poughkeepsie, January 24, 1801.

Thus far have we advanced on this terrible journey, from which youpredicted so many evils, Without meeting even with inconvenience. Howstrange that Mr. Alston should be wrong. Do not, however, pray formisfortunes to befall us that your character may be retrieved; it wereuseless, I assure you; although I am very sensible how anxious youmust now be to inspire me with all due respect and reverence, I shouldprefer to feel it in any other way.

We shall go from hence to Albany in a sleigh, and hope to arrive onSunday evening, that we may be settled on Thursday. Adieu. Healthand happiness.

THEODOSIA.

TO MRS. THEODOSIA B. ALSTON.

Albany, February 17, 1801.

I have heard that you reached Fishkill on Sunday, and thence concludethat you got home on Monday night. When in Philadelphia, send a noteto Charles Biddle, inquiring, &c., and to inform him that you aregoing South. He will call and see you, being one of your greatadmirers. Desire Doctor Edwards to give Mr. Alston a line to CesarRodney, of Wilmington, a very respectable young man. He will introduceyou to the venerable Dickenson, who, knowing my great respect for him(which you will also take care to let him know), will be pleased tosee Mr. Alston and you on that footing. At Baltimore, either callimmediately on Mrs. Smith, or let her know of your arrival. You are towait in Baltimore until I overtake you, which will be on the 28th atthe latest. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, March 8, 1801.

Your little letter from Alexandria assured me of your safety, and fora moment consoled me for your absence. The only solid consolation isthe belief that you will be happy, and the certainty that we shalloften meet.

I am to be detained here yet a week. Immediately on my return toNew-York I shall prepare for a tour to Georgetown or to Charleston;probably a water passage.

I.B. Prevost has been hurrying off Senat and Natalie; but for hisinterposition they would have relied wholly on me, and I had alreadyproposed that they should go with the chancellor some time in thesummer or autumn, which would have been then or never, as I hadpleased; but he (I.B.P.) has advised otherwise, and strongly urgedtheir immediate departure. I think I shall be able to prevent it.

Would Mr. Alston be willing to go as secretary to Chancellor
Livingston? I beg his immediate answer.

Adieu, ma chere amie.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, March 11, 1830.

By the time the enclosed shall reach Mr. Alston, it will havetravelled about three thousand miles. It will certainly deserve a kindreception. I leave mine open for your perusal; the other appears to befrom Miss Burr.

Your Dumfries letter was received yesterday. To pass a day in Dumfriesis what you could not at any time very much desire; but to pass onethere against your will, and a rainy day too, was indeed enough to tryyour tempers.

On Sunday, the 15th, I commence my journey to New York; there I shallnot arrive till the 25th. Nothing but matrimony will prevent myvoyage to Charleston and Georgetown; and even so great an event shallonly postpone, but not defeat the project I am sorry, however, to addthat I have no expectations or decided views on this subject. I meanHymen.

It gives me very great pleasure to hear that Colonel W. Hampton isbecome, in some sort, your neighbour, by having purchased a plantationwithin fifteen or twenty miles (as is said) of Georgetown. Write me ifthis be so.

I have written to Frederick [6] as you commanded; that I might not errin expressing your ideas, I enclosed to him your letter. You have nowarmer friend on earth; no one who would so readily hazard his life toserve you. It always seemed to me that you did not know his value.

Certain parts of your letter I cannot answer. Let us think of theexpected meeting, and not of the present separation. God bless theeever.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, Match 29, 1801.

On Wednesday, the 18th, I left the great city. At the Susquehannah thewind was rude; the river, swollen by recent rains, was rapid. Theferrymen pronounced it to be impossible to pass with horses, andunsafe to attempt it. By the logic of money and brandy I persuadedthem to attempt it. We embarked; the wind was, indeed, too mighty forus, and we drove on the rocks; but the boat did not bilge or fill, asin all reason it ought to have done. I left Alexis and Harry to workout their way; got my precious carcass transported in a skiff, andwent on in a stage to pass a day with "thee and thou." I was receivedby the father with parental affection—but of "thee." How charming,how enviable is this equanimity, if real. There is one invaluableattainment in the education of this sect; one which you and I neverthought of: it is "tacere." How particularly desirable this in awife.

At Philadelphia I saw many—many, who inquired after you with greatinterest—sans doubte. Among others I saw B., lovely andinteresting; but adieu to that. It cannot, must not, will not be; andthe next time I meet B., which will be in a few days, I will franklysay so.

I approached home as I would approach the sepulchre of all my friends.Dreary, solitary, comfortless. It was no longer home. Natalie and mabonne amie have been with me most of the time since my return (abouttwenty-four hours past). My letters from Washington broke up thatcursed plan of J. B. P.; they do not go in the parliamentaire; they donot know when they go; and, in short, they rely wholly on me, so thatthing is all right.

The elegant and accomplished Mrs. Edward Livingston died about tendays ago. Mrs. Allen is in town; she is in better health than foryears past. As to my dear self, I am preparing with all imaginablezeal for a voyage to Charleston. One obstacle interposes; that you canconjecture. That removed, and I shall be off in forty-eight hours. Ihope to be at sea by the 20th of April; but, alas! perhaps not. Ineight days you shall know more of this.

Your letters have been received as far as Halifax. We conclude thatyou got home on the 16th. It has been snowing here this whole day mostvehemently. You are blessed with "gentler skies." May all otherblessings unite.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, April 15, 1801.

Your letters of the 24th and 25th March, received yesterday, give methe first advice of your safe arrival at Clifton. The cordial andaffectionate reception which you have met consoles me, as far as anything can console me, for your absence.

My last will have advised you of the alteration in the plans ofNatalie. Of all this she will write you; but I must say a word of myown plans. The ship South Carolina is now in port, and will sail onMonday next. I wish to take passage in her; but a thousand concerns ofbusiness and obstacles of various kinds appear to oppose. I shallcombat them all with the zeal which my ardent wishes for the voyageinspire; yet I dare hardly hope to succeed. You shall hear again bythe mail of Saturday.

Your female friends here complain of your silence; particularly Miss
C., and, I am sure, elle a raison.

The reasons which you and your husband give against the voyage toFrance concur with my judgment. You can go a few years hence morerespectably, more agreeably. Adieu, chere enfalit.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, April 27, 1801.

Our election commences to-morrow, and will be open for three days. Therepublican members of assembly for this city will be carried by agreater majority than last year, unless some fraud be practised at thepolls. The corporation have bad the indecent hardiness to appointknown and warm federalists (and no others) to be inspectors of theelection in every ward. Hamilton works day and night with the mostintemperate and outrageous zeal, but I think wholly without effect.

If any reliance may be placed on our information from the country,Clinton will be elected by a large majority. The best evidence ofdispassionate opinion on this subject is, that bets are two to one inhis favour, and that the friends of Van Rensellaer wager withreluctance with such odds.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, April 29, 1901.

This morning will sail the brig Echo, the only vessel in harbourdestined for South Carolina. I do not go in her. With unspeakableregret, therefore, the projected visit is abandoned—wholly andabsolutely abandoned. The pain of my own disappointment leaves me noroom for any sympathy with yours. There is one insurmountableobstacle, which I leave you to conjecture. If that were removed, itwould yet, for other reasons, be barely possible for me to go at thistime. But enough of disappointment; let us talk of indemnifications.

On the 5th of June I must be at the city of Washington, After the 12thI shall be at leisure, and will meet you anywhere. Write me of yourprojects, and address me at that place. How can Mr. Alston,consistently with his views of business, leave the state for five orsix months, as you have proposed, for your Northern tour?

Of the voyage to France I have written to you both about a fortnightago. I heartily applaud your judgment, and the motives which haveinfluenced it. You may by-and-by go in a manner much moresatisfactory.

How very oddly your letters travel. That of the 30th March arrived onthe 15th, instant; and yesterday, those of the 6th and 13th by thesame mail. To solve this phenomenon, I am led to believe that theyhave moved with a velocity proportioned to the spirit which wasinfused in them by the writer. Thus, the first crawled with a torporcorresponding with its character. It reminded me of the letter of aFrench lady, which I have shown you as a model of elegance. "Mon chermari, je vous ecris parceque je n'ai rien a faire: je finis parcequeje n'az rien a dire." This was, indeed, the substance of yours; but,being spread over a whole page, the laconic beauty was lost, and theinanity only remained. The second, a grave, decent performance,marched with becoming gravity, and performed the Journey intwo-and-twenty days; but the third, replete with sprightliness andbeauty, burst from the thraldom of dulness, and made a transitunparalleled in the history of the country.

You will find in this theory some incentive to the exertion of genius;and I entertain no doubt but that, ere long, your letters will be spedwith the rapidity of a ray of light.

We have laughed at your horse negro, and have been very much amused bythe other charming little details. Thus letters should be written.

By this vessel I send two dozen pairs of long coloured kid gloves, andhalf a dozen pretty little short ones, pour monter a cheval. Theyare directed to your husband. I wish you would often give me orders,that I may have the pleasure of doing something for you or youramiable family.

I had like to have forgotten to say a word in reply to your inquiriesof matrimony, which would seem to indicate that I have no plan on thesubject. Such is the fact. You are or were my projector in this line.If perchance I should have one, it will be executed before you willhear of the design. Yet I ought not to conceal that I have had a mostamiable overture from a lady "who is always employed in somethinguseful." She was, you know, a few months past, engaged to another;that other is suspended, if not quite dismissed. If I should meet her,and she should challenge me, I should probably strike at once. She isnot of that cast, yet a preference to rank only is not very flatteringto vanity; a remark which may remind you of "Le moi."

Adieu, chere enfante.

AARON BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, May 26, 1801.

Another parlementaire is preparing in this port, and ma bonne amieand Natalie are again preparing to sail; but you may rest assured thatthey will not go. Their preparations are evidently mere form, and theyare ready to yield to gentle persuasion. Yet you must not delay yourvoyage hither, to aid, if necessary.

But, for a reason much more weighty, you must hasten—il faut. Iwant your counsel and your exertions in an important negotiation,actually commenced, but not advancing, and which will probably bestationary until your arrival; more probably it may, however, in themean time, retrograde. Quite a new subject.

Who should present himself a few days ago but A. Burr Reeve. He hascome, with the consent of his father, to pass some weeks with me—moreastonishment. I have put him in the hands of Natalie. She will find ita hard job, but she has entered on the duty with great zeal andconfident hopes of complete success.

By the time this can reach you, you will be ready to embark forNew-York. You will find me in Broadway. Richmond Hill will remainvacant till your arrival. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, August 20, 1801.

Mr. Astor, if he should not meet you to deliver this letter, will sendit after you. Yet I dare not trust to such hazards the letters which Ihave received for Mr. Alston and you, I persevere, therefore, in thedetermination to retain them.

I was so very solicitous that you should see Niagara, that I wasconstantly filled with apprehension lest something might prevent it.Your letter of the 29th of July relieves me. You had actually seen it.Your determination to visit Brandt gives me great pleasure,particularly as I have lately received a very friendly letter fromhim, in which he recapitulates your hospitality to him in ancientdays, and makes very kind inquiries respecting you; all this beforehe could have entertained the remotest idea of seeing you in his ownkingdom.

Natalie and M. Senat have been for some weeks past at Trenton ; theyare now on their return, and will be here to-morrow. Vanderlyn, ofwhom I said something in my last, will immediately set about herpicture. They (Natalie and Senat) are to go with the chancellor aboutthe last of September.

Wheeler will be here in a few days. Hampton is actually married to acharming young girl—so General M'Pherson tells me. I forget her name.Mr. Ewing is appointed consul to London, and has sailed. Mrs. Allen isstill at Elizabethtown. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THOMAS MORRIS.

New-York, September 18, 1801.

Mr. Vanderlyn, the young painter from Esopus, who went about six yearsago to Paris, has recently returned, having improved his time andtalents in a manner that does very great honour to himself, hisfriends, and his country; proposing to return to France in the spring,he wishes to take with him some American views, and for this purposebe is now on his way through your Country to Niagara. I beg youradvice and protection. He is a perfect stranger to the roads, thecountry, and the customs of the people, and, in short, knows nothingbut what immediately concerns painting. From some samples which he hasleft here, he is pronounced to be the first painter that now is orever has been in America. Your affectionate friend,

A. BURR.

FROM P. BUTLER

Philadelphia, September 19, 1801.

DEAR SIR,

I was yesterday afternoon favoured with your friendly letter of the16th. On the subject of removal from office, it appears to my finitejudgment that it should be done sparingly, and only where it wasabsolutely necessary. It is true, that the appointments during thelatter part of Mr. Washington's administration, and the whole of Mr.Adams's, were partial. It will, I think, be prudent not to followtheir examples. Every man removed adds twenty enemies to republicanismand the present administration, while it gives us not one new friend;for that man whose patriotism depended on his getting a place forhimself or connexion, is neither worth attending to nor keeping right.You must be sensible that a general assault from one end of the lineto the other will be made on the present administration. It is,therefore, highly incumbent to be moderate, though firm, to prove tothe great body of the landed interest, the true support of goodgovernment, that the present administration are the friends of anequal, mild, economic, and just government. We may expect thepolitical vessel to be assailed by waves, but we must steer an evenstraightforward course—united as friends in the same fate.

Your observation respecting the political state of South Carolina ismore flattering to me than I merit. My offering for senator is out ofthe question; but I am not, neither shall I be inactive on thatoccasion. I shall always feel happy in meeting you anywhere.

You will shortly see a statement of the Carolina election in print, bya gentleman who was present. I was not present, though I believe Iknow the facts. The thing will not be passed over without notice.Circ*mstantial facts are collecting. I regret that my two letters fromCarolina at that time did not get to your hand. Your friend,

P. BUTLER.

TO, JOSEPH ALSTON.

Albany, October 15, 1801.

Our Convention [7] met on Tuesday the 13th, and will probably continuein session five or six days longer. I shall forthwith return toNew-York, beyond which I have no plan for the month of November,except, negatively, that it will not be in my power to visit SouthCarolina till spring.

On the road I passed half an hour with Mrs. L., late Mary A. Sheappeared most sincerely glad to see me. She is still beautiful;something ennuyed with the monotony of a country life; talked of youwith the warmest affection. It is really a fraud on society to keepthat woman perpetually buried in woods and solitude.

I am extremely solicitous to know how you get on. Pray make easyjourneys, and be not too impatient to get forward. Never ride afterdark, unless in case of unavoidable necessity, and then on horseback.What a volume of parental advice. God bless you both.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA

New-York, November 3, 1801.

It is very kind indeed to write me so often. Your last is fromPetersburgh. "Like gods," forsooth; why, you travel like—; that,however, was a very pretty allusion. I have repeated it a dozen timesand more. Your other letters also contain now and then a spark ofPromethean fire: a spark, mind ye; don't be vain.

And so—has returned sans femme; just now arrived. He saw you andspoke to you, which rendered him doubly welcome to A. B.

You made two, perhaps more conquests on your Northern tour—KingBrandt and the stage-driver; both of whom have been profuse in theireulogies. Brandt has written me two letters on the subject. It wouldhave been quite in style if he had scalped your husband and made youQueen of the Mohawks.

Bartow, &c., are well. Mrs. Allen better. Mrs. Brockbolst Livingstondead. Mrs. Van Ness has this day a son. Thus, you see, the rotation ispreserved, and the balance kept up.

There are no swaar apples this year; some others you shall have, and"a set of cheap chimney ornaments." I have not asked the price, butnot exceeding eight hundred dollars! Did you take away "The man ofNature?" I proposed to have sent that with some others to L. N., butyou have thus marred the project.

Since I began this letter I am summoned to leave town two hours beforedaylight to-morrow morning, to return next day, when I shall knowdefinitely the result of the sale, which, indeed, is the object of thejourney. On my return I passed a day with M. A. Monsieur is cold,formal, monotonous, repulsive. Gods! what a mansion is that bosom forthe sensitive heart of poor M. Lovely victim! I wish she would breakher pretty little neck. Yet, on second thought, would it not be betterthat he break his? He is often absent days and weeks. She has notseen the smoke of a city in five years; but this is dull. I hadsomething more cheerful to say; this, however, came first, and wouldhave place. And here am I, at midnight, talking such stuff tobagatelle, and twenty unanswered letters of vast importance beforeme! Get to bed, you hussy.

A. BURR.

November 5.

This letter was nicely sealed up and laid on my table; late last nightI returned from the country, and found the letter just where I leftit. Very surprising! This was so like my dear self, that I laughed andopened it, to add that Richmond Hill will probably be sold within tendays for one hundred and forty thousand dollars, which, though nothalf the worth, is enough and more.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, November 9, 1801.

This fine day brings me your two letters from Raleigh andFayetteville, 28th and 30th of October. It is quite consoling to findthat you will have taken the precaution to inquire the state of healthbefore you venture your precious carcass into Charleston. A feverwould certainly mistake you for strangers, and snap at two such plump,ruddy animals as you were when you left New-York.

You shall have apples, and nuts, and a cook, and lucerne seed. As tofemme de chambre, I cannot speak with certainty. I have put inmotion the whole French republic on the occasion. Mrs. Kemble's friendcannot be found. Most probably Madame S. has tortured into Gamble somename which has not a letter of Kemble or Gamble in it.

Natalie sailed the Thursday after you left town, and she is probablynow in Havre with her mother. A letter received from Madame d'Lage[8] since Natalie sailed, advises us that she is there waiting forher, which is indeed most fortunate, and relieves me from a smallportion of the anxiety which I suffer for that charming girl. Yet,alas! there is room for too much. I expect to see her here within ayear.

Anna wonders you do not write to her. It never occurred to her thatshe had not written to you: so she is now occupied, and you may soonexpect at least twenty pages from her indefatigable pen. I am going tosee Board. There is an ancient story of a man who once gave life andspirit to marble (you may read it in the form of a drama in Rousseau).Why may not this be done again? The sale of Richmond Hill goes on, andwill, I believe, be completed within eight days. The price and theterms are agreed; some little under works retard the conclusion.

Adieu, my dear Theodosia.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON

New-York, November 15, 1801.

I send the enclosed newspaper merely on account of the proceedings ofthe Rhode Island legislature. They are on the second page. That, inNew-England, men should be found hardy enough to oppose, in publicspeeches, the recommendation of a thanksgiving sanctioned by the usageof one hundred and fifty years; that this opposition should prevail,and the recommendation be rejected by a large majority of a House ofAssembly, are events the most extraordinary which the presentgeneration hath beheld.

It has been announced in your gazettes that I am to visit Charlestonthis month. Nothing is more true than that my warmest wishes haveurged me to verify this expectation; but it is equally certain that Ishall do no such thing. When I expressed the hope of seeing your statepreviously to the session of Congress, I did not know that I waschosen a member of the Convention by the county of Orange, much lesscould I foresee that I should be president of that Convention; and noindividual suspected that fifteen days would have been consumed inaccomplishing the business of six hours. These circ*mstances ought toredeem my character, in this instance, at least, from the charge ofversatility or caprice, Vale.

A. BURR.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Washington, November 18, 1801.

DEAR SIR,

Your favour of the 10th has been received, as have been those also ofSeptember 4th and 23d, in due time. These letters, all relating tooffice, fall within the general rule which even the very first week ofmy being engaged in the administration obliged me to establish, towit, that of not answering letters on office specifically, but leavingthe answer to be found in what is done or not done on them. You willreadily conceive into what scrapes one would get by saying no,either with or without reasons; by using a softer language, whichmight excite false hopes, or by saying yes prematurely; and, to takeaway all offence from this silent answer, it is necessary to adhere toit in every case rigidly, as well with bosom friends as strangers.

Captain Sterret is arrived here from the Mediterranean. Congress willhave a question as to all the Barbary powers of some difficulty. Wehave had under consideration Mr. Pusy's plans of fortification. Theyare scientifically done and expounded. He seems to prove that no worksat either the Narrows or Governor's Island can stop a vessel; but tostop them at the Hook by a fort of eight thousand men, andprotecting army of twenty-nine thousand, is beyond our present ideasof the scale of defence which we can adopt for all our seaport towns.His estimate of four millions of dollars, which experience teachesus to double always, in a case where the law allows, but (I believe)half a million ties our hands at once. We refer the case back toGovernor Clinton, to select half a dozen persons of judgment, ofAmerican ideas, and to present such a plan, within our limits, asthese shall agree on. In the mean time, the general subject will belaid before Congress. Accept assurances of my high respect andconsideration.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, November 20, 1801.

It is several days since I wrote to you, and many more since Ireceived a letter from you. That from Fayetteville is still the last.

"Gamble's" protegée could not be found. You will probably gain by theexchange. That whom I shall send you is a good, steady-looking animal,agée vingt trois. From appearance, she has been used to count herbeads and work hard, and never thought of love or finery. The enclosedrecommendation of Madame Dupont, the elder, will tell you more. Youare in equal luck with a cook. I have had him on trial a fortnight,and he is the best I ever had in the house; for cakes, pastry, andjimcracks, far superior to Anthony. In short, he is too good for you,and I have a great mind not to send him; you will be for ever givinggood dinners. He has something of the manner and phisiognomy of Wood,your teacher. M'lle la femme de chambre and Monsieur le Cuisinierare both pure French (not creole), and speak well the language. Hewill take with him a quantity of casseroles and other implements ofhis etat. They will be shipped off next week.

The sale of Richmond Hill is all off; blown up at the moment ofcounting the money, partly by whim and partly by accident; somethingelse will be done to produce the effect. I go to Philadelphia in twoor three days; but shall return, and not set off for Washington tillnear Christmas. Mrs. A.'s health is much improved. God bless thee.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, November 26, 1801.

Your letter of the 7th of November, from Yaahanee, is received atthis place. Though I am in the house with Mr. and Mrs. Lowndes, andseveral other Carolinians, yet we are wholly ignorant of yourposition. No one ever heard of Yaahanee. I suspect it to be someMohawk word, which T. B. A. has been pleased to retain and apply—avery pretty name, I acknowledge. Your reception has, indeed, beencharming; it reads more like an extract from some romance than matterof fact happening in the nineteenth century within the United States.I will ride fifty miles out of my way to see that lady.

The great business, as you are pleased to call it, has brought mehither. Not merely to see the statue, nor have I yet seen it; but amin the way. It will be a heavy job, considering that B. is on thespot. To return to the business. It will go on; it must go on; itshall go on. It will be Christmas before I see the city of Washington.My lodgings are near the capitol, and next door to Law, who hasremoved since we were together at his house. Your cook and maid mustbe detained at New-York till my return, which will be in about eightdays.

Your letter is pretty and lively, and indicates health, content, andcheerfulness, which is much better than if you had told me so, forthen I should not have believed a word of it.

You have learned from the newspapers (which you never read) the deathof Philip Hamilton. [9]

Shot in a duel with Eacker, the lawyer. Some dispute at a theatre,arising, as is said, out of politics. The story is variously related;will give you a concise summary of the facts, in fifteen sheets ofpaper, with comments, and moral and sentimental reflections. To this Itake the liberty of referring you.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, December 8, 1801.

By the ship Protectress you will receive all your things, togetherwith cook and maid. To sail on the 14th. On the day of sailing I willwrite to you, enclosing the bills of lading.

Your interesting letter of the 23d is this day received. It brings meto the familiar acquaintance with your amiable circle, and admits meto your fireside more than any thing you have written. Mrs. Allen ishere. Anna will, to all appearance, be married before spring to amerchant of the name of Pierpont. Catharine is astonished that she hasnot yet an answer to her letter. I have told her that she can by nopossibility have one before Christmas. In your reading, I wish youwould learn to read newspapers; not to become a partisan in politics,God forbid, but they contain the occurrences of the day, and furnishthe standing topics of conversation. The reading of newspapers is aknack which you will acquire in six weeks, by reading, during thattime, every thing. With the aid of a gazetteer and atlas, you mustfind every place that is spoken of. Pray, madam, do you know of whatconsist the "Republic of the Seven Islands?" Do you know the presentboundaries of the French republic? Neither, in all probability. Thenhunt them.

Now, one word of self. I came here on the 6th, and shall remain inNew-York till near the 20th. Then to Washington. The business is in aprosperous way. My great love for the fine arts, especially sculpture,may detain me a week in Philadelphia. Adieu, ma belle.

A. BURR.

Footnotes:

1. Mr. Burr had left the Senate previous to the date of thismemorandum.

2. This is not all. It has already been demonstrated, and the fact isnotorious, that, from the year 1777 until after the adoption of theFederal Constitution, the Livingstons and Clintons were not acting inconcert. The Livingstons were of the Schuyler party. Before therevolutionary war there were two great contending families in thestate of New York; but they were the Van Rensellaers and theDelancies. The former espoused the whig cause, the latter the cause ofthe tories.

3. George W. Irwin, subsequently minister to the court of Spain.

4. Major General Jacob Brown, late of the United States army.

5. Former United States Marshal of the Southern District of the stateof New-York, and son of that distinguished revolutionary financier,the Honourable Robert Morris.

6. Frederick Prevost, son of Mrs. Burr by her first husband.

7. A Convention to revise the Constitution of the State; of whichConvention Colonel Burr was president.

8. The mother of Natalie.

9. Son of General Alexander Hamilton.

CHAPTER X.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, December 13, 1801.

Herewith is enclosed a duplicate of the bill of lading, specifying thearticles shipped for you on board the Protectress—She sailed thisafternoon. The president's message, of which a copy was sent you bythis ship, will have reached you through other channels long beforeher arrival.

One idea contained in this message is much applauded by our ladies.They unite in the opinion that the "energies of the men ought to beprincipally employed in the multiplication of the human race," and inthis they promise an ardent and active co-operation. Thus, then, isestablished the point of universal coincidence in political opinion,and thus is verified the prophetic dictum, "we are all republicans, weare all federalists." I hope the fair of your state will equallytestify their applause of this sentiment; and I enjoin it on you tomanifest your patriotism and your attachment to the administration by"exerting your energies" in the manner indicated.

"To kill is brutal, to create Divine."

I propose—now observe, this is not to be published—I propose earlyin the spring to take a ramble with you through your mountains. Youhad best say nothing of your project of a location in the hills untilit shall be executed; for, if competition should arise before youshall be suited, it would increase the expense of an establishment. Iam impatient to hear that you are settled and at work. Veryaffectionately,

A. BURR.

FROM DAVENPORT PHELPS.

New-York, December 15, 1801.

SIR,

The enclosed copy of a letter from Captain Brandt to Isaac Chapin,Esq., superintendent of Indian affairs in the state of New-York,comprising (I conceive) the plan by him committed to me, and to whichhe alludes in his letter to yourself, for introducing moralinstruction among the Indians. This plan, agreeably to his request,was recommended by the superintendent, and, so far as it respects theordination of a missionary, has been accomplished.

It yet remains, Sir, to provide means of support; and when thequestion respecting the instruction of their youth can be determined,by what means and in what manner this shall be effected.

I will, at present, only use the freedom to suggest whether it mightnot conduce to the furtherance and facilitating the above design toappropriate for their accommodation a suitable portion of land at orin the vicinity of Sandusky. Were the scattering tribes concentrated,and with them some of their countrymen and others as patterns ofindustry and morality, such circ*mstances must be highly favourable toattempts to bring them into the habits of civilization.

I am, with great respect,

DAVENPORT PHELPS.

FROM JOSEPH BRANDT.

Grand River, May 7, 1800.

SIR,

About three weeks since I received a message from Obeel to attend acouncil at Buffalo, where I expected the pleasure of seeing you. Weattended and waited a few days; but the chiefs there not being readyto meet us, and we having business which required our attendance atthis place, were under the necessity of coming away. Had I been sofortunate as to have met you there, it was my intention to haveconversed with you upon a subject which I have long considered as mostimportant and interesting to the present and future well being of theIndians, on both sides of the lakes and at large; namely, theirsituation in a moral point of view, and concerning measures proper tobe taken in order that regular and stated religious instruction mightbe introduced among them.

You well know, Sir, the general state of the Indians residing on theGrand River, as well as in other parts. A considerable number of someof these nations have long since embraced Christianity, and theconversion of others must depend, under the influence of the GreatSpirit, on the faithful labours of a resident minister, who mightvisit and instruct both here and elsewhere, as ways and doors might,from time to time, be opened for him.

The establishment and enlargement of civilization and Christianityamong the natives must be most earnestly desired by all good men; andas religion and morality respect mankind at large, without anyreference to the boundaries of civil governments, I flatter myselfthat you, sir, will approve what many of the chiefs here, with myself,are so greatly desirous of.

I have in view, as I have before suggested, the welfare of the Indiansat large, being fully persuaded that nothing can so greatly contributeto their present and future happiness as their being brought into thehabits of virtue and morality, which, I trust, may and will begradually effected by instruction, if properly attended and enforcedby example.

I well know the difficulty of finding a gentleman suitably qualified,and willing to devote his life to the work of a missionary among them;and especially one of talents and manners to render him agreeable in adegree highly to favour his usefulness. And, in order to satisfymyself in this respect, I have faithfully inquired and consulted, andam clearly of opinion that Mr. Davenport Phelps, who is recommended asa gentleman of virtue and respectable accomplishments, is the mostsuitable character for this office of any one within my knowledge. Mylong acquaintance with his family, and particular knowledge of him, aswell as the Opinion and wishes of the most respectable charactersamong the white people in this vicinity, who earnestly wish, forthemselves as well as for us, that he may be ordained a missionary,make me earnestly hope that you will officially recommend both thedesign and him to the right reverend bishops in the United States, orto some one of them, and to such other characters as you may thinkproper.

From the consideration that religion and politics are distinctsubjects, we should not only be well satisfied to receive a missionaryfrom a bishop in the United States, but, for various other reasons,would prefer one from thence. We shall be able here to do somethingconsiderable towards Mr. Phelps's support; and I doubt not but others,who have ability, will be disposed to assist in promoting so good awork. I will add no more than that I have great satisfaction in beingconfident of your friendly and influential exertions in this importantaffair, and that I am, with great sincerity, yours, &c.,

JOSEPH BRANDT.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, December 15, 1801,

Yesterday Mr. Phelps, mentioned in the enclosed, delivered to me twopairs of moccasins, directed—"From Captain Joseph Brandt to Mr. andMrs. Alston." Your ship having sailed, I don't know how or when Ishall forward them to you; but we will see. I send the original letterof Captain Brandt merely to show how an Indian can write. It is hisown handwriting and composition. Upon this notice of his attention youshould write him a letter of acknowledgment for his hospitality, &c.,which you may enclose to me at Washington.

Dear little Anna is shortly to be married to a Mr. Pierpont, whom I donot personally know; but he is said to be rich and handsome—a youngman of industry and credit as a merchant. I think it will do prettywell. E. has a lover—a man of consideration and property—measuressix feet eight inches and a half, shoes off; but so very modest thatthey never will come to an explanation unless she shall begin. So nomore at present from your loving father,

A. BURR.

FROM JUDGE WILLIAM P. VAN NESS.

New-York, January 2, 1802.

Since your departure the affair with Wood [1] has assumed a verysingular aspect. When I told the printers that the negotiation was atan end unless they acceded to my proposition, it produced muchagitation ; and yesterday they called to inform me that they had takenthe opinion of good counsel on the subject; that their determinationwas not to publish, but to hold you liable for the expenses. Woodinforms them that he acted merely as your agent; that all hisproposals were in strict conformity to your directions.

Davis and Swartwout are of the opinion that we ought to get the workpublished in its present form, if possible:

1. Because our opponents say it unfolds the views of the federalparty; that it exposes their principal men, &c., and therefore we wishto withhold it:

2. Because, if a new edition appears with the same facts andcharacter, they will say it has been subsequently introduced:

3. Because, if it is brought out now, the attempt to check it willhave a favourable tendency.

How far these ideas are correct, and what steps are best to take, youwill now be able to determine, and instruct me accordingly. The truthis, that instead of being unwilling and reluctant to suppress, theydare not publish the work without indemnity. I am anxious to know youropinion on the subject, and hope to hear from you on Tuesday next.

W. P. Van Ness.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, January 12, 1802.

Just arrived at the city of Washington, this 12th day of January, A.D. 18O2. I have only time, before closing of the mail, "to send youthese few lines, hoping they may find you in good health, as I am atthis present time," &c.

A form of salutation to be found in a public letter of Julius Cesar,and in one of Cicero's familiar epistles.

Your letters which greet me here are of the 2d and 20th of Decemberonly; only two. Why, I expected to find a dozen, and some of them downto within three or four days of this date. Having a hundred lettersbefore me unread, I must defer writing to you for the present. Adieu.

A. BURR

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, January 16, 1802.

Your letter of the 20th December (the venison letter) is still thelast, though the Carolinians here have so late as the 3d and 4th ofJanuary, of which I am a little jealous. It is quite unlucky that youhave been out of Charleston when your things arrived. How cook andmaid will dispose of themselves for the interim, I know not. Mightymeek and humble we are grown. You really expect to do the honours ofyour house equal to, &c. I know better. It will be one of the mostcheerful and amiable houses in the United States. I am gratified thatyou do not start with splendour; to descend with dignity is rare.

Pray make no definitive arrangements against the mountains. My heartis set on running over them with Mr. Alston in the spring. Why may notPapa Alston be weaned as well as Papa Burr? My movements must dependon the adjournment of Congress. Some say we shall adjourn the middleof April, and some the middle of June. As yet, I know nothing of thematter; for, during the few days I have been here, I have beenenveloped in ceremonies. I am pleasantly lodged near the capitol.Eustis opposite to me. Law and Iruko my nearest neighbours.

Good venison is not to be had at this season, and to send indifferentany thing (except a wife) from New-York would be treason. Yet, on thisimportant subject, venison meaning, I have written to New-York. Youneed not expect it, for I repeat that the best cannot now be had.

You must walk a great deal. It is the only exercise you can take withsafety and advantage, and, being in Charleston, I fear you willneglect it. I do entreat you to get a very stout pair of over shoes,or short boots, to draw on over your shoes. But shoes to come up tothe ankle bone, with one button to keep them on, will be best; thickenough, however, to turn water. The weather has not yet required thisprecaution, but very soon it will, and I pray you to write me that youare so provided: without them you will not, cannot walk, and withoutexercise you will suffer in the month of May. To be at ease on thissubject, you must learn to walk without your husband—alone—or, ifyou must be in form, with ten negroes at your heels. Your husband willoften be occupied at the hours you would desire to walk, and you mustnot gener him: oh, never. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO BARNABAS BIDWELL.

Washington, February 1, 1802.

DEAR SIR,

The newspapers will have shown the position of the bill now before theSenate for the repeal of the act of last session establishing a newjudiciary system; and that the bill, when on its third reading, was,by the casting vote of the vice-president, referred to a selectcommittee. This day notice has been given that a motion to dischargethat committee will be made to-morrow. It should be noted that thearrival of Mr. Bradley has given a vote to the republican side; henceit may be presumed that the committee will be discharged, and that thebill will pass the Senate to-morrow, and that in the course of threeweeks it will become a law. I state this, however, as mere conjecture.

The constitutional right and power of abolishing one judiciary systemand establishing another cannot be doubted. The power thus todeprive judges of their offices and salaries must also be admitted;but whether it would be constitutionally moral, if I may use theexpression, and, if so, whether it would be politic and expedient,are questions on which I could wish to be further advised. Youropinion on these points would be particularly acceptable.

With entire respect and esteem,

Your obedient servant,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, January 22, 1802.

Still silent. Yet is 20th December the latest date which I havereceived from you; hence I infer that you have remained at Georgetownmuch longer than was intended. Five weeks without hearing from you!Intolerable. Now I think to repose myself in sullen silence for fiveweeks from this date. I know that the apples and nuts will bring youout again. Thus children are moved; but I also thought that a prettylittle letter, even without bonbons, would have done the same. I havea very beautiful elegy on a lady whom you love better than any one inthe world; even better, I suspect, than L. N., and I was about to sendit, but I won't till I hear from you: a nice, handsome letter; none ofyour little white ink scrawls. They talk of adjourning. No; I won'ttell you that either. I have nothing to say of myself, nor any thingto ask of you which has not been often asked. Tell me that Mari ishappy, and I shall know that you are so. Adieu, my dear littlenegligent baggage. Yes; one question. Do you leave your cards T. B. A.or Joseph A.? What are L. N.'s? And one injunction repeated. Do notsuffer a tooth to be drawn, or any operation to be performed on yourteeth.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON,

Washington, February 2 1802.

Your letter of the 10th of January was the first evidence of yourexistence which I had received for near a month preceding. I hope yourwife is allowed the use of pen, ink, and paper. Her letter, three dayslater, has been also received. The successful "execution of yourenergies" is highly grateful to me. It seems probable that I shallpronounce, in person, on the merit of the workmanship somewhere aboutMay day.

The repeal of the judicial system of 1801 engrosses the attention ofboth houses of Congress. The bill is yet before the Senate. You mayhave observed that some days ago it was referred to a specialcommittee by the casting vote of the vice-president. Bradley havingarrived two days ago, and the republicans having thus an additionalvote, the committee was this day discharged, and it is highly probablethat the bill will pass the Senate to-morrow. On this subject Ihesitate, though it is not probable that my vote will be required. Ofthe constitutionality of repealing the law I have no doubt, but theequity and expediency of depriving the twenty-six judges of office andpay is not quite so obvious. Read the Constitution, and, havinginformed yourself of the out-door talk, write me how you view thething.

It has for months past been asserted that Spain has ceded Louisianaand the Floridas to France; and it may, I believe, be assumed as afact. How do you account for the apathy of the public on this subject?To me the arrangement appears to be pregnant with evil to the UnitedStates. I wish you to think of it, and endeavour to excite attentionto it through the newspapers. If you publish any thing, send me thepapers which may contain it.

Truxton is going out to the Mediterranean with three large and onesmall frigate. Apprehensions are entertained that our good ally,George III, does secretly instigate and aid the Barbary powers. We donot know that Tunis has declared war, but such an event will notsurprise me.

I have not heard a syllable of any changes made or to be made inoffices in your state, and, for reasons well known to you, I shallneither make an inquiry nor offer advice. C. Pinckney's nomination wasconfirmed by one vote. All the other nominations have been confirmed,mostly without opposition.

Theodosia writes me that the mountain plan is wholly abandoned forSullivan's Island. I do not, however, as yet abandon it; and, if I canget hence early in April, I think of going direct to Columbia, thereto establish myself till you shall both condescend to visit me.

When you shall be both settled in your own house, I crave a history ofone day, in the manner of Swift's journal to Stella; or, as you donot like imitation, in your own manner. Vale.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA. Washington, February 2, 1802.

I have just received a pretty little letter from C. C., all on nice,pretty figured paper, such as you love, and she talks a great dealabout you; the substance of it is, that you are an ugly, little, lazy,stupid, good-for-nothing knurle, and that she is very sorry she everwrote you a line. I can't vouch for the very words, but I think thisis a fair abridgment of that part of her letter which concerns T. B.A. I wish you would teach half a dozen of your negroes to write; thenyou might lay on the sofa, and, if you could submit to the labour ofthinking and dictating, the thing would go on.

We make a pleasant society here, so that one may get through thewinter without ennui. I live at Mr. Law's, not nominally, but in fact.Mrs. Madison is distant one mile. Anna Payne [2] is a great belle.Miss Nicholson [3] ditto, but more retired; frequently, however, atMrs. Law's. But pray, miss (madam), as to busts and statues, all theB.'s being out of the question, is there nothing in this line to befound in South Carolina? I suppose it never came into your head tothink or inquire. Pray shake your little noddle, to give the brains,if any there be, a little action; but who can do two things at once?That's true. I forgive thee all thy sins, without any further penancethan that which you have imposed on yourself. But write C. and poorlittle Anna, to congratulate her. Tell her what a fine fellow I learnher husband is. Mrs. Anna Constable Pierpont.

We have a perpetual summer here. I am weary of it, though, in truth, Icare nothing about it. With you it must be burning hot.

The cook had only Peggy to aid him; but as Peggy is equal to aboutforty South Carolina Africans, he is very reasonable if he asks onlythirty-five, and ought to be indulged. Your maid will make a miserablehousekeeper, and be spoiled as femme de chambre, which last characteris, I take it, the more important one. The poem or elegy is not sent,and is not forgotten. I am now going to smoke a segar and pray foryou.

A. BURR

FROM CHARLES BIDDLE.

Philadelphia, February 3, 1802.

DEAR SIR,

I enclose you a letter for Commodore Truxton. Should he be gone to
Norfolk, please to forward it.

Every gentleman here, and, what I am sure you think of much moreconsequence, every lady, was much pleased with your vote on thejudiciary bill. Those who do not think it unconstitutional to repealthe law are of opinion it would be very injurious to do it. Yourfriend,

CHARLES BIDDLE.

FROM COLONEL MARINUS WILLETT.

New-York, February 4, 1802.

DEAR SIR,

What a racket this vile judiciary law makes. It must be repealed; buthow the judges, who have their appointment during good behaviour, areto be removed without making a breach in the constitution, is beyondmy abilities to develop. It will not, however, be the first assault onthat instrument; and, if two wrongs could make one right, this accountmight be squared. But that horrid law must, indeed it must, berepealed.

I have received your two favours, one dated the 28th of January, andthe other without date. The effect of the abolition of the internaltaxes on Mr. Osgood [4] gives me no concern. He has plenty of otherbusiness, and money enough without the income from his office.

God bless you; you have my prayers always; and who dare say they arenot as good as a bishop's, or any member of a Presbyterian synod?Sometimes I think I'll turn Presbyterian, that I may have the benefitof their prayers not to outlive my useful days; an event I deprecateabove all others, and this is a prayer I never heard in our church—Imean my church, which, you know, is the Episcopal. Most sincerely yourfriend,

M. WILLETT.

FROM JOHN M. TAYLOR. Philadelphia, February 5, 1802.

DEAR SIR,

I had the pleasure of writing you some days ago, since which there arepetitions circulating through the city for a repeal of the judiciarysystem. My own opinion is that there is no necessity for such ameasure, as the two houses of Congress have the subject before them,and their decision will be had ere the petitions can be sent forward,and I have no doubt it will be repealed.

I have reasoned with all those who thought you ought to have votedagainst it being referred to the committee of five, that yourintention must have been to afford the opposite party time to discussthe subject fully, so that they might not say of you and your friends(as Governeur Morris has said) that they pertinaciously forced it onthe then minority. I think it is better to give them time.

Yours, very respectfully,

JOHN M. TAYLOR.

FROM MRS. *******.

New-York, February 9, 1807.

At the sight of my writing you will exclaim—" She is unhappy, or shewould not write to me." 'Tis not so, my dear friend; I am neither morenor less happy than when you left here. With every passing day I haveresolved to inform you of my health, but from day to day it has beendeferred, till I suppose my very existence is forgotten. Let me, then,awaken your recollection, by presenting to you the image of mythoughts, and retrace, however faintly, the impression I onceflattered myself to have made on your memory.

Tell me how you do, and how you pass your time. Taking lessons ofWisdom from your Minerva? or flying after the Atalanta's of Virginia,more swift than their celebrated racers? or, more probably, poringover musty records; offering your time, your pleasures, your health,at the shrine of Fame; sacrificing your own good for that of thepublic; pursuing a chimera which ever has and ever will mock thegrasp; for, however the end may be crowned with success, the motiveswill be questioned, and that justice which has been refused to aRegulus, a Brutus, a Publius, who can hope for?

I once admired for device a skyrocket, and for motto—Let me perishso I be exalted." I afterward changed my opinion, and preferred theglow-worm twinkling in a hedge. But I now reject them both. Theystrike for a moment, but neither of them are impressive; and it isthus, in changing, we pursue that something "which prompts, theeternal sigh," which never is, which never can be attained. Thesereflections arise continually on my reading the newspapers, where youractions are so freely canvassed and so illiberally censured. Theyoften excite my wrath; but when I consider that my anger can no morecheck their calumnies than the splendour of your reputation be cloudedby their impotent attempts, my indignation subsides, and I consolemyself by saying,

"Vain his attempt who strives to please them all."

Z.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, February 21, 1802.

Your letter of the 31st, accompanied by a note dated 1st February,came by the mail of yesterday. A few lines from Mr. Alston, receivedsome days before, advised me of your journey to Clifton, and of thedistressing occasion. My heart sinks within me when I think of thatlovely and disconsolate woman. Your conduct was worthy of you and ofmy daughter. She must be restored to reason and to life, by beingconvinced that she has some motive for enduring existence. If no othercan be shown, at least she can be persuaded that she is necessary toyou. But I learn from your letter, though you say nothing of it, thatalthough she feels with anguish, yet she will not sink intodespondency. This testifies a mind of that dignity and firmness whichyou had taught me to expect.

Nothing could have been more fortunate than the revival of theproject. It will divert the attention and summon up the spirits. Youmust not condemn; it would be better to cherish it. Enter into all thedetails. Transport yourselves to Europe, and there take a nearer viewand more accurate estimate of the dangers and advantages. Let thosewho oppose it offer something in lieu. What! is she to wear out heryouth and beauty, dissipate her talents, and exhaust her spiritswithout an object in life or a place in society? Without enjoyment,without distinction? These hints will make you think I may hereaftersay more.

My life has no variety, and, of course, no incident. To my feelingsyour letters are the most important occurrence. I am blessed withthree of them in three months. It did not use to be so. It would be noexcessive encroachment on your precious time to give me an hour twicea week the evening preceding the post days. This I shall expect; andthen, and after one more communication, to be presently mentioned, Iwill write definitely as to my spring projects.

It is of sculpture: a hint in your last indicates that you havesomething in view. Be pleased to give me name and description, in somemystical, sybillistical way, which, in case of robbery of mail, willnot disclose too much. One letter may contain the name, and anotherthe comment—"Car ou l'arreter?" is rather too mystical. I can makenothing of it, having studied it a full hour to no purpose.

I entreat that you will always enclose your letter in a blank sheet,on which is to be the seal and superscription. Health and blessings.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA Washington, February 23, 1802.

On the 4th day of March next I propose to write you of certain mattersand things of high import, heretofore touched, but not elucidated tothe entire satisfaction of all the parties concerned, if, in the meantime, you shall be of good behaviour.

This, however, was not what I sat down to say, nor can I by anypossible means recollect what it was; but, in truth, I had somethingto communicate or something to ask. I don't know which. That we have agreat snow storm and cold weather (now) will be no news to you, forthey will undoubtedly both be at Charleston long before this letter.

I project, as you may have understood, a journey southward at sometime, yet nameless, during the current year (or century). Now, if myevil stars or good ones should, against my will and my judgment, takeme through Norfolk, I am ruined and done; and there my journey willmost infallibly end. That I had better be hanged or drowned, you willreadily agree. The antidote or preventative is in your hands, or, ifyou please, head. The bust, slightly referred to in the letter of the1st of February, has occupied some of my waking and sleeping moments.Be more particular, and especially the estimated value in dollars andcents; also, in what year or era manufactured, and the character andmerit of the work, as it strikes your fancy, but with some minuteness.You know my rage for sculpture has cost me some money and led me intosome bad bargains. Thank God, I have got rid of them all. If youwill have Pet or Peet, Peter, Peter Yates, Peter Alston, PetrusBurr (or by every other name he may be known) taught to write a goodhand, and make me a present of him, I will subscribe myself your verymuch obliged and humble servant,

A. BURR.

Footnotes:

1. The author of "A History of John Adams's Administration." Thisletter relates to the suppression of that book, which, although itspublication was suspended for a time, was published according to theadvice of General John Swartwout and M. L. Davis

2. Sister of Mrs. Madison.

3. Daughter of Commodore James Nicholson, and sister of Mrs. Gallatin.

4. Samuel Osgood, Commissioner of Internal Revenue

CHAPTER XII.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, February 22, 1802.

Never were orders obeyed with more promptitude and effect. It is nottwelve hours since I desired (directed) you to write, and lo! a letterdated the 9th of February. And even "enclosed in a blank sheet ofpaper." A zealous manifestation of reciprocity is due to suchrespectful attention, and thus, in obedience to the high commands ofT. B. A., I do most sincerely and devoutly execrate all the postboysand the legislatures of the two most noble states the Carolinas.

You women: it is so with you all. If one wishes to exhibit the bestside, one must provoke you. Gratify your wishes and expectations, or,still worse, anticipate them, and it produces a lethargy. How have Ilaboured for three months, working and writing to please a certainlady: nothing comes but inanity and torpor. I provoke her, and beholdthe effusions of spirit and genius. Be assured that I shall notspeedily relapse into the same error. Indeed, I knew all this before;but I thought it was only one's mistress that was to be thusmanaged—it is sex.

For certain reasons of state, neither the name nor the epitaph can yetbe given ; nor can it now be said precisely when. The verses areallowed to be very beautiful. Those on the anniversary of the weddingwere received (this day) in the presence of two poets and a poetess,who said handsome things of them. The ess being a maiden ofthirty-five, drew a deep sigh.

Indeed, it is impossible to say, for I never before heard of such athing as that any public body should "ajourn." They do commonlyadjourn; and if, perchance, this should be what you mean, and youshall write me so, I will do my best to give you a categorical answer.

Natalie arrived at Orleans on the twenty-sixth day; meaning that shehad twenty-six days' passage. She has written both from Orleans andNantz. Her letters are full of good sense, of acute observation, oflevity, of gravity, and affection. No news of her mother, Adieu,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, February 26, 1802.

The arrival of your letter of the 14th justifies me in noticing you bythis mail. Your newspapers of the same date, and also of the 15th,contain particulars of the races; but so technically expressed that Icomprehend nothing of it. Your story is quite intelligible as farforth as it is legible. I am very glad that Papa Alston has won once.It is, I am told, the first time in his life. Where is Hampton allthis while, that you say nothing of him? Already I have told you thaton the 4th of March I shall say something of the adjournment, if, inthe mean time, you behave well. I shall not go first to New-York. Sendback your chairs. General Smith's carriage has just ran away with fourladies, viz.: Mrs. Smith, Miss Speare, Miss Smith, and Mrs. Law. MissSmith was taken up dead, and brought home dead. After twenty-fiveminutes she began to show signs of life. In two hours she began toknow those about her, and now (three hours) she is perfectly well; andhaving been stripped and thoroughly examined, it cannot be discoveredthat she has received the slightest injury, save being frightened todeath, as before mentioned. Miss Speare came off unhurt. Mrs. Smithand Mrs. Law are much bruised. You will, I hope, understand that thehorses ran off with the carriage, and not that the carriage, of itsown mere motion, ran off with the ladies. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, February 27, 1802.

Last evening Eustis happened in my room while I was at Smith's(opposite); he saw the cover of your letter, and the few lines whichit contains. He wrote what you will find enclosed, and left it on mytable. His cure is radical; that which I recommend is temporary.

A dull, raw, misty, vile day. Mrs. Law confined to her bed, as Iexpected, but not dangerous. The Smiths doing pretty well.

The judiciary bill debating in the House of Representatives, being thelast day of the second week devoted exclusively to that subject. Itmay and it may not be finished next week. When this shall be donewith, we may be able to make some sort of calculation as to theduration of the session.

Your last letter is pleasant and cheerful. Careless, incorrect,slovenly, illegible. I dare not show a sentence of it even to Eustis.God mend you.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, March 4, 1802.

You have supposed it to be from malice that I have not written you ofthe adjournment and of my intentions. The truth is, that I know littlemore of those matters than you do, and I have chosen rather topostpone it en badinant than to write you crude conjectures; yet Ican do but little more at present.

I left New-York with a determination not to return till I should haveseen you and Charleston, and I arranged my business for an absence ofsix months. I had hoped that the session of Congress would close bythe 15th of March or the 1st of April. On my arrival here every onesaid so, and I had like to have written it to you; but appearances didnot seem to justify the expectation of a short session. The businessis hardly commenced, and I see no prospect of an adjournment untilsome time in May. This is a great embarrassment; and your project ofremaining on the coast is another. I could, with pleasure, have passedthe summer with you in the mountains; but the heat and dissipation ofSullivan's Island is not so inviting. All this, however, is nothing tothe purpose of your inquiry. To come to the point. I still propose togo South the instant I can disengage myself from this place; which maybe a very few days before the close of the session. I shall be atleast twenty days on the road. I entreat you, however, not to exciteany expectation on the subject of my visit; not even to mention myintentions, until we shall see how far it may be in my power toexecute them. The judiciary bill being out of the way, I am in hopeswe shall engage zealously in the despatch of business. Of this matterI shall write further when I shall receive answers from you to my lateletters. They may hasten or retard my movements a little, but notmuch. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, March 8, 1802.

From an accurate attention to the dates of your letters, I discoverthat you write on Sunday only; that if, by accident or mentalindisposition, to which people in warm climates are liable, thebusiness should be put off for that day, it lays over to the nextSunday, and so to a third or fourth, according to exigences, active orpassive. Your letter, dated the 22d, but, in fact, written on Sundaythe 21st, was received by the mail preceding the last, which broughtnothing. This letter is a confirmation of my theory of provocations,which I have lately enlarged and more accurately defined, deducing itfrom philosophical principles, and adapting it to differentclimates. When this volume shall be ready for publication, I proposeto add, in an appendix, by way of illustration, a series of ourletters.

What you say of Huger shall receive due attention. Which Maria didyour husband go for, the biped or the quadruped? It is impossible todetermine from any thing in your letter. On the subject of busts youare more whimsical than even your father; just now you had somethingin view; but, on the 22d of February, "worse than any part of theUnited States." I have no time to give you now an explanation of yourice phenomenon, but will talk with T.I. and W.E. on the subject. Yourlast was sealed on the writing, a vulgarism which I again condemn.Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, March 8, 1802.

At the moment of closing your letter, this scrap of a newspaper [1]caught my eye, and is sent for your amusem*nt. It is aimed at AaronBurr, by whom, it is well known, the publication of the book [2] isdelayed or suppressed. The book consists of five hundred pages,principally low scurrility and illy-told private anecdotes; with aboutthirty pages of high eulogium on A. B. There may, for aught I know,have been twenty other publications criminating the person by whom thework has been suppressed. They are so utterly lost on me, that I nevershould have seen even this, but that it came enclosed to me from afriend in New-York, who is solicitous for my honour, &c.

You may judge of the purity and decency of the book when I mentionthat some dozen of persons, by name, are charged with being bribed byBritish gold, and there is a surmise that General Pinckney is notreputed very honest. Of all the federal men, General Hamilton aloneis treated with respect, even to flattery. My "solicitous friend" hasgiven me a curious fact, of which I was ignorant till the receipt ofhis letter. Barlas, a Scotchman, the publisher of the book, is privatetutor to the children of General Hamilton. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

Washington, March 8, 1802.

I learn, with a good deal of regret, that the mountain plan isabandoned; at least, that no measures are taken or meditated for itsexecution. I should cheerfully acquiesce in any reasons founded onmotives of economy, convenience, regard to law business, or personalinfluence; but the solitary one assigned to me by Theodosia is, thatyou and she "may be near papa and mamma". Of this, too, Iacknowledge the force; yet it might be considered that the mountainresidence was intended for certain months only, and that during theresidue (the greater part) of the year, papa and mamma might indulgetheir fondness. I had seen, or fancied that I saw in this project theassurance of health to yourself and wife, and sound constitutions toyour children; profit in the location; amusem*nt and economy in theresidence, and an increase of your influence and connexions. How farit might comport with professional engagements, if seriously pursued,was not considered. One personal motive, I confess, might haveinfluenced my judgment; the pleasure I had promised to myself inpassing the summer with you, and in projecting little schemes ofimprovement and occupation. It is, indeed, with some hesitation that Ishall visit your coast after the middle of May, and there is now noprospect of an adjournment of Congress before that time. Nevertheless,I shall come, though at your hazard, which, you know, would be agreat consolation to me if I should be caught by a bilious fever insome rice swamp. The situation of Theodosia, so far from being anobjection, ought, in my mind, to be an additional and strong motive.With her Northern constitution she will bring you some puny brat thatwill never last the summer out; but, in your mountains, one mightexpect to see it climb a precipice at three weeks old. Truly, I meanto be serious, and beg to know whether you have, in fact, resolved,and whether the resolution has, in good faith, been the result ofreflection or of inertness. You will pardon the surmise. I allowsomething for the climate, much for the influence of example; andthen, considering the uncommon warmth of the winter! it must befatiguing even to talk of any thing requiring exertion.

The rapidity, however, with which your house has been furnished andestablished ought to redeem your wife from any share in this reproach.On the 22d of February I find her fully occupied in those concerns,with hopes of accomplishing the object by the time of my arrival. Shewas then, however, taking an eight days' repose, that she might renewher labours with more vigour at the expiration of that time. But,again, gravely I inquire where I am to find you about the middle orlast of May. I presume, in the place where this will find you.Locomotion is labour.

I entreat your prompt attention to the enclosed memorandum, from mygood friend Mr. Law. He says that Chisholm has never informed him ofthe disposition of the indents mentioned in his letter, of which theenclosed is a copy. Pray inquire and advise me. The thing is of smallmoment; but I should be gratified in the occasion to show an interestin his concern, for I am daily overwhelmed by the multipliedkindnesses of himself and wife.

The gazettes will tell you better, I suspect, than I can what is doingin the House of Representatives. The sloth with which things move is adaily source of vexation to me, as tending to protract the session. Idine with the president about once a fortnight, and now and then meetthe ministers in the street. They are all very busy: quite men ofbusiness. The Senate and the vice-president are content with eachother, and move on with courtesy.

Your Rutledge will be in Charleston in the course of this month. Ihope you are on terms of civility with him, for I receive from him themost marked politeness. He will tell you of many strange things. Godbless you ever.

A. BURR.

FROM CHARLES BIDDLE.

Philadelphia, March 13, 1802.

MY DEAR SIR,

Mr. Eckfeldt brought me five medals, four of which I sent by Mr. Ross;the other shall be disposed of as you direct. The die of Truxton'smedal broke after fifty-two had been struck. I suppose Truxton willfeel more pain for this accident than he would to hear of the death ofhis friend T. Coxe.

You mentioned that if Murray wrote in favour of Richard Jones, you hadno doubt he would be appointed a midshipman. If the Secretary of theNavy sees the enclosed letter, perhaps he will give him a warrant. Itcould be forwarded by Commodore Truxton, who I do not expect will sailbefore the 1st of April. Although I frequently trouble you aboutdifferent persons, believe me, my clear Sir, I do not wish you to doany thing whatever that will be disagreeable to you.

Mrs. Wilkinson is much obliged to you for your friendship to thegeneral, which she says she will never forget. When James [3] sailedhe desired I would inform you that he would write you as soon as hehad any thing worth writing about. I believe you have no friend feelsa warmer attachment to you than James. Sincerely yours,

CHARLES BIDDLE.

FROM JOHN COATS.

Easton (Maryland), March 13, 1802.

MY DEAR SIR,

I have long had it in serious contemplation to address a letter toyou, but have frequently been restrained, from a knowledge that yourtime has been and still is devoted to public service, and that everymoment is precious; and often I have been prevented by my ownavocations and engagements on this our bustling stage. I have vanityenough to think I possessed a share of your esteem and friendship,which could only originate from your belief that I had a claim to thevirtues, truth, candour, and sincerity. I detest the character of ahypocrite, and flatter myself no part of my past conduct can fix itupon me. Then permit me, with solemn truth, to declare, that when Isee your name in the prints, I feel involuntarily an animating glow,and it immediately brings to my recollection incidents sometimesproducing pleasing, and at others painful sensations, in which we havebeen mutually engaged and gone hand in hand. Although, to borrow thelanguage of our president, there may exist shades of politicaldifference between us, I have been your defender; and it was wellunderstood and known that I spoke from an intimate acquaintance withyou as a soldier and a gentleman.

Frequent reflection upon the various scenes we have encounteredtogether has led me to lament the great distance that has so longprevented any social intercourse; but if the following description ofa new route, when you revisit New-York, meets your approbation, I mayagain have the happiness of a friendly salute of the hand. I havetravelled from Philadelphia to Annapolis, via Baltimore, and everthought it a rugged road. I propose that you should come to Annapolis,where exceeding commodious passage-boats constantly ply, and you willin a few hours be landed at Haddaway's, upon our eastern shore, fromwhence a line of stages run to Philadelphia.

Upon this route you will see a great number of your friends, added towhich there will be novelty and ease. I cannot, indeed, promise youany romantic objects, such as Caratoncka or Morenci Falls, orgigantic mountains, such as we clambered together in 1775; but youwill see a country approaching a high state of cultivation, and anumber of towns, the most of which bear evident marks of dailyimprovement. Between these towns are interspersed gentlemen's seats;some of them beautifully situated, and the inhabitants generallyaffable, courteous, and hospitable. As to your ease, if you do nottravel in your own carriage, you will find the horses and carriagesequal to any others; the public houses comfortable, the countryabounding with the good things of this world, whether flesh, fish, orfowl, and the road good, having occasionally what may with proprietybe called gentle ascents and descents. My friends, Mr. Robert Wright,of the Senate, and Joseph H. Nicholson, of the House, who livedirectly on the road I have described, will confirm what I havewritten. Let me, then, once again enjoy your company, and that at myown hermitage. I shall be gratified by introducing the old lady, mytwo girls, and my boy to the companion and friend of my youth. Theywill endeavour to make their lillapee of a superior savour to whatour cooks in days of yore could do for us. And although, as Partridgesays, "non sum qualis eram," I shall certainly use my best exertions,while with us, to render your time agreeable.

Your sincere and old friend,

JOHN COATS.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, March 14, 1802.

Your letter of the 1st, postmarked the 3d, was received last evening.I regret that L. N. did not come to town, believing that you onlycould console her; that she would make you an intelligent companion;and that you could restore the tone of her mind, without diminishingthe firmness of your own.

Papa's present was the most gallant and charming thing that could havebeen imagined. By Mr. Rutledge, who goes to-morrow, I send this papa alittle token which has been some weeks waiting for an opportunity. Mr.Rutledge will tell you how I do, and what I do, and, to an hour,when Congress will adjourn. He sets off to-morrow, and will be inChilton about four days after this letter; of course, I do not writeby him.

It is probable that the box went with the ship which took your firstcargo; but, as no one paid the least attention to the landing of thearticles, nor to compare the delivery with the invoice, it may havebeen left on board. I will, however, write to New-York.

The story of P. is a fable. We are on the best terms, and he callsvery often to see me. The elegy may now be seen in the newspaper,which, considering how nearly it touched you, I thought the best modeof communication. Avoid sights. You say nothing of the progress ofhousefurnishing and housekeeping.

Your last was sealed, as too often before, on the writing. If yourMari denies you a sheet of paper to enclose a letter, pray lay outone of your four hundred dollars for this purpose. Adieu, ma chereenfante.

A. BURR.

P. S. Somebody (I believe the Spectator) says that a postscript isalways the most important part of a lady's letter. This, then, will befeminine.

I have had three letters from Natalie. All full of interest andamusem*nt. Her remarks are equal to those of Lady Mary W. Montague fortheir truth and spirit, and far superior to any of our diplomaticcommunications. She is to travel from Nantz to Paris (about fourhundred and fifty miles) with her maid and postillion only: anenterprise which no woman in France under forty hath executed withoutshipwreck during the last hundred years. Yet Natalie will do itwithout injury and without suspicion. I have taught her to rely onherself, and I rely on her pride.

I have said, and truly, that the story of P. is a fable. It may,however, by remote concatenation, and with the aid of great fancy anda little malice, have grown out of a trifling and ridiculous incidentwhich took place at New-York, and which I am sure you have heard. P.was laughed at, and has behaved better ever since. There are at leasttwenty (my neighbour, Mrs. Law, says fifty) such anecdotes nowcirculating in this vicinity, all equally unfounded. Without anyappeal, therefore, you may contradict all such as are inconsistent notonly with truth, but with probability. A lady of rank and consequence,who bad a great curiosity to see the vice-president, after severalplans and great trouble at length was gratified, and she declared thatbe was the very ugliest man she had ever seen in her life. His baldhead, pale hatchet visage, and harsh countenance, certainly verify thelady's conclusion.

Your very ugly and affectionate father,

A. BURR.

FROM C. A. RODNEY.

Wilmington, March 15, 1802.

HONOURED AND DEAR SIR,

This will be delivered to you by Dr. A. Alexander, of Newcastle, inthis state. He has ever been a uniform and firm friend to theprinciples of our late glorious revolution. He has served many yearsin the capacity of a senator, and also of a representative in ourlegislature, and can give you particular information as to the publicpulse here. He is a personal friend of mine; one whom I can recommendin the strongest terms.

I had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 10th inst. on yesterday,and was very happy to hear from you. The advice you kindly give me Ishall cheerfully take. It has ever been my maxim to be moderate butfirm. Suaviter in modo, fortiter in re, should be an axiom with allpoliticians. We continue to progress in the high way of republicanism,and you will find, by our toasts, we have not forgot one of its ablestsupporters. [4] With great personal regard,

Your sincere friend.

C. A. RODNEY.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, March 19, 1802.

From your letter of the 6th, received last evening, I infer that youare in some sort settled in your own house; that you pleased yourselfon that day is very grateful; that, too, I should have inferred fromthe spirit of your letter. By the "attack on Sullivan's Island" wasintended an attack on the plan of residence.

I am just going on an errand to Baltimore, de retour on Tuesday; sothat by the next mail you will have nothing from me. Where will you befrom the 10th to 15th May? In Charleston, Sullivan's Island, orClifton? Is L. N. coming to live with you? I am quite charmed withJohn and Sally. Preparations for Baltimore occupy me so entirely thatI cannot even think of you by this mail. Adieu.

A. B.

March 20.

The preceding was written the morning of yesterday. I folded, anddirected, and took it to Senate, thinking there to add a word. At tenlast night I found it lying in my pocket. The weather (rain) hasprevented my Baltimore jaunt which was planned for this day. The hopeof an early adjournment recedes. In short, all is uncertainty. It willdepend more on the thermometer than on the progress of business. Whenthe heat shall be intolerable here, shall I set my face towards thesun? I think I will. If you had been in the mountains! but that is notso.

Natalie arrived in Paris the 31st December; her mother not there; butnumerous friends, who fatigue her with civilities. Her heart is in theUnited States.

This will remain in the postoffice till the 23d. If, in the mean time,
I receive a letter from you, a supplement will accompany this. Adieu.

A. BURR.

FROM C. A. RODNEY.

Wilmington, March 20, 1802.

DEAR SIR,

I have perused with much pleasure the papers enclosed in yourhighly-acceptable favours. The proposed state will possess therepublican tone, and give additional weight to the scale which alreadyso strongly preponderates. The repeal of all internal taxation will besensibly felt by the people, and will popularize our administration.The expense of collecting those taxes, in consequence of the swarm ofpensioners attached to them, points them out as the proper object ofretrenchment. The brown-sugar gentry in Congress; your tea-sippers andsalts-men (not Attic), who, by-the-by, have laid all those duties,cannot agitate the public mind on those topics.

I am happy to discover in the proceedings of the republicans so muchmoderation, firmness, and unanimity. I trust their opponents will nothereafter think they want nerve. This conduct forms a strikingcontrast with federal gasconade; and the effect of those things, in afree country, is not easily calculated by common rule.

The polite and kind invitation you give me I should certainly acceptof if in my power. I had thought seriously of it some weeks back; butyou must know I have purchased a little tract of land adjoining Dr.Tilton's, which I once showed you, and have cut out abundant work forthe season. This, Dr. Tilton says, is to restore my health perfectly.There are many friends at Washington it would give me great pleasureto see, but none more than yourself.

Must sincerely yours,

C. A. RODNEY.

FROM URIAH TRACEY. [5]

Washington, March 29, 1802.

The sermon, for which I am indebted to your goodness, is now returned,with many thanks for the loan.

I have perused it with pleasure, and, I hope, profit. It is anexcellent treatise, worthy of the attention of every man, and moreemphatically so of men in high and responsible stations in government.

Our time is short, my friend, too short to allow an opportunity ofretrieving almost any misspense of it; much more so to allow aredemption for any neglect to perform great public services when oncehappily in our power. God grant that you may be profited by this, and,in turn, be more profitable to this distracted nation.

U. TRACY.

FROM GENERAL HORATIO GATES.

New-York, March 30, 1802.

MY DEAR SIR,

Yesterday I was favoured with your obliging letter of the 23d inst. byMr. Peter Townsend; also, with a most beautiful silver medal from thedie I have presented you. It is in the highest polish and perfection.In respect to the tin medal and its case, I have only heard of themfrom you, as I never received either, or a single line from Mr.Dallas. But men so much engaged in business seldom have time to attendto such small affairs.

When you see Dr. Murray, present my affectionate respects to him; heis, indeed, an old and highly esteemed friend. As to news, I neverexpect any from statesmen high in office. So far as the session of theCongress has proceeded, I, poor little I, am satisfied with whatthey have done. Taxes and law diminished should be approved of by themany. The stricken deer will weep; but the powerful will, I trust, begenerous to those who are not malignant. The charming Miss Church was,on Thursday, married to Mr. Cruger. But I have a more serious piece ofnews for your private ear. Young Secretary Sumter, on the passage toEurope, fell desperately in love with Miss Natalie d'Lage. They landedat Nantz, near her mother's chateau. The old lady is a furiousroyalist, and will not hear of her daughter's being married to arepublican; perhaps you know more than I can tell you what is likelyto be the result.

Mr. Townsend goes so immediately to Orange county, that he prevents myintended civilities; but I trust be will hereafter put it in my powerto cultivate his acquaintance. For any thing I see, your session willbe shortly over.

Judge Brockholst Livingston took his seat in the City Hall yesterday.This phenomenon (what shall I call it?) in office or in policy hascaused a grumbling in the legislature, where it seems to be laid asidefor future contention; but you will hear more from yourcorrespondents. I am told it is nicknamed the Livingston act. My Maryis well, and has every desire to oblige you.

Affectionately yours,

HORATIO GATES.

FROM DAVID GELSTON.

New-York, April 3, 1802.

DEAR SIR,

I am favoured with yours of the 30th ult., with its enclosure. Thesubject contained in my letter of the 22d to you has, in severalinstances, become so important, that I wrote yesterday to Mr. Gallatinon the same business.

You are, in general, so apt to decide promptly and correctly, that ifyou had at once told me my construction of the law referred to wasright, I should have wanted no more. We begin to look better in thecity—alarms are less frequent, confidence is gaining, and businessincreasing.

I have just received permission from the secretary of the treasury tomake some additional inspectors. Mr. L. shall be gratified, but myauthority is limited to the 15th of November next. If you have aparticular wish for any other person, please let me know immediately.

Yours, truly,

D. GELSTON.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, April 5, 1802.

MA CHERE ENFANTE,

Different accidents and interruptions prevented me from writing by thetwo last mails; a very unusual omission, and thus happens what, Ibelieve, has never before occurred, that I have two of your lettersunanswered, those of the 19th and 22d, both affecting and interesting.The last of them acknowledges the receipt of a letter from me datedMarch 9th. Now, I did not write any letter under that date, it must bea forgery. On the 8th and 12th I did write to you.

It is, I hope and believe, true that Richmond Hill is competent to allpurposes; but nothing is done nor can be speedily done. The thingconstantly eludes a conclusion, and matters are, in fact, now as badlycirc*mstanced as one year ago. When I left New-York I arranged myaffairs of all kinds for six months' absence, which would extend tothe middle of June, with the determination to go hence to SouthCarolina, in which determination I persist; yet you know that asingle letter may take me in a contrary direction, and mar all myplans of pleasure. This, and this only, produces the instability of myresolutions, and the equivocal tenour of my letters on the subject ofthe visit.

Nothing certain can be predicated of the adjournment; but I am quiteresolved not to remain here beyond the 25th, more probable that I mayleave it on the 19th. In either case, it will be vain to address aletter to me at Washington after the receipt of this, as I shall notbe here to receive it. My route will be through Richmond andPetersburgh to Fayetteville, and thence to Georgetown and Clifton,where I presume I shall find Papa Alston, Ellen, &c. You may addressme a line to Richmond, and another to Fayetteville, merely to say howyou are, and who more are dead. Recollecting, when you write, that itwill be very uncertain whether they will reach me; still, on myarrival at those places, I shall be quite out of humour if I find noletter from you, and will stay a week at each place in hopes ofreceiving one.

I have ordered Vanderlyn to send you, from New-York, both his andStuart's picture of A. Burr; and have told him to ship himself for theport of Charleston on the 1st of May.

I have also desired that my beautiful little bust of Bonaparte be sentto Mr. William Alston.

You may send a letter to meet me at Clifton, and two or three to eachplace if you find my movements so retarded as to admit a probabilityof their being received. Adieu.

A. BURR

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, April 12, 1802.

Your letter of the 29th came by the last mail, exactly, as heretofore,on the eighth day after the date of your last preceding. Whether it beinvariably Sunday or not, at least it is always octo-diurnal. Pray getan eight-day clock, and then all family matters will move on in strictuniformity. Thank your husband for his letter about Mr. Law's indents.

The instability of all human concerns has been a theme of remark forthe last 4000 years. Lately, very lately, I wrote you of mydetermination to leave this city on the 26th. I then thought so, asyou will readily believe; because, why should I deceive my dear littleTheodosia? Now this thing is altered, for reasons too numerous andmighty to be here enumerated; and, besides, you know our doctrine isnot to give reasons, but to let the facts speak for themselves. Onthis occasion, however, even your hard heart would yield to themotives which govern me. The plan, I say, is all altered. Instead ofleaving this fair region, as was gravely proposed, on the 26th of thismonth, the present project is to part from all I here hold dear on the20th (the twentieth) inst., which piece of caprice I hope you willpardon. If no letter intervenes before that day, Papa Alston mayexpect to see me in some twelve or fifteen days thereafter. I shallhope to find letters at Richmond, Fayetteville, &c. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Clifton, May 3, 1802.

At the moment of my arrival on Friday evening I wrote you from Mr.Kinlock's. The day following (May 1) I came here, and, being withouthorses, sent on Sunday morning to engage the whole stage, which was togo to-morrow, and, as I understand, reaches Charleston in a day.Unfortunately, the stage was full—not even a seat vacant for thevice-president. I am, therefore, doomed to remain here one day longer,and to be two days on the road. My horses not having arrived, Mr.Alston will, on Wednesday morning, set out with me in his curricle. Weshall dine and stay the night of Wednesday at Mrs. Mott's, and on theday following, Thursday evening, reach Charleston.

I now send my man George (late Azor Le Guen, now George d'Grasse) toGeorgetown. If he can get a place in the stage, he goes on with mybaggage; if not, he sends this letter, with all affectionate goodwishes. William arrived here this afternoon, and tells us that you arewell, and your husband ill. This is exactly wrong, unless he meansto take the whole trouble off your hands, as some good husbands haveheretofore done; so, at least, Darwin records. God bless thee, my dearTheodosia.

A. BURR.

FROM MIDSHIPMAN JAMES BIDDLE.

U. S. Ship Constellation, at Gibraltar, May 8, 1802.

DEAR SIR,

As the frigate Philadelphia will sail in a few days for America, Icannot neglect so good an opportunity of writing, and returning you mysincere thanks for the marked civilities I have received at all timesfrom you, particularly at New-York in the summer of 1800. Be assured,Sir, I feel the liveliest sense of the obligations I am under for themany favours conferred upon me, and shall ever feel extremely happy tohave it in my power to render you any service.

Owing to our being perplexed with almost constant easterly winds, wedid not make the land until the 24th ult., when we made Cape Canter,on the coast of Africa. On the 28th we got into the Straits ofGibraltar, but the wind heading us off the rock, we were obliged tobear away for Malaga. There we found the Essex and Philadelphia atanchor. On the 3d inst. we left Malaga, and arrived here in companywith the Philadelphia and Essex on the 5th, and I expect to remainuntil Commodore Truxton arrives on the station.

While the ship lay at Malaga I had an opportunity of seeing everything that could attract the eye of a stranger. The country round thecity is extremely fertile, abounding with all the different kinds offruit-trees. Indeed, the lower class of the Spaniards subsist almostentirely upon fruit, the produce of the country. The chief articles ofexportation are grapes, figs, raisins, oranges, anchovies, wines, &c.Their streets are very narrow, running at random in every direction.Their houses are mostly built of marble, four stories high, differentfamilies occupying different stories of the same house. They have twoor three forts, built on eminences adjacent to the city for itsprotection, but they are out of order and decaying.

I anticipate enjoying a very pleasant cruise, as we seem to befavoured with every thing that could render our situation agreeable.Captain Murray is one of the best of men, and treats us with all thekindness and attention we could wish. The climate is mild and healthy.The Tripolitans keep among themselves, and never venture out, so thatwe shall have nothing to do but to visit the different ports of theMediterranean. The closest friendship and harmony prevails among theofficers of the ship. Every thing, in short, that we could wish, weseem to have, to make our situation comfortable. Pray remember mekindly to Mrs. Alston, and believe me, with esteem and respect, yourmost obedient servant,

JAMES BIDDLE.

FROM JOHN TAYLOR, OF CAROLINE.

Virginia, Caroline, May 25, 1802.

DEAR SIR,

Your favour, covering the medal struck to commemorate the mostbrilliant exploit of the American war, from some cause unknown to me,never arrived until this instant. It is particularly acceptable fromthe circ*mstance of my having imbibed a personal affection for GeneralGates by having served under him for a few months.

It would be quite premature in me to consider whether I would go intoCongress unless it was probable that I could. The government have nomeans of providing for the gentleman you mention; and if they had, todo so for the purpose of making room for another might expose them tocensures which they will hardly encounter. As to a voluntaryresignation of his station, there are some circ*mstances in his casewhich do really justify him in refusing to do it, unless for somebetter prospect of public benefit.

Not until some days after you left this was it discovered that you hadforgotten your travelling map. I lamented the inconveniences to whichthe oversight would expose you, but had no mode of removing them,despairing, from a recollection of your horses, that either of minewould be fleet enough to overtake you. The map could, therefore, onlybe taken care of for the purpose of being restored to you. Permit meto hope that you will allow me to do this at my own house as youreturn; and that you will apprize me of your resolution to do so, boththat I may be at home and that I may enjoy the hope of your companybefore the pleasure is realized. Farewell.

JOHN TAYLOR.

Footnotes:

1. A paragraph cut from the Aurora.

2. Wood's History of John Adams's Administration.

3. The present Commodore James Biddle.

4. The vice-president, Colonel Burr. This letter was written more thana year after the presidential contest in Congress.

5. At that time a member of the United States Senate.

CHAPTER XIII.

THEODOSIA TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, June 24, 1802.

We arrived yesterday morning, exactly the eighth day since I left you.Our passage was pleasant, inasmuch as we had no storms, and the mostobliging, attentive captain. I never met with more unremittedpoliteness. He was constantly endeavouring to tempt my appetite by allthe delicacies in his own stores. To the child he proved an excellentnurse when I was fatigued and the rest sick. We are now in my father'stown-house. Mrs. Allen had gone up the North River before my arrival;thus I have seen neither her nor her sons. John is to return and bemarried in a few days.

I have just returned from a ride in the country and a visit toRichmond Hill. Never did I behold this island so beautiful. Thevariety of vivid greens; the finely-cultivated fields and gaudygardens; the neat, cool air of the cit's boxes, peeping throughstraight rows of tall poplars, and the elegance of some gentlemen'sseats, commanding a view of the majestic Hudson, and the high, darkshores of New-Jersey, altogether form a scene so lively, so touching,and to me now so new, that I was in constant rapture. How much did Iwish for you to join with me in admiring it. With how much regret didI recollect some rides we took together last summer. Ah, my husband,why are we separated? I had rather have been ill on Sullivan's Islandwith you, than well separated from you. Even my amusem*nts serve toincrease my unhappiness; for if any thing affords me pleasure, thethought that, were you here, you also would feel pleasure, and thusredouble mine, at once puts an end to enjoyment. You do not know howconstantly my whole mind is employed in thinking of you. Do you, myhusband, think as frequently of your Theo., and wish for her? Do youreally feel a vacuum in your pleasures? As for your wife, she has bidadieu to pleasure till next October. When, when will that month come?It appears to me a century off. I can scarcely yet realize to myselfthat we are to be so long separated. Do not imagine, however, that Imean to beg you to join me this summer. No, my husband, I know yourreasons, and approve them. Your wife feels a consolation in talking ofher sorrows to you; but she would think herself unworthy of you couldshe not find fortitude enough to bear them! God knows how delighted Ishall be when once again in your arms; but how much would my happinessbe diminished by recollecting that your advancement and interestsuffered. When we meet, let there be nothing to alloy a happiness sopure, so unbounded. Our little boy grows charmingly; he is muchadmired here. The colour of his eyes is not yet determined. You shallknow when it is.

As our papers were mixed, I left my writing-desk open; pray lock thedrawers and desk both, and keep the key yourself.

Have you any rice on hand yet? It sells here for five dollars cash. Ifyou have any, had you not better send it? Papa intends writing to youon the subject.

I began a letter to you this morning in time for the mail, but wasprevented by innumerable visits, which commenced before I was dressedfor breakfast. I am most impatiently waiting for a letter from you. Ihope you wrote soon after my departure. I am counting every minute tonext Wednesday, when I hope to receive one, though I have many fearsit is too early. With how much anxiety do I expect a letter. Maybe,one of these days, I may tell you of a piece of weakness of mine onthat subject; maybe, for I do not know whether it is quite right for awife to display all her foibles in that way to her husband. We havenot determined when or where we shall move in the country. It shallcertainly not be long ere we leave the city.

Anna Pierpont is well. She and husband go on merrily. They love eachother very much, and that is half the battle. She begged me not toomit giving a thousand loves to you. My love to the Hugers. Tell themI have seen Nancy. She looks better than they ever saw her. She hasgot a colour, and is so much more beautiful that I scarcely recognisedher. Adieu, mon bien aimi.

THEODOSIA.

THEODOSIA TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, June 26, 1802.

When, when will the month of October come? It appears to recedeinstead of approaching; and time, which extinguishes all othersorrows, serves but to increase mine; every moment I feel that I havelost so much of your society which can never be regained. Ah, myhusband, what can be pleasure to your Theo., unassisted by the charmsof your presence and participation? Nothing. It is an idea which hasno place in my mind unconnected with you.

I send you M'Kenzie; there is no London edition in town more elegantlybound. Before my departure you complained grievously of the bad cigarssold in Charleston. In the hope that this city affords better, I sendyou a box containing a thousand; the seller took some trouble tochoose the best for me, and I have added some Vanilla and Tonka beansto them. May the offering please my great Apollo! If you should do sorash a thing as to visit the city during the summer, pray smoke allthe time you remain there; it creates an atmosphere round you, andprevents impure air from reaching you.

I wish, also, that you would never be in town before or after themiddle of the day. I have somewhere heard that persons were less aptto catch infectious disorders at that time than any other, and Ibelieve it. Have you never remarked how highly scented the air isbefore sunrise in a flower-garden, so much so as to render the smellof any flower totally imperceptible if you put it to your nose? Thatis, I suppose, because, when the sun acts with all his force, the airbecomes so rarefied, that the quantity of perfume you inhale at abreath can have no effect; while, on the contrary, during the night,the vapours become so condensed that you perceive them in every blast.May not the same be the case with noxious vapours? It is said that thefever in Charleston does not arise from that, but the filth of thestreets are quite enough to make one think otherwise. Perhaps I amwrong both in my reason and opinion. If so, you are able to correct;only do as you think best, and be prudent. It is all I ask. I imaginethe subject worth a reflection, and you cannot err. Montesquieu sayshe writes to make people think; and why may not Theodosia?

We have this evening been to visit Mrs. Caines (late Mrs. Verplanck)at her country place. The marriage was thus published—Married, G.C.,Esq., counsellor of law, from the West Indies, and now having a workin the press, to Mrs., &c. That work has been the cause of somecuriosity and not a little amusem*nt.

I dined the other day with Mrs. Montgomery. The chancellor has senther out a list of statues, which are to be so exactly imitated inplaster as to leave the difference of materials only. The statues are,the Apollo Belvidere, Venus de Medicis, Laocoon and his children,Antinous, and some others. The patriotic citizens of New-York are nowsubscribing to the importation of a set here for the good of thepublic. If they are really perfect imitations, they will be a greatacquisition to this city. But, selon moi, there is the difficulty.Our son looks charmingly. Adieu.

THEODOSIA.

THEODOSIA TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, June 28, 1802.

And do you, indeed, miss your Theo.? Do you really find happinessindissolubly blended with her presence? Ah! my husband, how much moreamiable you are as the man than as the philosopher! How much betteryour wife can love you! The latter character produces a distancebetween us; it so resembles coldness, that it annihilates all thatfree communication of the heart, that certainty of the most perfectsympathy and concord of feeling, which affords so much real happiness.Believe me, it is a very mistaken idea, that to discover sensibilityat parting with a friend increases their sorrow. No; it consoles them.That apparent indifference, instead of lessening their pain atseparation, only adds to it the mortification of finding themselvesalone; wounds their feelings by the idea that, where they expected themost sincere reciprocity, they meet with the most calm tranquillity;and, above all, it is apt to make them involuntarily exclaim—If I amthus regretted, how little shall I be thought of! How soon forgotten!Never, then, my beloved, attempt to play the philosopher. If you see afriend weeping, weep with them. Sympathy is the sovereign cure for allwounds of the heart.

Your letter of the 16th, which I received yesterday, delighted me themore as it was unexpected. I did not hope you would have written sosoon; still less did I imagine a letter from Charleston would reachthis on the eleventh day after date. How anxious I am for to-morrow.Perhaps I may hear from you again.

S. appears more pleased with New-York than any person I ever saw fromSouth Carolina. With the beauty of the country it is impossible not tobe delighted, whether that delight is confessed or not; and everywoman cannot fail to prefer the style of society, whatever she maysay. If she denies it, she is set down in my mind as insincere andweakly prejudiced.

Pray write your journal this summer; you have little else to do. Ishould be charmed to find it finished on my return. Adieu.

THEODOSIA.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, July 3, 1802.

Your letter of the 19th of June, covering two for Theodosia, wasreceived this morning. She, with Lady Nisbett and your boy, sailedyesterday for Red Hook (120 miles north) on a visit to Mrs. A., whohad solicited this attention in terms and under circ*mstances whichadmitted of no refusal. The boy has grown surprisingly. The mother hasrecovered her appetite and spirits. I shall go up to take care of themin ten or fifteen days.

I desired your father to bring or send a barrel of rough rice (riceunpounded). The young Scotchman of whom I spoke to him has alreadyinvented a machine which I think will clean ten times as much as yourpounding machine with the same power; that is, ten times as fast. Sendthe rice that we may try.

As to the publications of Cheetham and Wood, it is not worth while towrite any thing by way of comment or explanation. It will, in duetime, be known what they are, and what is Dewitt Clinton, theircolleague and instigator. These things will do no harm to mepersonally. What effect they may have on the cause is a problem.

I forgot to pay Placide for two or three times bathing. Give him aguinea for me. Yours, affectionately,

A. BURR.

TO NATALIE.

New-York, July 5, 1802.

Your letter of the 22d of February, announcing your intended marriage,is this minute received. Nothing could be more grateful to me thanyour proposed connexion with Mr. Sumter. I know little of himpersonally, but his reputation and standing in society fully justifyyour choice, and I pray you to assure him that I shall most cordiallytake him to my bosom as a son. With his father I have been longacquainted, and always greatly respected him. We were fellow-soldiersduring our revolutionary war, in which he acted a most distinguishedpart, though we were not then known to each other. We served togethersome years in Congress, and laboured in the same party. Thesecirc*mstances never fail to generate attachments, and I am truly happyin being more closely allied to him.

I perceive, and with pleasure, that I shall pass much of my time inSouth Carolina, and shall divide it between you and Theodosia; but themountains are my favourite residence. Which is my favourite daughter Ihave not yet been able to decide. We must not, however, abandonNew-York. I will have you both here, if possible, every year, and atRichmond Hill you shall renew the recollection of the happy hours ofyour childhood.

I have been long impatient, my dear Natalie, to write you on thissubject, but I waited for advice from yourself. I was mortified tolearn from common report only an event so nearly interesting, andwhich I had supposed you would have communicated to me the first. Yourletter, however, has been long in America, and has travelled nearlytwo thousand miles in pursuit of me, having come in this morning fromCharleston.

I arrived here on the 23d with Theodosia, her boy—a most lovely boy,and her sister, Lady Nisbett, who salutes you as a sister, and longsto embrace you. We had a most charming passage of seven days.

This is a great holyday. We are celebrating, with show and much noise,the 4th of July. This may appear to you a little ridiculous when youlook at the date of this letter; but, madame, please to look at youralmanac, and you will see that yesterday was Sunday. I should not haveattempted to write to you amid so much bustle; but the good Mr.Arcambal came in just as I received your letter, and informed me thatthere was an immediate and safe opportunity to France, and I wasimpatient to express to you and your husband my participation in yourjoys, and hearty approbation of your union. God bless you, my dearchild.

A. BURR.

P.S. I have not received a line from your mamma in some years. I amnot at all surprised at her repugnance to your marriage with ademocrat, the son of a rebel. She must hate, above all things,democrats and rebels. But tell her, as doubtless you have told her athousand times, that she is wrong; and that we are not like yourFrench democrats. Encore, adieu.

A. BURR.

THEODOSIA TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, September 3, 1802.

What a pity minds could not be made sensible of each other's approach!Why were we not so formed, that when your thoughts, your soul werewith your Theo., hers could be enabled, by the finest sensation ofsympathy, to meet it. How superior to writing would that be! A letteris a month old before it is received; by that time other thoughts andsubjects engage the writer. The sentiments expressed in it seem nolonger warm from the heart. I have been all this evening divining youroccupation. Sometimes I imagine you writing or reading, and then thehope that you are thinking of me arises. Pray what have you beendoing? If you can possibly recollect, let me know. After all, it ismore than probable that you have been smoking with Huger, entirelyabsorbed in your society and segar.

How does your election advance? I am anxious to know something of it;not from patriotism, however. It little concerns me which partysucceeds. Where you are, there is my country, and in you are centredall my wishes.

Were you a Brutus, I should be a Roman. But were you a Caesar, Ishould only wish glory to Rome that glory might be yours. As long asyou love me, I am nothing on earth but your wife and your friend:contented and proud to be that.

Mr. M'Pherson is much better. He sits up—I mean out of bed, a greatpart of the day. Mr.——- spent about three hours with him yesterday.What a Chesterfieldian that is; he has not had the civility to call onme, although you were so attentive to him. He has grown sentimental.He caught a moscheto the other day, and kept it under a tumbler tomeditate on, because it reminded him of Carolina, and consequently ofMiss ——-. What man under heaven ever before discovered an analogybetween a moscheto and his mistress? I am very happy you have chosenchess for your amusem*nt. It keeps you constantly in mind how poorkings fare without their queens. Our little one has been very amiableto-day. Adieu.

THEODOSIA.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, July 19, 1802.

On Saturday (17th) Mr. and Mrs. Alston, Lady Nisbett, and Charlottetook passage for Red Hook. The wind has been so favourable that theyundoubtedly arrived yesterday before dinner. Charlotte had three orfour fits of ague and fever, but had escaped two days before shesailed, and was again in health.

You will herewith receive the second book. The malice and the motivesare in this so obvious, that it will tend to discredit the whole. Thecharges which are of any moment will be shown to be mere fabrications.But there seems at present to be no medium of communication. Theprinters, called republican in this city (Denniston and Cheetham), aredevoted to the Clintons, one of them (Denniston) being nephew of thegovernor, and, of course, cousin to Dewitt. Wood, after absconding forsome time, returned to this city, was put in jail, where he lay somedays and until taken out by Coleman. You will shortly receive anexplanation of this controversy, but not from me. Very affectionatelyyours,

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, August 2, 1802.

Your letter of the 18th is received. Mr. Williams had before shown methe pamphlet, and had informed me that it had produced all the effectthat the writer could have wished, which is the best evidence of themerit of the work. It is evidently a hasty performance, andincorrectly printed, yet it displays ability as a writer, andsentiments honourable to him as a man.

Wood's book has surprised us. We all expected a new series of abuseagainst A.B. It should be entitled "The Confessions of John Wood, oneof the Conspirators lately associated with James Cheetham and DewittClinton against the vice-president." It shows pretty clearly themotives and views of this clan.

The enclosed paper will give you the particulars of the affair ofSwartwout and Clinton. You will perceive that the latter indirectlyacknowledges that he is an agent in the calumnies against me.

I am about to take possession of Richmond Hill for the reception ofTheodosia and her boy, and shall go for them in about ten days. Wepropose to pass part of September in Orange county.

The letter herewith enclosed came to me under a blank cover; throughinattention, I broke the seal without looking at the superscription.The first sentence betrayed my error, and I have scolded her a gooddeal for her blank cover. Affectionately yours,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, August 8, 1802.

With extreme reluctance, madame, I am constrained to resign to Dr.Brown the honour of escorting you hither. The circ*mstances which haveled to this measure are briefly noted in a letter which I have thisday written you by the mail.

By Tuesday the 9th inst. I shall be settled at Richmond Hill, ready toreceive you and your incumbrances. Tell Mr. and Mrs. Alston, &c., thatI hope there to have the pleasure of accommodating them more to theirsatisfaction than was in my power in the little mansion in Broadway.

The moment you shall receive this, send a line for me to thepostoffice, saying how you are, when you will move, &c. Leave with thepostmaster a written direction to forward to New-York all letters forMrs. Joseph Alston. I recommend to you to go round by Stockbridge tosee Binney. She is there at the house of Mr. Bidwell. You will alsothere see your old great-uncle Edwards. But this is left to yourdiscretion. If you go through Pittsfield, you should call and see H.Van Schaack, for whom Dr. Brown has a letter of credence. Make yourjourney perfectly at your ease; id est, with dignified leisure.Write me at every post-town, for I shall have a deal of impatience andanxiety about you and your little nonentity.

All your friends here are well except George's dog and one of hisSouth Carolina birds. We are all in the bustle of moving. Heighho! forRichmond Hill. What a pity you were not here, you do so love a bustle;and then you, and the brat, and the maid, and thirty trunks would addso charmingly to the confusion. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, September 8, 1802.

The debility and loss of appetite which your wife has experiencedalarmed me; yet I was totally ignorant of the cause. I was firstinformed of it by Dr. Bard, who came accidentally to this city about afortnight ago. He, with Hosack and Brown, all of whom I consulted,joined with me in opinion that she ought immediately to wean her childor provide a wet nurse. This she peremptorily refused, and the bareproposition occasioned so many tears and so much distress that Iabandoned it. Within the last three days, however, she has such a lossof appetite and prostration of strength, that she is satisfied of thenecessity of the measure for the sake of the child, if not forherself; and I have this day sent off a man to the country to find asuitable nurse. The complaint continued from the period of herconfinement during the whole time that she remained in Charleston.

It is most unfortunate that she left the Springs. While she was there,either by means of the air or the water, or perhaps both, she had gotquite rid of the complaint, and there is no doubt but that, had sheremained there a fortnight longer, the cure would have been radical.The ride to Hudson, only thirty miles, brought on a relapse; and, withslight variations, the affliction was increased and her strengthdiminished. Bard advised the Springs, and was quite angry that sheleft them.

There is nothing in this disorder which immediately threatens life;nor is it, at present, attended with pain; but if it should becomefixed upon her, of which there is danger unless speedily cured, itwill unfit her for every duty and every enjoyment in life. Themedicines, which under the direction of Bard she used at Lebanon, havehitherto proved ineffectual since her return. I have written fully toEustis, and expect his answer within two or three days.

The present state of her health and strength will not, I think, admitof an attempt to take her to either of the Springs, or I should nothesitate to go off immediately with her. I have, however, strong andwell-grounded hopes that, when she shall have a nurse, and resume theuse of proper remedies, a cure will be effected.

I have thought that you ought to be informed of these facts, as wellto explain the varied accounts which you may have received of herhealth, as to anticipate the vague or exaggerated relations which youmay receive through other channels.

Most affectionately yours,

A. BURR.

THEODOSIA TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, September 30, 1802.

Another mail has arrived, but to your Theo. it has brought onlyunhappiness. It is now a week since I received your last letter. Youare ill. You have been imprudent, and all my fears are fulfilled.Without any one near you to feel for you, to attend to you, to watchevery change and share every pain. Your wife only could do that. It isher whose soul clings to yours, and vibrates but in harmony with it;whose happiness, whose every emotion, more than entirely dependant onyours, are exchanged for them. It is she only who forgets herself inyou, and who, in gratifying your wishes or alleviating your pain,serves the interest nearest her heart. I know you have friends withyou; but, when you lose your vivacity, and your society is robbed ofits usual charms, they will find your chamber dull, and leave it forsome more amusing place. They cannot, like your little Theo., hangover you in your sleep, and, with a beating heart, listen to everygroan and tremble at every noise. Your son, too, were we with you,would charm away your cares. His smiles could not fail to sooth anypain. They possess a magic which you cannot conceive till you see him.Would we were with you, my beloved. I am miserable about you. Adieu.Heaven bless my husband, and I am happy.

THEODOSIA.

THEODOSIA TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, October 30, 1802.

I have just received yours of the 21st. You already know the result ofmy confinement in bed. It certainly relieved me for some time, whichproves how easily that cure would have succeeded at first. I have nowabandoned all hope of recovery. I do not say it in a moment ofdepression, but with all my reason about me. I am endeavouring toresign myself with cheerfulness; and you also, my husband, must summonup your fortitude to bear with a sick wife the rest of her life. Atpresent, my general health is very good; indeed, my appearance soperfectly announces it, that physicians smile at the idea of my beingan invalid. The great misfortune of this complaint is, that one mayvegetate forty years in a sort of middle state between life and death,without the enjoyment of one or the rest of the other.

You will now see your boy in a few days, and you will really be verymuch pleased with him. He is a sweet little rascal. If Heaven granthim but to live, I shall never repent what he has cost me. Adieu.

THEODOSIA.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, October 15, 1802.

In my letter of yesterday I said nothing of your son. He is well, andgrowing as you could wish. If I can see without prejudice, there neverwas a finer boy.

Of yourself I have a good deal to say; more than I can find time towrite, and some things which cannot be written. Except the littlepractical knowledge which you may have gained by mingling with yourcommittee-men, &c., your summer and autumn have, I perceive, beenlost—lost, I mean, as to literary acquirements. From your companions,I presume, little is to be gained save the pastime of a social hour.Yet time goes on, and you have much to do.

To the execution of any project, however, health is a sine qua non.Whether you can ever enjoy it in Charleston or on Sullivan's Islandhas become a problem in my mind. I was quite shocked with your wanappearance when I first met you last spring. How different from thatwhich you took hence the fall preceding. With every advantageattainable in your climate, you have scarcely been free from feverduring the season. This cannot fail to debilitate both mind and body.If these hazards are to be annually encountered with similar effects,and worse may be apprehended, it is a price far beyond the value ofany benefits which Charleston can offer. The mountains, a moreNorthern latitude, or the grave, must be your refuge. Pray thinkof these things. If I should not go to South Carolina this fall, noryou come hither, let us meet in Washington next winter. After therising of your legislature, you may find time for that journey. But Ishould prefer to see you here immediately after your election, ifthere be time for your return before the session of the legislature.Your health must require this change. Here you may freeze out allyour "miasmata" and surplus bile in ten days, and go to Columbia withnerves well strung and blood well purified.

My solicitude for your frequent appearance in courts is no waydiminished. The applause which I heard bestowed upon you sunk into myheart. I could distinguish that which you merited from the fulsomeeulogy which was uttered through politeness. Your talent for writingis enviable, and, with cultivation, will be unrivalled (nothingwithout cultivation, remember). No one wishes so ardently as I do, noteven you, that these advantages should be improved. But theseconsiderations are unimportant compared with those which regard yourhealth.

If you should leave Charleston, give special orders about yourletters, for I may write what I should wish no one but you to see.Affectionately adieu.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, November 5, 1802.

The cold weather of the last ten days has had a happy effect onTheodosia. She is so far restored that I can with confidence assureyou she will return in health. The boy, too, grows fat and rosy withthe frost. They have taken passage in the brig Enterprise, CaptainTombs, the same with whom we came last June. She will have the controlof the cabin, and will be perfectly well accommodated. I regret shewill sail so soon (the 12th), as well because I cannot attend her asthat I could have wished her health and that of the boy to have beenstill more confirmed. Yet I cannot any longer resist her impatience.You must not delay your journey to Columbia in expectation of herarrival. It is important that you be on the ground the first day, andit is to be desired that you could be there two or three days beforethe commencement of the session. If you should be gone, she projectsto follow you, of which I advise you, that you may leave yourdirections. When you shall see her and son, you will not regret thisfive months' separation. I rejoice that you are to meet Major Pinckneyon the floor of your assembly. "The Citizen" (Cheetham andDenniston's), in publishing a list of members chosen in Charleston andits vicinity, omitted your name; but took care to add, by way ofextract from a pretended letter, that the Alstons were of noconsideration or influence in South Carolina. There is no bound to themalice of these people. The conspiracy was formed last winter atWashington. A little reflection will indicate to you the descriptionof men, the motives, and the object of this combination.

Apologize for me to Ch. Marshall that I do not fulfil my engagement toaccompany him from Charleston to Washington. I hope you will bring himwith you.

Would Charles Lee accept the place of secretary of the Senate? It isworth twenty-three hundred dollars per annum, and not laborious. Thesecretary, you know, is chosen by the Senate. Otis, the presentincumbent, will probably decline. If you should think that Lee woulddesire it, and the thing should appear to you proper, it should besuggested to your senators. Of the legislative subjects mentioned inone of your letters, I hope to find time to say a word on Sunday (7thinst.). God bless you.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, December 4, 1802.

So you arrived on the 24th, after a passage of ten days; you and theCharleston packet on the same day. All this I learned last night; notfrom you. Vanderlyn and I drank a bottle of Champagne on the occasion.

Though this relieves me from the great anxiety under which I laboured,still there are many details of your passage, your arrival, &c., onwhich nothing but your letter can satisfy me. For some unknown reason,the mail is now eighteen days on the road.

Vanderlyn has finished your picture in the most beautiful styleimaginable. When it was done, he exclaimed with enthusiasm, "There isthe best work I have ever done in America."

Your letter must be addressed to Washington. The dear little boy, Ihope, made a good sailor. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, December 16, 1802.

Your letter of the 26th November came yesterday, that of the 25th theday preceding. You see, therefore, that twenty-one days had elapsedfrom the time of your arrival to the receipt of your first letter.This is not by way of reproach, for it is an unpleasant truth that,for the last six or eight weeks, the Charleston mail has been twentydays on the way. Had it not been for the intelligence by water of yoursafe arrival, we should have concluded that you and Kate [1] were nowdancing with Amphitrite. How jealous her majesty would have been atthe presence of two such rivals.

The day after you left us, though the weather was mild, not even afrost, the leaves of the trees about the house began to fall, and inthree days they were as bare as in midwinter, though you may recollectthat you left them in perfect verdure. This, I am sure, was sympathyand regret. I shall respect these trees for their sensibility. It wasin harmony with my feelings; for, truly, all was dreary.

Yes, I enter into all your little vexations; but while I write, andlong before, they probably have passed away, and are succeeded by newones. Kate will help you to laugh them off. Kiss her for me. Not aword, not a line from your husband since the 30th of October. Weought, nay, we must, every day add something to our experience, andusually at some cost.

I expect to leave this in about a week. Henceforth, therefore, addressme at Washington. On my arrival there we will begin to talk of ourspring and summer plans. You did well, very well to give up theColumbia project. I really wish you had given the pair of horses inyour own name. In all such cases, that which is most grateful to youwill be so to me. Butter shall be sent. The card plate must bealtered.

Maybe I may write you from Philadelphia; not again from this city,unless I should receive from you something very pretty. Vanderlynprojects to visit Charleston, but I am sure he will not. He is rundown with applications for portraits, all of which, withoutdiscrimination, he refuses. He is greatly occupied in finishing hisNiagara views, which, —indeed, will do him honour. They will be fourin number, and he thinks of having them engraved in France. You hearthe roaring of the cataract when you look at them. Kiss the dearlittle boy. Adieu, ma belle.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, January 26, 1803.

Your last letter, and the only one received within a month, is datedthe 14th inst., and written, I suppose, at your plantation. It givesme the satisfaction of knowing that you and your boy are well, andnothing more. How long you are to remain there, where next to go, andevery thing leading to a knowledge of your occupations and intentions,is omitted. One half of the letter is a complaint of my silence, andthe other half (nearly) an apology for yours, You know (or am I now totell you) that you and your concerns are the highest, the dearestinterest I have in this world; one in comparison with which all othersare insignificant.

Recollect, my dear Theodosia, that in five weeks Congress will adjourn(3d March); that I shall then go in some direction, but in what is yetunsettled; that my movements will depend essentially on yours. Tellme, therefore, where you are to pass the summer, when you are to leaveCharleston, and all the details. If these matters should not yet besettled, let it be forthwith done. If you are not to go northward, itis not probable that I shall see you in some time, for I have thoughtsof going on a tour through the western country, which, if executed,will consume the whole summer. I offer you and your family RichmondHill for the season, and will meet you there in May or June, or whenyou please. Perhaps would come to make the voyage with you, by land orwater. Sullivan's Island will not, I hope, be thought of. How is itthat I have not a line from Mari, in answer to several letters whichI wrote him from New-York?

I entreat you to answer this letter distinctly, and in all its parts;for there will not be time for another letter and reply before I shallbe off. My love to Kate. You do not say whether she grows handsome orugly, nor is it any matter which while on the plantation.

I can't conceive how you all stow yourselves in that little wreck of amansion. Please to write over, in some way, the erased part of yourletter. You must be very destitute of wit and contrivance. No essencein Washington. I still prefer musk, but not to be had. One would thinkyou had suffered some injury from perfumes. Your message andcommission to Mrs. Madison will be delivered. My mode of life,establishment, &c., are the same as last year, except that I bought achariot, having some hope of seeing you and your husband here. As Ishall not write again until I hear where you are, I may as well saynow all that occurs to me.

On my way through Philadelphia I rode out to Lansdown, to see ourbeautiful little K. and Mrs. L. They appear to love you with all theirhearts. K. especially talked of you with an interest which could notbe affected. The ladies find fault with her dress, her person, hermanners; in short, with every thing appertaining to her. Mrs. L. hasalso her full share of the eulogium. K. is toujours belle. AtWilmington I did not see friend S. She had gone to church. God blessthee.

A. BURR

TO DR. JOHN COATS.

Washington, February 23, 1803.

It is from me, my dear sir, that apologies are due; but you havekindly anticipated all I could make. I thank you for this instance ofyour goodness; for your friendly recollection; above all, for thejustice you do to my heart and feelings. Your last letter has beenreceived. It is without date, and came by the mail of yesterday. Yousee that I am resolved not to furnish a new occasion for apologies byfurther negligence. Whether, after the adjournment, I shall go Northor South, is yet undetermined. If northward, I propose to take theroute which you had the goodness to describe, and to pass at leastsome hours with you. I shall insist on a dish of lillipee, in order togive a more dramatic effect to the review which we will take of pastscenes.

Dearborn, now minister of war, was our fellow-traveller through thewilderness. If you will designate more particularly the papers youwish to recover, I will with pleasure make search for them. Accept, Ipray you, the assurance of my undiminished regard and esteem.

A. BURR.

FROM THEODOSIA.

Clifton, March 17, 1802.

Ever since the date of my last letter, for it was not forwarded tillsome days after, I have been quite ill; till within these two or threedays totally unable to write. The whole family, as well as myself, hadbegun to think pretty seriously of my last journey; but, fortunately,I have had the pleasure of keeping them up a few nights, and drawingforth all their sensibility, without giving them the trouble ofburying, mourning, &c.

I was one night so ill as to have lost my senses in a great measure;about daylight, as a last resource, they began plying me with oldwine, and blisters to my feet. But, on recovering a little, I kickedoff the blisters, and declared I would be dressed; be carried in theopen air, and have free use of cold water. I was indulged. I wascarried below, where I drank plentifully of cold water, and I had myface, neck, and arms bathed with it, and it assisted mostastonishingly in recovering me. The day before yesterday I was put ona bed in a boat and brought here. The change of air and scene haveassisted me wonderfully. I am again getting well. Indeed, the rapiditywith which I gain strength surprises the whole family. The secret is,that my constitution is good. I exert myself to the utmost, feelingnone of that pride, so common to my sex, of being weak and ill.Delicacy and debility are sometimes fascinating when affected by acoquette, adorned with the freshness of health; but a pale, thin face;sunken, instead of languishing eyes; and a form, evidently tottering,not gracefully bending, never, I suspect, made, far less could theyretain a conquest, or even please a friend. I therefore encouragespirits, try to appear well, and am rewarded. In a few days I shall beon the high road to health. Mari is well, and the boy charming. Adieu.

THEODOSIA.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, June 3, 1903.

I have only to announce my safe arrival yesterday noon. Went forthwithto see the B.'s. They were all out of town. Will be back to-day.

Send me the number of volumes of the American Encyclopedia. I wish tocomplete the set, and must, therefore, know the deficiencies. I haveseen none of your acquaintance save the Biddles. To-morrow (if Ishould in the mean time receive a letter from you) I shall addsomething. You are the two most spiritless young persons I ever knew.Pray muster up energy enough to do something more than lounge onsofas. Go on Sunday to Ludlow's. Ask some of your friends often todine with you. There is a little boy right opposite my window who hassomething of the way of "mammy's treasure." Don't be jealous; not halfso handsome. I have had him over to my room, and have already taughthim to bang. Adieu.

A. BURR.

FROM THEODOSIA.

New-York, June 4, 1803.

Encore stupid. For Heaven's sake, what do you imagine I can find tosay once a day that is worth saying, shut up thus, either tinkling onthe harp or holding a tête-à-tête conversation? You must, indeed, havea high opinion of my genius and the fertility of my imagination.

Pray how do you advance? Heavy business, is it not? I beg you willperform your promise, and write me the history of it. I'll bind it inred morocco, and keep it for the advantage and instruction of the boy.Adieu. Do not forget my commission, and return soon.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, June 5, 1803.

I received yesterday your first letter. Pray no more apologies aboutyour stupidity, &c., because on that subject I am perfectly informed.Be pleased to recollect that your letters cannot be answered the daythey are received. We are now even. I wrote you on Friday.

I went this morning to see L. and Keene. The former, as usual, polite,friendly, and cheerful. The latter something improved by a very slightacquisition of embonpoint; so very slight, however, as not to beobvious to common optics. They will pass their summer at their presentresidence, and I have almost promised that you shall make them avisit.

But I should have narrated in the order of events according to theirdates or in the order of the importance. Neither hath been observed,which argues ill of my temper of mind for the principal pursuit. Cette——- spoils me. From that intercourse I return faintly to the line ofduty. On Friday I saw the inamorata, and it happened as we had feared;for really I did not know whom I had the honour to address; nor couldI, with certainty, discover during the interview, for I saw but one.The appearance was pleasing. There was something pensive andinteresting. It exceeded my expectations. It was a visit of ceremony,and passed off as such. This day I met the whole four at dinner. Myattentions were pointed, and met a cheerful return. There was moresprightliness than before. Le pere leaves town to-morrow for eightdays, and I am now meditating whether to take the fatal stepto-morrow. I falter and hesitate, which you know is not the way. Itremble at the success I desire. You will not know my determinationtill Wednesday. In the mean time I crave your prayers.

I entreat you to ride about. Your monotonous life can never restoreyour health; nay, it is hostile to recovery. The business part of myjourney assumes some importance, but the result is uncertain. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, June 6, 1803.

The plot thickens, and I do not find it possible to communicatefaithfully the details, without hazarding too much in case of loss ofthe letter. Something, however, may be said.

I called at the house this morning; before I had asked for any one inparticular, the servant bid me in, and in a few minutes Inamorat soleappeared. This looked like secret understanding or sympathy; perhaps,however, it was only as head and representative of the family. Shelooked well; but, unfortunately, a trifling carelessness in dress hadnearly concluded the farce. Recollecting, however, that they werepacking up for a temporary removal, to take place this very day, anapology was obvious. Having made to myself the apology, I wentfurther, and found that there was politeness, at least, in receivingme, and in so prompt an attendance under such circ*mstances. After tenminutes le pere came in; conversation became general, and I tookleave.

Returning home, and pondering on the subject most profoundly for fullfive minutes, I boldly took up my pen, and wrote le pere that I wisheda few minutes' conversation with him at his own house in the course ofthe day. Within an hour he was at my room to receive thecommunication. Now paint to yourself a desperate miscreant on thepoint of committing self-murder, trembling with anxiety, choking forwant of utterance, &c. Having formed the portrait to your own taste, Imust tell you that there was no such figure. The salutations, onmeeting, passed as usual. An expression or two of sensibility to thecourtesy which anticipated so promptly the intended visit, and thensome unembarrassed direct questions and monosyllabic answers. "Is——- under any engagement?" None. "Would it be agreeable to youthat ——- should make overtures?" &c. Certainly. A verycomplimentary thing, however, was said by le pere. It was agreed thatthe suiter should make known his pretensions, he (le pere) decliningto intermeddle. End of the first act.

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your two letters, bothdated June 4. Evidently they cost you great labour.

June 7.

I left this open that I might acknowledge the receipt of one by thismorning's mail. I am gratified to have it in my power. The accident tothe harp has been very fortunate, inasmuch as it enabled you to makeout a long letter on the subject. However it may be broken, nothing isso easy to be repaired. Kiss dear little bang.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, June 7, 1803.

As you were informed yesterday, my Celeste has gone with the family(le pere excepted) to pass a fortnight six miles from town. I goto-morrow morning to recommend myself; and that no time may be wasted,and these six mile rides may not be too often repeated to no purpose,I shall not go much round about the subject, but come pretty directlyto the point; of all which you will be duly informed.

Truly, if my head be as confused as my narrative, it will be of littleuse to me in the negotiation. I should have begun by relating whathappened this morning. There are, however, two ways of telling astory. One by beginning with the oldest event, and so travelling downto the close of the tale, and this is the mode commonly used byphilosophers and historians. The other, is by commencing with the mostrecent fact or earliest incident, which is the mode universallypractised by lovers, and, generally, by poets. I could even quoteHomer and Virgil as authorities in support of this latter method.Further I may add, that this retro-progressive arrangement seems morecongenial with the temper and feelings of the fair sex. Thus, you see,most ladies turn first to the last chapter of a novel or romance. Indefence of this practice I could dilate to the utmost extent of manysheets; but, intending soon to publish an essay on the subject, Ileave for the present the residue to your reflections, and return tothe interview of this morning.

I was admitted without hesitation, and was presently joined byCeleste, though I had not particularized any one as the object of myvisit. For some minutes she led the conversation, and did it withgrace and sprightliness, and with admirable good sense. I made severalattempts to divert it to other subjects—subjects which might havenearer affinity, again, to others; unsuccessfully, however; yet,whether I was foiled through art or accident, I could not discover. Beassured she is much superior to l'ainée.

"I would be wooed, and, not unsought, be won."

So I conjectured she thought, and she was right.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, June 8, 1803.

I told you the negotiation should not be long. It isfinished—concluded—for ever abandoned—liber sum. Celeste nevermeans to marry; "firmly resolved." I am very sorry to hear it, madam;had promised myself great happiness, but cannot blame yourdetermination. "No, certainly, sir, you cannot; for I recollect tohave heard you express surprise that any woman would marry, &c., andyou gave such reasons, and with so much eloquence, as made anindelible impression on my mind." Have you any commands to town,madam? I wish you a good-morning. End of the second and last act.

The interview was about an hour. Celeste was greatly agitated;behaved, however, with great propriety. The parting was full ofcourtesy, and there is reason to hope that there will be no hanging ordrowning.

I dined to-day chez Rush. The two elder daughters are in Canada. Thelittle Julia, now about ten, is growing up very lovely and tresgentile. Afterward called to see your friend, Mrs. Stewart, and herbeautiful daughter. She is really beautiful. To-morrow I dine chez laRaz.

The law business goes on slowly; may be finished about Tuesday next,after which I shall hasten to those who love me, when I shallendeavour to rouse them from their lethargy, and give them a littlezest for life. Just now I recollect that I have no letter from youthis morning, at which I was confoundedly vexed. I stop, therefore,and shall withhold even this for a day, by way of punishment. You willsay that you were not well, that you were engaged in company, that theservant neglected to take the letter, or some such trite thing. Allnonsense. Bon soir.

Thursday morning.

Your letter of Tuesday, containing the history of the dinner, isreceived this morning. Truly, I think that Mr. and Mrs. Moore and Clemmight, with any tolerable aid, have made the dinner gay. Mr. and Mrs.Moore have both a great deal of wit, and are both well bred. Clem isby no means deficient. It must, therefore, have been the fault ofyourself and husband. If the harp is not essentially injured, I wouldnot purchase a new one. Kiss little bang.

A. BURR.

FROM THEODOSIA.

New-York, June 9, 1803.

I received yesterday your three letters of the 5th and 6th. They mademe laugh, yet I pity you, and have really a fellow feeling for you.Poor little Rippy, so you are mortgaged! But you bear it charmingly;do you think this courage will last, or is it only a spasm? Spasmodiclove. It is really quite new. The trifling incident in relation todress you must pardon. I am a connoisseur in these things, and canassure you they are very pardonable.

I am all anxiety and impatience for to-day's mail. But it surprises methat primo mobile is forgotten. Pray, have you lived altogether onpepper? We shall ride to Montalto this afternoon, and you shall knowour reception. I am too anxious for my letters to add a word more.Poor Starling!

THEODOSIA.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, June 10, 1803.

Yesterday I dined chez la Raz; a very pleasant party. The farce ofeight days past had been forgotten, or recollected only as a dream.

Just as I sit down to write to you I receive a note from Celeste,advising me that she is in town for a few hours, and will be happy tosee me. What in the name of love and matrimony can this mean? Theconclusion was definitive, and a mutual promise that neither wouldever renew the subject. I am all impatience, and I go to hear. Youshall know to-morrow.

A. BURR.

FROM THEODOSIA.

New-York, June 10, 1803.

My apology for not writing this morning is enclosed. We have beendining with Mrs. Laight to-day, and have been much amused. We are totake them, with Miss Laight and Miss Brown, in curricle and coachee toMontalto to-morrow afternoon. We are absolutely two demonstrations oftwo laws in mechanics. When we repose it requires a great exertion tomove us, and when put in motion we go on.

My interruption last evening prevented me from wishing you joy at thedeclaration of independence. What are your plans now. Cher petit pere,the boy kisses you; but I do not, because you remain so long inPhiladelphia.

THEODOSIA.

Footnotes:

1. Her cousin, Catharine Brown, daughter of Dr. Joseph Brown.

CHAPTER XIV.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, June 11, 1803.

Continuation of the Story of the Loves of Reubon and Celeste.

Your recollection must be recalled to the fatal and decisive interviewof Wednesday. The result only was stated in a former letter. It wouldhave required too much time to compress into the compass of one or twosheets a conversation of two hours. The details are therefore omitted;but a circ*mstance which will increase your surprise at the incidentrelated yesterday morning is, that, on Wednesday night, Reubonreceived by the hands of a servant of Celeste, sent for the solepurpose seven miles, a letter from her, couched in civil terms, butexpressing "an unalterable determination never to listen again to hissuit, and requesting that the subject might never be renewed." Reubonreturned home late last evening, and was told that a boy had beenthree times in the course of the afternoon and evening to deliver hima message, but refused to say from whom he came. The last time theservant of Reubon traced the boy to the house of Celeste in town. Itwas not known that Celeste had been that day in town, and noconjecture could be formed as to the owner of the boy or the object ofhis message. The note received by Reubon this morning explains themystery. The letter which I wrote you by the mail left Reubon puzzlinghis brain to discover the meaning of that note, and just going out toobey the challenge which it conveyed. He went, as you were apprized,and has just now returned and communicated what you shall now hear.

Some years ago, a worthy country judge, having heard a cause veryingeniously debated by lawyers on each side, when he came to chargethe jury, did it in the words following: "Gentlemen of the jury, youmust get along with this cause as well as you can; for my part, I amswamp'd." Now Reubon is exactly in the case of this judge, and I am ata loss what to advise him. You could unravel this thing in fiveminutes. Would to God you were here; but to the story.

He found Celeste with a visitor; some female neighbour, who sat a fullhalf hour. Celeste betrayed considerable agitation when Reubon camein, and the most palpable impatience at the long stay of the ladyvisitor. At length she went, and the parties were alone. As she haddesired the interview, it was her place to speak first. After a pauseand several efforts, she, with some trepidation, said that she fearedthe letter which she had writen had not been expressed in termssufficiently polite and respectful; she had wished an opportunity toapologize; and here she stuck. Reubon ought in mercy and in politenessto have taken up the conversation; but he, expecting no such thing,was taken by surprise, and remained dumb, with a kind of half grin.The duette, at this moment, would have made a charming subject for thepencil of Vanderlyn. Celeste was profoundly occupied in tearing upsome roses which she held in her hand, and Reubon was equallyindustrious in twirling his hat, and pinching some new corners andangles in the brim. At length he recovered himself so far as to gainutterance. He denied, plumply, that there was want of politeness orrespect in the letter; and, after many awkward detours andhalf-finished sentences, he said he would return the letter, and wouldconsider it as cancelling the determination which it contained, andproposed to call on her in the country to-morrow morning to renew hissuit. This was faintly opposed. He changed the course ofconversation, without insisting on a formal permission or refusal, andthen went into the subject of celibacy and matrimony, and passed anhour tête-à-tête. It may be worth noting that, towards the close ofthe conversation, some one knocked, and that she went out and orderedthe servant to deny her, from which it may be inferred that she wasnot disagreeably engaged, and that she did not wish to be interrupted.

Now, ma Minerve, is not this a very ridiculous posture for so grave anaffair? And is not Reubon in a way to be coquetted, with his eyesopen? I rather think he erred in giving to the apology of Celeste anyother meaning than she literally expressed. Thus he might havecompelled her to be more explicit. On the other hand, if she did infact repent, and so suddenly, it would seem too harsh and fastidiousto shut the door against all treaty and negotiation. Upon the whole,however, I conclude that if she wished, for any kind reason, toretreat, she should have gone further, and held out something likeencouragement; in short, have met him half way. It may, I know, bereplied, that her habits of life and singular education forbid everything like advance; and that a lady may always presume that her lover,if sincere, will seize the slightest ground for hope; and that, in thelogic of love, an equivocal refusal is assent. Certainly, this lastinterview has been illy managed on the part of Reubon, but I have notyet resolved what to advise. This is left open till morning, whenperhaps a word may be added.

Saturday morning.

From the state of things it is obvious that there can, at this hour,be no new fact to communicate; but I have no longer any doubts as tothe meaning of the late scene, nor as to the line of conduct to bepursued by Reubon. The note of Celeste is one of those triflingincidents which are too small for calculation, which may have arisenfrom the trifling motive assigned. Perhaps from a little spirit ofcoquetry, perhaps a mere piece of sport. He shall, therefore, take nofurther notice of it; not even to go out this morning to see her, ashe had solicited and engaged; and, when he shall next meet her, makesome slight apology. Thus the thing is settled.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, June 12, 1803.

I am weary, and so must you be, of this story of Reubon and Celeste.It is, however, closed, and you will, after this letter, hear no moreof it.

Reubon agreed to comport himself in the manner advised in my last.Immediately after this determination, Celeste sent a servant to informhim that she was in town! He called to see her; returned the offensiveletter, and told her that, as he understood that it was the manner andnot the substance of the letter which had induced her to recall it, itwould be quite unnecessary for her to take the trouble of writinganother. They talked of indifferent matters. Reubon, quite at ease,played the man of the world, and, in my opinion, the man of sense.Before they parted, her face was flushed like a full-blown rose. Shebegged his permission to destroy the letter, which was certainly avery useless request, considering that the letter was wholly in herpower. During the interview, Celeste, having no roses to occupy herhands, twisted off two corners of a pocket-handkerchief.

This reference (the law business), of which I informed you something,has become extremely troublesome and disagreeable. I am apprehensivethat it will detain me here nearly the whole of this week.

Binny looks remarkably well, and talks much about you. Dennis andwife, from Savannah, are here. Madame est toujours belle. I can'texpress to you my impatience to be with you, your husband, and littleone. Truly I think with horror of passing five days more here. Prayform no plans of distant rides until my return.

A. BURR.

FROM THEODOSIA.

New-York, June 14, 1803.

As to Celeste, voila mon opinion. She meant, from the beginning, tosay that awful word—yes; but not choosing to say it immediately,she told you that you had furnished her with arguments againstmatrimony, which in French means, Please, sir, to persuade me out ofthem again. But you took it as a plump refusal, and walked off. Shecalled you back. What more could she do? I would have seen you toJapan before I should have done so much. I still, however, like yourplan. My opinion is not, perhaps, well founded, and it is best to beon the safe side. If she is determined to be kind, she will find out away of expressing it, or she is not worth having. I am quite pleasedwith her, and am waiting the arrival of the mail with the utmostimpatience.

"Treasure" is well, notwithstanding all predictions on my folly in hisdress. You must be home for my birthday, (the 20th inst.), or I'llnever forgive you; or, rather, I shall not spend it pleasantly.

THEODOSIA

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, June 16, 1803.

No letter by this mail; being the fourth omission and violation ofpromise since the 1st inst.

The birthday must be kept. It shall be "honoured by my presence." Youwill therefore make your preparations, and, among other articles foryour feast or party, I recommend two fiddlers, not barbecued orroasted, but en plein vie.

If this should be received on Friday morning, in season to be answeredby that day's mail, I beg to have a line from you, if only a bonjour; after which, no more letters can be received. You shall nothave any distant parties or jaunts until I can partake. I am evenjealous of the Fort Washington tour. Indeed, you can't go therewithout me, for no one can so well show you the ground.

If Mr. Kane and his wife (late Miss Clarke) should be in town, praycall on them immediately, and make them and the sister of the party.Recollect they have many claims to your civilities. His sister, Mrs.Thomas Morris, was very kind to you at Genesee. Mr. Kane himselfoverwhelmed us with good offices on a certain occasion at Albany, andthe frequent hospitalities of John Innes Clarke can never beforgotten. Be prompt, therefore, and courteous.

A. BURR.

FROM THEODOSIA.

Ballston, July 20, 1803.

Behold us, cher pere, at this fountain of health; and now my onlywish is to leave it as soon as possible. On arriving here we foundthat your letter to H. Walton had not been received; but we have beenvery fortunate in getting a house entirely to ourselves, and one quiteas pleasantly situated as that you mentioned. Mr. Walton has beenextremely polite to us. We dined there on Monday, and in the eveningwent to a ball, which surpassed my expectations in brilliancy. Idanced twice, but I am unable to tell you whether I looked well ordanced well; for you are the only person in the world who says anything to me about my appearance. Mari generally looks pleased, butrarely makes remarks. On my return, therefore, I wished for you tolearn some account of myself; for vanity and diffidence had a combatin which each so well maintained its ground that the affair is stillleft undecided.

General Smith and family are here. Never was ennui more stronglydepicted than in the countenance of madame and sister. They appearabsolutely bereft of every thing like exertion. Mr. ——-, on thecontrary, while he owns that this is not one of the most pleasantplaces he has ever seen, is still lively and agreeable. Such are thebaneful effects of our education. Put out of our usual sphere ofacquaintance, or the old routine of amusem*nt and occupation, werarely have knowledge of the world enough to discover any pleasantqualification that may exist in a stranger, and to put it to any useif it obtrude itself on our notice; and still less are we taught tocreate amusem*nts for ourselves.

The boy is pretty well, but I confess I have many doubts as to thehealthiness of this place for children. Every morning since ourarrival there has been a thick mist, which the sun does not dispersetill nine or ten o'clock. I kiss you with all my heart.

THEODOSIA.

FROM CHARLES BIDDLE.

Philadelphia, February 3, 1803.

DEAR SIR,

The business of New-Orleans is much talked of here. In my opinion, andit is the opinion of many others, we should immediately takepossession, and then treat about it. We have no business to makeexcuses for the conduct of the Spanish government, by saying that theygave no orders to treat us in this manner. For my own part I do notfear a war with France and Spain. We could do more injury to them thanthey could do us. If we were at war with them, and Great Britain didnot join us, we should have our ports filled with their seamen, andthe coasts of France and Spain would soon swarm with our cruisers.

I remember, just before the commencement of the revolutionary war, mymother was disputing with an English officer. He said the Americans,of right, should not go to war; they could do nothing; they could getno person to head them. She replied, that the Americans would have nodifficulty in finding some person to command their army; that she hadseven sons, and, if necessary, would lead them herself to oppose theirarmy. Two of her sons fell during the war in the service of theircountry. I have seven sons, whom I would much sooner lead to the fieldthan suffer our country to be insulted. Your friend,

CHARLES BIDDLE.

FROM JOHN TAYLOR, OF CAROLINA.

Virginia, near Port Royal, March 25, 1803,

DEAR SIR,

By your note from the Bowling Green I find you are under two mistakes.One, that I am a candidate for Congress; the other, that I am making abook. As to the first, I have withstood all solicitation; and,although a few gentlemen have been pleased, without my knowledge, tomake a stir, as it is called, nothing will come of it, and the oldcolonel will once more be felicitated.

As to the second, writing is one of my amusem*nts, but in a wild,careless, and desultory way. Judge, then, how unlikely such scraps areto come out a book. Not that I would hesitate to publish any thingwhich might do these people good, however it might effect my own name,about which the fifty years which have passed over my head haverendered me quite indifferent. My time goes along tolerably enough,one way or another. Fancy furnishes me with passions and amusem*nts,and about one hundred dollars a year more than meets every want I havewhich money can gratify.

This election affair has, however, exposed me to five or six essays inthe newspapers, composed of lies, malice, and nonsense. One writer (anold tory) charges yourself and Colonel Smith with having met in caucushere, to plot the expulsion of Anthony New from Congress. I would havegiven five guineas had you called again, for it is probable you wouldhave met Smith at my gate, and another pretty piece would haveappeared most prodigiously entertaining. Well, if you will call inJune, I will give you a hearty welcome to the best I have. May you behappy.

Your friend,

JOHN TAYLOR.

FROM PIERCE BUTLER.

Near Darien, Georgia, March 30, 1803.

DEAR SIR,

The letter you did me the honour of writing, with the accompanimentsyou so kindly forwarded, have my warm and grateful acknowledgments.The selection of ten miles square for the seat of governmentappeared to me at the time, and has continued, an excrescence on theConstitution, like a wart on a fair skin. Neither the foreignministers nor the resident citizens in the federal city have any thingto alarm them under state laws. There is no finger of blood in thelaws of Maryland or Virginia. I am of Mr. Bacon's opinion—return thesovereignty to the states. I hope we shall preserve peace with Spain.I observe, with much gratification, that the debates in Congress aremuch more decorous than they were last session.

The object or end of Mr. Monroe's mission I am ignorant of, as I donot correspond with any public character but yourself. I suppose anexplanation with France respecting New-Orleans. I leave my farm in afew days for Philadelphia, where it would afford me pleasure to seeyou.

Your friend,

P. BUTLER.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, July 30, 1803.

It was kind to announce to me, by the earliest opportunity, your safearrival at Lebanon. Tell me more precisely the movements andintentions of the family, as they will in some measure control mine. Iam negotiating for the possession of Richmond Hill, by exchanging withColonel F. for my house in town. It will be interesting indeed to haveyou and your boy at the house where you have been once so happy. Wewill trace back our childish sports and our more grave amusem*nts. Inthe sale of this estate I reserve the house and a due portion of theground about it; yet a good price will tempt me to part with it.

Some obscure hints in one of your letters have saddened my heart. Fromson pere I have merited neither suspicion nor reserve. Is it, then,criminal that a person of mature age should converse on a subject mosthighly interesting with the friend most likely informed? Yet did I noteven give advice; invariably and inflexibly I declared that I wouldnever interfere in the matter unless son pere concurred. Have youforgotten the mad project of going to England? the anxiety and miseryit cost us for some days? I should have thanked the man who had thustreated my child. Indeed, my dear Theodosia, such things sink into mysoul. They seem to invade the very sanctuary of happiness. Had I anything so much at heart as to render him happy? That I love him, youbest know. God bless my dear Theodosia.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Providence, R. I., August 1, 1803.

I left New-York two days after you, that is, on Saturday, and had apretty little passage of forty-eight hours. We were, on board, aBritish custom-house officer, a sensible, pleasant man, who playedchess with me; two ladies, rather pretty, who did not molest us,point exigentes, bien amiable; five little children, who neithercried nor quarrelled the whole way! yet cheerful and playful.

Six days have I passed here very pleasantly. To-morrow I go, whitheris not determined. You may, however, address me at New-York, whichwill most probably be my destination.

All those you saw when you were last here inquire about you with greatcivility and interest, and say pretty things of you. Don't be vain,madam, for I take this to be a kind of flattery to me, or to be sointended. Miss C. talks much of you, and L. N., and Miss A. Can youimagine what are Miss C.'s occupations and arrangements? Never; soI'll tell you. Why, she instructs two nieces and a nephew (things oftwelve or thirteen) in astronomy, natural philosophy, and principlesof botany! Her boudoir has globes, several mathematical instruments,&c. All this I discovered by accident; for she denies it all moststrenuously, and with some pretty, unaffected embarrassment. Beassured this is an amiable, sensible girl. I don't believe you knowher value: so I pray you to study her. She left town yesterday withher mother for Lebanon. Mr. C. went on Friday to New-York. What careyou for all that?

Are you a good girl? Do you drink the waters, and bathe, and ride, andwalk? I hear Mrs. W. is handsomer than during her widowhood, of whichI am very glad. Mr. Russel left this on Thursday, intending to passthrough Albany and Ballston on his way to Niagara. If he should comeinto your vicinage, desire Mr. Alston to recollect him. His wife iswith him. I never saw her.

Tell me who you see, and what you do, and what are your plans. You hadbest return by Boston and Providence if you should have time. Can youmake little chose drink the water? I dare say not. If I were there Iwould force some down his little throat. God bless you all.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, August 6, 1803.

Your letter of the 20th of July was received from the postoffice on myarrival last evening. There must be some anachronism in the date, foryou left New-York on the 21st. I learn, however, that you arrived,were well, and had danced. Lord, how I should have liked to see youdance. It is so long; how long is it? It is certain that you dancebetter than anybody and looked better. Not a word of the Springwaters, their effects, &c.

I made the journey from Providence by land in four days. Near town,yesterday, P.M., I met Mr. and Mrs. Harper, of Baltimore. They are tobreakfast with me this morning; so I must make haste, for it is noweight o'clock. How bad I write to-day. With Mr. and Mrs. Harper was apretty-looking, black-eyed lass, whose name I did not hear. I hope sheis coming out to breakfast, for I like her. There was also thatLiverpool merchant, who used to hang on Butler so in Charleston. Ihope he won't come.

I wrote you from Providence, on Monday last, all I had to say of itand its inhabitants. I found the whole country, from Providence tothis place, greatly alarmed about the yellow fever, said to be inNew-York, and dreadful stories in circulation, as usual. There havebeen some suspicious cases, and some decided instances of yellowfever. Our practising physicians, however, our mayor andpolice-officers deny its existence. There is no alarm in town. Thecoffee-house is attended as usual. This length of intolerable heathas, I fear, prepared an atmosphere for the kind reception, if not forthe generation of the fever. Now I hear the carriage. Bon jour. Be agood girl. Love to H. 'Twas nothing but a cart.

L. and her little bang are here (chez nous); how happy are youmothers. She will descant on its beauties by the hour; will point themout to you distinctly, lest they might escape notice. The hair, thenose, the mouth, and, in short, every feature, limb, and muscle, isadmirable and is admired. To all which I agreed.

Jerome Bonaparte is not here; nor is it certain that he is on thecontinent. The French consul, whom I met in the road, told me, withune maniere mysterieuse, that he had something to communicate onthat subject. Maybe he is come, maybe he isn't. I conjecture that heis come or coming.

Here they come, in earnest. I see only one lady in the carriage; somiss has not come; well, she may stay.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, August 8, 1803.

Your amiable letter of the 1st inst. has not yet come to hand, andtherefore cannot yet be acknowledged; perhaps it has not yet beenwritten.

Indeed, we are about to be scourged with the plague called yellowfever. John Bard dead; but, to keep the account good, Billy B. hastwins (boys). Catharine Church Cruger (Mrs. Peter C.) has a son. Butof the deaths. We die reasonably fast. Six or eight new cases reportedyesterday. Of those who take the fever three fourths die. Thecoffee-house was, nevertheless, pretty well attended. No appearancesof alarm until to-day. Several families have removed from theneighbourhood of the Tontine Coffee-house, and five times the numberwill remove to-morrow. Laight claimed Mr. Alston's promise ofMontalto, and I have admitted his pretensions. He will take possessionto-morrow or next day. Our pretty (beautiful) Mrs. Talbot, late MissTruxton, more lately Mrs. Cox, is in my neighbourhood.

I write in town, and in the most outrageous hurry, having nothing todo, but having, according to custom, omitted writing till the momentof closing the mail. Mr. and Mrs. Harper did come, and with them thatblack-eyed young lady, which proved to be Miss Chase, of Baltimore.Mr. ——- came also.

Do you know Miss Joanna Livingston? Pray recollect all her good andamiable qualities. Reflect profoundly. Adieu, ma chere amie.

A. BURR.

FROM THEODOSIA.

Washington, October 16, 1803.

We arrived here yesterday somewhat fatigued. I was, however, veryhappy to find myself at Washington, for we had, in the morning, beennear taking quite a different route. Some part of our harness havingbroken on the top of a pretty long descent, fortunately the leaderswere frightened by the wheel horses crowding on them; and runningaside, one got his leg over the pole and was stopped, or you would nothave had the pleasure of receiving this interesting scribleriad, andthe poor world would have been deprived of the heir-apparent to allits admiration and glory.

Our friend L. I have not seen. She was not to be seen. She has gone toLancaster, and intends returning by the way of Harper's Ferry. Herjourney is taken with a view to recruit herself after a severe attackof the bilious fever; with which, also, her little daughter has beenat the point of death—literally, I am told. Lest I might lose thepleasure of seeing her by some mistake, I would not trust to theinformation of Tunnecliffe as to her absence, but made him senddirectly to her house. There; is not that little incident related inthe true heroic style? Mrs. Madison and myself have made aninterchange of visits to-day. She is still pretty; but oh, thatunfortunate propensity to snuff-taking. We drank tea with Mr. and Mrs.Gallatin by invitation. Nobody asked us to eat. The markets are bad, Ihear. We live very well, however, and, if you have not engagedlodgings, I advise to apply here also.

To-morrow takes us to Dumfries, and the next day beyondFredericksburgh. Le pere is at Bowling Green. I bear travellingremarkably well. Headaches have disappeared, and my appetiteincreases; but poor little gampy does not like the confinement ofthe carriage.

On inquiry, we find that the one-eyed Nicholas who was in Congress isnamed John, and has only three brothers, Wilson, Robert, and Normond;so your man is an impostor, consequently you have been imposed on andcheated out of fifty dollars. Wade Hampton arrived here this evening.

THEODOSIA.

FROM THEODOSIA.

Petersburgh, October 21, 1803.

We reached this last night without any accident or even incident, butwith great fatigue. Mr. Alston appears so distressed and worn out withthe child's fretting, that it returns on me with redoubled force.

Le pere et frere are here. Toujours honnête et bon. Theybreakfasted with us, for we are obliged to take separate lodgings, andmy husband has now gone to the races with them; a party of pleasure Iwas very willing to resign for you and repose. The longer I live, themore frequently the truth of your advice evinces itself, and never wasthere any thing more true than that occupation is necessary to giveone command over themselves. I confess I feel myself growing quitecross on the journey, and it is really to be feared that, unless wesoon finish it, the serene tranquillity of my placid temper may beinjured. Novel reading has, I find, not only the ill effect ofrendering people romantic, which, thanks to my father on earth, I amlong past, but they really furnish no occupation to the mind. A seriesof events follow so rapidly, and are interwoven with remarks socommonplace and so spun out, that there is nothing left to reflectupon. A collection of images, which amuse only from their variety andrapid succession, like the pictures of a magic lantern; not like apiece of Vanderlyn, where the painter makes fine touches, and leavesto your vanity at least the merit of discovering them. Oh! would I hadmy friend Sterne. Half he says has no meaning, and, therefore, everytime I read him I find a different one.

The boy has perfectly recovered. He remembers you astonishingly. He isconstantly repeating that you are gone, and calling after you. When Itold him to call Mr. Alston grandfather—"Grandfather gone," says he.I kiss you from my heart.

THEODOSIA.

FROM THEODOSIA.

Lumberton, S. C., October 29, 1803.

Thank Heaven, my dear father, I am at Lumberton, and within a few daysof rest. I am sick, fatigued, out of patience, and on the very brinkof being out of temper. Judge, therefore, if I am not in great need ofrepose. What conduces to render the journey unpleasant is, that itfrets the boy, who has acquired two jaw teeth since he left you, andstill talks of gampy. We travel in company with the two Alstons.Pray teach me how to write two A's without producing something like anAss.

We expect to reach Georgetown on the 1st of November. There we shallremain three or four days, and then proceed to Charleston. Adieu.Mille baises.

THEODOSIA.

FROM THEODOSIA.

Clifton, November 8, 1803.

You are surprised at my date, but my last must have prepared you forit in some degree. I received such warm and repeated solicitations tocome here, that I accepted. We came on the 3d, and shall remain heretill the day after to-morrow, when-oh!-oh! I go to Hagley, where weshall remain till Natalie's arrival, which will carry me toCharleston. It might appear ill-natured and ungrateful for thekindness John and Sally show me to regret residing at Hagley. But you,who always put the best construction on my words and deeds, willallow, that a place in which we have suffered much and run a risk ofsuffering more must be unpleasant.

We have visited the Oaks house since our arrival. The lazy workmenhave been wasting their time, and have not yet finished what twoNorthern workmen would have done in a month. They are in the act ofplastering, and that will not be dry enough to admit us in some time.Thus I shall remain with John till Mr. Alston returns from Columbia.Do you not think we may safely enter the house then? The plasteringwill be finished in less than a week hence; and the legislature, youknow, adjourns at Christmas. I am particular on this subject, becauseI have known persons to suffer much from inhabiting a house too newlyfinished, and I wish to have your opinion.

I am extremely anxious to hear from you. When we parted you wereengaged in talking over a bargain with Mr. Astor. Pray tell me theevent of your deliberations. I had almost forgotten to tell you thatwe have every prospect of a capital crop.

THEODOSIA.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, November 7, 1803.

Your letter from Chester was received in due time; that fromWashington came only yesterday, having lain there fourteen days beforeit was put into the office. By this time you must have received allthose which I have written to you since your departure—not a singleone. This is the first time that I have put pen to paper at you; but Ihave been too busy, selling. All is sold, and well sold; not all,however. The house, outhouses, and some three or four acres remain.Enough to keep up the appearance, and all the pleasant recollectionsof your infantine days, and some of your matronly days also, arereserved with interest. This weighty business, however, is completed,and a huge weight it has taken from the head and shoulders, and everyother part, animal and intellectual, of A. B.

Mr. M'Kinnon wrote me, last June, a letter, which I received a fewdays ago, and with it came two shawls or cloaks (a kind of workedmuslin, all the rage in Paris and London at that date), some visitingcards, and ornamented message paper. Half his letter is to you and ofyou. He begs you to accept one of the shawls, and to give Frances theother. I executed his instructions by giving F. one. Surely it is notworth while to send the other to the Oaks for the admiration of yourAfricans. It is, in my opinion, beautiful; though, at first sight, Ithought so little of it that I was going to give it to Peggy or Nancy.Of the cards I enclose a sample.

If little gamp could read, I should write to him volumes. I find mythoughts straying to him every hour in the day, and think more of himtwenty fold than of you two together. Mrs. Laight and child are well.They move to town in six or eight days. Anna is well. Cath. C. la la.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, November 22, 1803.

My last went by water, in care of young Gibbs, the baker's son, withthe curricle box, and some other articles which I have forgotten. Theletter contained some samples of M'Kinnon's present. The shawl isstill retained as being too precious to be sent by sea or land. Isthis right?

Mr. Astor left with me some days ago for Mr. Alston a very beautifulmap of Lower Canada, price ten dollars, and two views of Montrealand its vicinity, two guineas. I am particularly charged by Mr.Astor to inform Mr. Alston that his landlord at Montreal paid to him(Mr. Astor), for the account of Joseph Alston, Esq., the sum of onehalf guinea; the said landlord having discovered, after the departureof the said Joseph Alston et ux., that they had not taken with themtwo bottles of Madeira wine which the said landlord had charged in thebill of the said Joseph Alston, and for which he had received payment.Thus I have discharged myself of a commission which has been enjoinedupon me at least ten times.

Roger Morris's place, the large handsome house on the height beyondMrs. Watkins, is for sale. I can get it for Richmond Hill with fouracres. Shall I exchange? R. M.'s has one hundred and thirty acres. IfI leave Richmond Hill, however, had I not better buy in town, that youmay have a resting-place there ? Dear little gampy; tell me a greatdeal about him, or I shall not value your letters. Indeed, I willreturn them unopened. Is not that good Irish?

Mr. Law has arrived. Miss Wheeler [1] is also at Washington, and A. B.at New-York-tant mieux. Would you think it? I have been coquetted bya rich widow, and really I had some thoughts of yielding.

Jerome Bonaparte is here, and he will keep me three days to dine him.We have exchanged visits, but have not yet met. I think I have mixedup here every thing I have to say to T. B. A. or J. A. No one word ofpolitics; but, on further reflection, Mari will be at Columbia whenthis arrives.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, December 4, 1803.

I arrived this afternoon, and found here your three letters fromPetersburgh, Lumberton, and Georgetown. The last is dated the 2d ofNovember. How very long ago. These letters are very satisfactory,except on the article of your health; of that you must speak a littlemore plainly. How long are you to stay in Charleston? Without knowingthis, I am at a loss where to address you. I shall conclude that youwill remain there till the return of Mr. Alston from the legislature.

The manner of your letters pleases me "prodigiously." There is ease,good sense, and sprightliness. That from Petersburgh merits stillhigher encomium. Tell dear little gampy that I have read over hisletter a great many times, and with great admiration. Mrs. Law, towhom I showed it, thinks it a production of genius.

That good and ill fortune never come in single strokes, but insequences, you have heard since you were four years old. Since weparted I have been almost daily surprised by some pleasant occurrenceor discovery of a personal nature. I pray it may continue a littlelonger; even till a bust is found and obtained.

Mrs. Law was vexed and mortified beyond measure at missing you. Shehas bid me say more things than this sheet would hold. The MissesButler are all here. I shall see them to-morrow. Mary Allen, that was,now Mrs. Livingston; that beautiful little Miss Gray, whom we saw inBoston; she became Mrs. Dobel, then a widow, and now Mrs. Payne.

At Philadelphia Mrs. Lenox and K. almost quarrelled with me for yourpassing their gate without calling. They had made some preparation,and, in good faith, desired your visit. Miss Boadley, too, talked ofyou with great interest. At Wilmington I saw no one of youracquaintance; nor at Baltimore, except Susan Smith, who is there on avisit from Princeton.

To go back to New-York. All things are much as you left them, exceptthat what regards gamp is a good deal better. Mrs. Laight, and child,and sisters all in good condition and in high spirits. Have alreadybeen dancing—I believe twice. At Mrs. General G.'s I met by accidentMrs. Rogers. She is a pleasant, cheerful, comely woman, to appearancenot past thirty-eight or forty. You know we had heard otherwise.Eustis has sprained his ankle, which puts him, for the present, out ofthe gay world. I have not been abroad except to dine with Mrs. L. I amrejoiced at what you tell me of La Gree.

Pray take immediately in hand some book which requires attention andstudy. You will, I fear, lose the habit of study, which would be agreater misfortune than to lose your head. M'Kinnon has sent me out abeautiful picture of the celebrated Madame Ricammier. It is a gooddeal like your pretty widow, Mrs. Wright. Bon soir.

A. BURR.

FROM THEODOSIA.

Charleston, November 19, 1803.

All your trouble, good precepts, and better example have been thrownaway on me. I am still a child. Your letter of the 7th inst. reachedme yesterday. Of course it made me very happy; but those pretty littleplaythings from D. M'Kinnon delighted me. I looked at them over andover, with as much pleasure as a miser over his hoard. But you mustsend me the shawl. I shall be down at the races, and want to have thegratification of displaying it.

From my date and my last letter you imagine that Natalie is in town,but you are mistaken. I came down in the hope of meeting her, and tobuy some furniture for the Oaks. Mari on business. I return toWaccamaw to-morrow morning early. My husband left me to-day forColumbia. He received your letter too late to answer it hence, butwill do so from Columbia. As for me, I am in the height of bustle andconfusion. Before seven this morning I had packed up two or threetrunks, and unpacked them all again. Is not that industry? I write asif I were in a hurry. You may perceive the state of my head and housefrom the style of my letter. More from Hagley. Good-by.

THEODOSIA.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, December 6, 1803.

Since closing a letter to you last evening, I have received two more,8th and 19th of November. You are a good girl to write so often. Oh,yes! I knew how much of a child you were when I sent the prettythings. Just such another child is son pere.

I write from my breakfast-table, having not yet been abroad, andhaving denied myself to everybody. I have, therefore, nothing now tosay, and should not so soon have troubled you again, but for thatpart of your letter which speaks of the condition of your house. Ihasten to say that, in my opinion, your house will not be a fit orhealthy residence for your boy before the middle of April or 1st ofMay. The walls may, to the touch, appear dry in three or four weeks;but shut up any room for twelve or twenty-four hours, and enter beforeit be aired, you will meet an offensive, and, as I believe, apernicious effluvia; an air totally unfit for respiration, unelastic,and which, when inhaled, leaves the lungs unsatisfied. This is the airyou will breathe if you inhabit the house. I could, perhaps, showchymically how the atmosphere of the closed rooms becomes thus azotic,but I prefer to submit to the test of your senses.

The shawl shall be ordered on, since you will risk it. Yes, go to theraces, and appear to be amused. Be more social.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, December 9, 1803.

When any thing amuses me, my first thought is whether it would notalso amuse you; and the pleasure is but half enjoyed until it iscommunicated. The enclosed has suggested this prologue.

Perhaps I did not tell you that Kate made breakfast for Bonaparte onemorning at my house: a breakfast à la François, at twelve o'clock.Of four ladies, she was the only one who spoke French, and she reallyseemed inspired. No Parisian could have been more fluent, graceful, orsprightly.

I have nothing to add of A. B., nor of any of the rest of thealphabet; and my breakfast being on table, farewell.

A. BURR.

FROM THEODOSIA.

Clifton, December 1, 1803.

I have been here about a week, cher pere. Since your letter byGibbs, have not received a line from you. I do not know whether to bemost sorry or mad: a little of both troubles me at present; but, topunish you for your silence, I will not tell you which preponderates.Pray write to me immediately.

On the morning after writing to you in Charleston, I set off for thecountry, as determined on; and, since my arrival, have learned thatNatalie was at my house in less than three hours after my departure.Sumter's business will not allow him time to come here, so that Ishall go there. William drives me down in his curricle, and we shallset off to-day—this morning—now. The flat is in the canal; thecurricle on board; my clothes not yet packed up; so good-by. Before Ifinish I must tell you that I have again heard from La Greque; she isastonishingly improved in appearance, so say others, and is veryhappy. She has sent me a Parisian bonnet, two beautiful handkerchiefs,and a pair of walking shoes. To the boy a French and English library;and to Mari a beautiful little golden candlestick, and wax tapers tolight his segar.

My health is infinitely improved, and I attribute it to nothing butthe continual bustle I have been kept in for three weeks past. What acharming thing a bustle is. Oh, dear, delightful confusion. It gives acirculation to the blood, an activity to the mind, and a spring to thespirits.

THEODOSIA.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, December 27, 1803.

Indeed, indeed, my dear little Theodosia, I will write to you verysoon. Don't scold and pout so, and I will tell you how I visitedAnnapolis, and how I returned about an hour ago. All that, however,may be told in half a line. I went and returned in my own littlecoachee. But what I did and who I saw are other matters. Something,too, about Celeste, and something about Madame G., whom you arepleased to term the rich widow. This, I think, will keep you quiet aweek.

Your letter, written on your return from seeing Natalie, is received.You are a dear good little girl to write me so; and of dear littlegampy, too, so much, yet never enough. God bless thee.

A. BURR

FROM THEODOSIA.

Clifton, December 10, 1803.

Behold me again at Clifton; and, in good truth, I begin to be cloyedwith the delights of bustle. William and myself left this the dayafter the date of my last. Some difficulty in crossing the horsesdelayed us till then. We reached Charleston on the second day, and Ifound Natalie delighted to see me, and still pretty. She has grownthinner, much thinner; but her complexion is still good, though morelanguid. The loss of her hair is, however, an alteration much for theworse. Her crop is pretty, but not half so much so as her fine brownhair. I write you all these foolish little particulars because youenter into them all, or, rather, are sensible of all their importanceto us. Natalie has a lovely little daughter called after her.

Mr. Sumter is very affectionate and attentive to her, and polite tome. I like him infinitely better than I did. He is an amiable,good-hearted man, with talents to render him respectable. The peopleof Charleston have paid Natalie every possible attention; indeed, muchmore than I ever received.

Your letter of the 22d of November greeted me on my arrival here. Theexchange has employed my thoughts ever since. Richmond Hill will, fora few years to come, be more valuable than Morris's; and to you, whoare so fond of town, a place so far from it would be useless. So muchfor my reasoning on one side; now for the other. Richmond Hill haslost many of its beauties, and is daily losing more. If you mean itfor a residence, what avail its intrinsic value? If you sell part, youdeprive it of every beauty save the mere view. Morris's is the mostcommanding view on the island. It is reputed to be indescribablybeautiful. The grounds are pretty. How many delightful walks can bemade on one hundred and thirty acres! How much of your tastedisplayed! In ten or twenty years hence, one hundred and thirty acreson New-York island will be a principality; and there is to mesomething stylish, elegant, respectable, and suitable to you in havinga handsome country-seat. So that, upon the whole, I vote for Morris's.

You, perhaps, have not yet heard of the death of J. M'Pherson. Heexpired on the road from town to his brother's. Poor Sally was withhim, and John here. He has gone for her, and thus Hagley will bedeserted for a long time.

Men are indubitably born monkeys. Gampy imitates me in every thing Ido, and to-day I had a lesson not to be forgotten. He was playing inmy room while I was dressing; quite at the commencement of my toilet,toute a fais en desabille, I ran out in the entry to call my maid;while engaged in that operation, I turned round and saw my brother'sdoor opening within a few yards of me; girl-like, or rather babylike,I ran to my room, threw the door open violently, and uttering ascream, was at the other end of it in one jump. The boy, who wasbusily engaged in eating mint-drops, no sooner heard me scream andappear frightened than he yelled most loudly, and, running to me,caught my clothes, clinched his fists, and appeared really alarmed fortwo minutes. It was not affectation. Do you think this trait ominousof a coward? You know my abhorrence and contempt of those animals.Really I have been uneasy ever since it happened. You see I followyour injunction to the letter. How do you like this essay? Have youenough of gampy now?

THEODOSIA.

TO CHARLES BIDDLE.

New-York, July 20, 1800.

MY DEAR SIR,

The President has hauled out into the stream. Your boys left my houseyesterday and went on board. They have gained very much of my esteemand attachment by their amiable manners, their modesty, and goodsense; the friendship which I formerly bore them on your account isnow due to them on their own.

The more I reflect on the destination of these young men, the more Iam pleased with it; and if I had but one son, I think I should placehim in the navy.

If the object be ambition, our navy presents the best prospect ofhonour and advancement. A young man of merit may be sure of rapidpromotion and opportunities of distinction. If the pursuit be wealth,still the navy offers the fairest and most honourable means ofacquiring it.

But another reason, perhaps not often attended to nor generallybelieved, would weigh very much with me. The young men of our day,those, I mean, who are deemed to be in the higher ranks of life, areaddicted to gross and vicious habits, which are often ruinous to theirhealth and constitutions, and always corrupt the morals and enfeeblethe mind. In naval life they are certainly much less exposed to thesevices. The profession calls for the active exertions both of body andmind; and I have always remarked that sailors, I mean those among themwho are men of education, and are stimulated by motives of honour orambition, have a generosity of temper, a frankness and manliness ofcharacter, which is much more seldom seen in other orders of life.

I am, therefore, firmly persuaded that, situated as our country nowis, a young man of activity and talents has the best chance forhealth, fortune, and honour by entering the navy. Your sons are underpeculiar advantages, for you may be assured that they will find notonly a friend, but truly a parent in Captain Truxton. We have talkedmuch about them, and I am happy to find that his dispositions towardsthem are such as you could wish.

I am, dear sir,

Your very affectionate friend and servant,

A. BURR.

Recollect, if you please, the Trenton bridge, and find me a copy ofthe law—any information with regard to the difficulties—the expense,and probable income—also the doings of the commissioners, if indeedthey have done any thing.

FROM JAMES BIDDLE.

Tripoli Prison, November 29, 1803.

MY DEAR SIR,

I sit down to fulfil the promise made at parting, of writing you uponour arrival in the Mediterranean. I had flattered myself with thepleasure of hearing from you frequently during the long and happycruise which I had contemplated; for, although the greater part of ourtime was to be spent far up the Mediterranean, where opportunities toAmerica rarely occur, yet I should have written you from every port wevisited, sealed, and forwarded my letters as a conveyance offered. Butfate, it seems, had cruelly ordained that we should not realize thoseprospects of pleasure and gratification which we had, with so muchcertainty, calculated upon; and that this cruise, which had promisedto be so agreeable, should be suddenly terminated, in its verycommencement, by events the most distressing to ourselves and ourfriends, and which may involve our country in difficulties andperplexities with this regency.

For the unfortunate events of the thirty-first ultimo, the lamentableday which terminated in the loss of our ship [2] by being wrecked onrocks within a few miles of this town, and in ourselves becomingprisoners of war to the Bashaw of Tripoli (I should have said slaves,for we certainly are in the most abject slavery, our very lives beingwithin the power and at the very nod of a most capricious tyrant), letme refer you to statements which I presume you will already have seenbefore the receipt of this. Suffice it to say, that the shoal we runupon was never laid down on any chart yet published, nor ever beforediscovered by any of our vessels cruising off this coast;consequently, the charts and soundings justifying as near an approachto the land as we made, not the smallest degree of censure can beattached to Captain Bainbridge for the loss of the ship. That, afterhaving grounded, every effort was made, and every expedient tried,without effect, that could have the remotest probability of gettingher afloat; and that, after having sustained the fire of the enemy'sgunboats for upward of four hours, and a re-enforcement approachingfrom the town, while our guns were rendered almost useless from thecareening of the ship, there seemed no alternative left but the cruel,mortifying one of hauling down our colours. Let me also tell you thatthe treatment we received from these savages was such as raised ourutmost indignation. Our swords were snatched from us; the money, andevery thing in our pockets was stolen; some had their boots pulled offto examine if something was not concealed there; and some had theirvery coats stripped off their backs, which the barbarians exultinglyput upon themselves; and, as if the trophies of some signal victory,seemed to triumph in obtaining what fortune alone had put them inpossession of. To murmur at their treatment was only to exposeourselves to repeated and more provoking insults; to resist was onlyhazarding our lives. We were therefore obliged, however degrading inour own opinion, to submit to these lawless, unfeeling robbers.

We were all conducted, amid the shouts and acclamations of the rabblemultitude, to the palace, and there ushered into the presence of themighty bashaw, who, seated in state, with his council about him, andsurrounded by guards, awaited our coming. He asked a variety ofquestions, principally concerning our ship and our squadron; and,after having us all paraded before him, and taken a full survey ofeach of us, at which a gracious smile appeared upon his countenance,expressive of his inward satisfaction at so unexpected a piece of goodfortune, we were carried by our guards to the house allotted for usduring our imprisonment in this country. It was the American consularhouse formerly occupied by Mr. Catchcart.

Here we were left undisturbed to our own reflections till thefifteenth instant. A few days previous to this the prime minister hadwritten to inform Captain Bainbridge that a letter had been receivedfrom the Tripolitan captain of the ship captured by the U. S. FrigateJohn Adams, in which he complained of being ill treated by CaptainRogers; that, in consequence of this, he should be under the necessityof retaliating such ill treatment upon us, unless Captain B. wouldimmediately write to Commodore Preble, and order him to deliver upall the prisoners he had, in which latter case we should continue tobe treated as heretofore. No exchange was proposed, but we were todeliver up seventy-eight prisoners merely to ensure our not beingcruelly treated. Captain B. told him that he would write to CommodorePreble, and acquaint him with their demands; but as to ordering orrequesting him to deliver up the prisoners in question, he would notdo it. We were, therefore, conducted to the castle, under the idea ofbeing put to work. The change, indeed, was an unpleasant one, from alarge, commodious house, to what they called a castle, which was, infact, a most loathsome prison. We were crammed into the same room withall our ship's company—how well calculated to contain such a number,you may be enabled to judge, when I tell you that the place was abouteighty feet by twenty-five. How comfortable, when I tell you that theonly place to admit the air was through a small aperture in the top ofthe house, grated over, with no floor, nor a single article offurniture, so that, when we were tired standing up, we were obliged tolay down on the ground. While there, Lisle, the admiral,accidentally passed, and was very much surprised at our removal.He came to inquire the cause, observing that he had understood aletter was received, mentioning that the Tripolitan prisoners had beenilly treated by Captain Rogers. Captain Bainbridge told him, that ifsuch a letter had been written, the writer had asserted a mostmalicious falsehood; that the laws of the United States absolutelyforbid any prisoners being illy treated; and that having grounded,every effort was made, and every expedient tried, without effect, thatcould have the remotest probability of getting her afloat; and that,after having sustained the fire of the enemy's gunboats for upward offour hours, and a re-enforcement approaching from the town, while ourguns were rendered almost useless from the careening of the ship,there seemed no alternative left but the cruel, mortifying one ofhauling down our colours. Let me also tell you that the treatment wereceived from these savages was such as raised our utmost indignation.Our swords were snatched from us; the money, and every thing in ourpockets was stolen; some had their boots pulled off to examine ifsomething was not concealed there; and some had their very coatsstripped off their backs, which the barbarians exultingly put uponthemselves; and, as if the trophies of some signal victory, seemed totriumph in obtaining what fortune alone had put them in possession of.To murmur at their treatment was only to expose ourselves to repeatedand more provoking insults; to resist was only hazarding our lives. Wewere therefore obliged, however degrading in our own opinion, tosubmit to these lawless, unfeeling robbers.

We were all conducted, amid the shouts and acclamations of the rabblemultitude, to the palace, and there ushered into the presence of themighty bashaw, who, seated in state, with his council about him, andsurrounded by guards, awaited our coming. He asked a variety ofquestions, principally concerning our ship and our squadron; and,after having us all paraded before him, and taken a full survey ofeach of us, at which a gracious smile appeared upon his countenance,expressive of his inward satisfaction at so unexpected a piece of goodfortune, we were carried by our guards to the house allotted for usduring our imprisonment in this country. It was the American consularhouse formerly occupied by Mr. Catchcart.

Here we were left undisturbed to our own reflections till thefifteenth instant. A few days previous to this the prime minister hadwritten to inform Captain Bainbridge that a letter had been receivedfrom the Tripolitan captain of the ship captured by the U. S. FrigateJohn Adams, in which he complained of being ill treated by CaptainRogers; that, in consequence of this, he should be under the necessityof retaliating such ill treatment upon us, unless Captain B. wouldimmediately write to Commodore Preble, and order him to deliver upall the prisoners he had, in which latter case we should continue tobe treated as heretofore. No exchange was proposed, but we were todeliver up seventy-eight prisoners merely to ensure our not beingcruelly treated. Captain B. told him that he would write to CommodorePreble, and acquaint him with their demands; but as to ordering orrequesting him to deliver up the prisoners in question, he would notdo it. We were, therefore, conducted to the castle, under the idea ofbeing put to work. The change, indeed, was an unpleasant one, from alarge, commodious house, to what they called a castle, which was, infact, a most loathsome prison. We were crammed into the same room withall our ship's company—how well calculated to contain such a number,you may be enabled to judge, when I tell you that the place was abouteighty feet by twenty-five. How comfortable, when I tell you that theonly place to admit the air was through a small aperture in the top ofthe house, grated over, with no floor, nor a single article offurniture, so that, when we were tired standing up, we were obliged tolay down on the ground. While there, Lisle, the admiral,accidentally passed, and was very much surprised at our removal.He came to inquire the cause, observing that he had understood aletter was received, mentioning that the Tripolitan prisoners had beenilly treated by Captain Rogers. Captain Bainbridge told him, that ifsuch a letter had been written, the writer had asserted a mostmalicious falsehood; that the laws of the United States absolutelyforbid any prisoners being illy treated; and that he knew CaptainRogers had given no just cause of complaint; that, even supposing hehad, that could not justify their retaliating upon us; it would nottend to produce a reconciliation, but would have a quite oppositeeffect; that, however, we were in their power, and they mightsacrifice the whole of us; but the United States had men and shipsenough to send in our places.

In the evening we were reconducted to our former house, probably inconsequence of the interposition of the Danish and French consuls inour behalf. The reason of our removal to the castle, as given out tous, was in order to retaliate upon us ill treatment which they saytheir prisoners received from us. A more probable reason was this:—

When our ship was plundered, all our chests and trunks, with everyarticle of clothing, was carried off. The prime minister, with theview of making money, bought in at reduced prices as many of ourclothes as he could collect, and offered them to us for twelve hundreddollars. Captain Bainbridge would not purchase them. Disappointed inhis expectations of pecuniary profit, and, instead of gain, sustainingloss, he probably sought consolation in his disappointment byincreasing the weight of our misfortunes. The prime minister andadmiral are both renegadoes, the former a Prussian, the latter aFrenchman.

How long we are to remain in this savage country God only knows. Nodoubt it must depend in a great measure upon the exertions that aremade in our favour. We rely with implicit confidence that thegovernment of our country will make the most speedy, as well aseffectual measures for our release. While we are here, our lives mustbe in constant jeopardy and uncertainty. Adieu. Remember meaffectionately to Mrs. Alston; and believe me,

With much esteem and respect,

Your most obedient servant,

JAMES BIDDLE.[3]

Footnotes:

1. Subsequently Mrs. Commodore Decatur.

2. The Philadelphia.

3. Now Commodore Biddle, and son of the late Charles Biddle.

CHAPTER XV.

An amendment to the Constitution of the United States having beenproposed by Congress, and doubts existing as to the manner in which itshould be authenticated and transmitted to the several states, Mr.Burr, as president of the Senate, addressed a note on the subject tothe secretary of state, Mr. Madison, and to the secretary of theSenate, Mr. Otis, to which the following replies were made.

FROM MR. MADISON.

Department of State, December 11, 1803.

J. Madison presents his respects to the vice-president, who will findin the enclosed the information afforded by the office of state on thesubject of former amendments to the Constitution. Mr. Beckleyrecollects, that in one of the instances, copies equal to the numberof the states were made out in the clerk's office of the House ofRepresentatives. In the other, I understood from him that the copieswere not furnished to the executive; but it does not appear, from anything in the office of state, whether this was or was not the case.

J. WAGNER TO MR. MADISON.

Department of State, December 10, 1803.

DEAR SIR,

I find that all the amendments to the Constitution, though none ofthem are signed by the president, have been enrolled in this office. Ido not find that the first set was forwarded by this department to thestates, though the president was requested to communicate them, asappears by the journals. The last amendment was forwarded by thesecretary of state, by direction of the president, to the governors ofthe states.

The vice-president called this morning and stated two questions, whichI was then unable to answer, viz., Whether the enrolment took placehere, and whether the amendments were forwarded to the states fromhence?

It is to enable you to give him satisfaction on these points that Ihave written this. With great respect, your obedient servant,

J. WAGNER.

FROM SAMUEL A. OTIS.

Senate Chamber, December 15, 1803.

SIR,

In answer to the note you did me the honour to send this morning, myfirst impression was that the amendments for each state should beenrolled in the office of the secretary of the Senate, as theresolution commenced in Senate. This impression arose from theproceeding in the first instance, when the enrolments were made inthe House of Representatives, where the amendments, commenced. Thiswas at a time when the secretary of Senate and clerk of the House ofRepresentatives were empowered to publish the laws. But, since theestablishment Of the department of state, the amendments to theConstitution have been enrolled in the office of that house where theyoriginated. This enrolment, as a bill, hath been sent to the Presidentof the United States, with a joint resolution that he would forwardauthenticated copies. This was the case in March, 1794, as you willsee by the journals of Senate. To confirm this idea, a resolution ison the table of the House of Representatives for the above purpose. Ifprecedent is of avail, it certainly devolves, in the distribution, onthe office of state.

Hearing there was some uncertainty, I have, through a friend,transmitted my opinion to the secretary of state.

Very respectfully,

SAMUEL A. OTIS.

FROM GEORGE DAVIS. [1]

Leghorn, December 3, 1803.

A letter to my brother [1] of this date will give you a detail of mypursuits since leaving Malaga until my arrival in Leghorn. I have onlyto say of Tuscany that two months have passed away in endeavouring torepair the ravages of Italian physicians. My pursuits, though notprofitable, have still been flattering to myself. I am at the house ofF. C. Degen, who married Miss Russell, of Boston. She is acquaintedwith you, and often retraces the hours you spent with Mrs. Russell. Imay add, that I have been not only a welcome, but most happy guest ofthis worthy family for six weeks. My hours of relaxation have not beenemployed in playing the cavallero cervante, but in acquiring theItalian; and, with the assistance of a tolerable tutor, I am makinggreat progress. Pisa and Lucca I have been at twice, and about the20th of this month I shall visit Florence. From thence I proceed toRome, Naples, Palermo, and Malta, where I am directed to join thecommodore, he having given me furlough for the purposed route.

I refrain speaking of those places all the world have seen. Shouldmy expectations be realized when at Rome, I shall certainly offer youmy first essay. Nothing has yet been done in the way of making merich. The hospital establishment lays over till spring. CommodoreMorris offers to leave me as chargé des affaires for Tripoli in theevent of peace. If nothing better can be done, I will remain. Eatonhas resigned the consulship of Tunis. Who will be appointed? RufusKing is expected daily in Tuscany. He sails early in the spring forthe United States.

I ought not to omit mentioning Mrs. Derby, who arrived here a few dayssince from Florence. I have spent some pleasant hours with her. She isunaffected and untinctured with the licentious manners of Paris andLondon. We shall meet at Rome. I yesterday dined with Mr. Pinckney,our minister for the court of Spain. He wants, I think, ministerialdignity, whatever may be his talents.

I have written you several times, and although this gives me no claimto expect a letter, yet, when you learn that I have not received aline from the United States since leaving it, you may judge how greatis my desire, and what would be my gratification in hearing from you.The beautiful Mrs. D. is in the parlour, and I have been sent forthree times. With perfect respect,

GEORGE DAVIS.

FROM CHARLES BIDDLE.

Philadelphia, December 12, 1803.

If you can, without inconvenience, let me know how James stands as amidshipman, I wish you would do it. Having lost a brother, a son, andtwo nephews in the service, I have some right to expect James will notbe neglected. I have not the honour of knowing the secretary of thenavy, but I am told he is a very worthy and respectable gentleman.

Yours,

CHARLES BIDDLE.

FROM ROBERT SMITH, SECRETARY OF NAVY.

Washington, December 31, 1803.

SIR,

It was my intention to have had the pleasure of calling upon you forthe purpose of having some conversation with you about Mr. Biddle,midshipman. Not knowing what is the precise object of his father'sinquiries, my communication may not afford the expected explanations.I can only state to you, at present, that the official reports whichhave been made of him by his commanding officers are highlyfavourable, and that, of course, I have a strong disposition to affordto him every opportunity of improvement, and to give him everyadvancement in the navy that can be done consistently with the justpretensions of his fellow-officers.

We regret sincerely that the weather has deprived us of the pleasureof presenting, in person, our reciprocal compliments and solicitationsof the season.

Respectfully yours,

R. SMITH.

FROM ROBERT G. HARPER.

Baltimore, December 20, 1803.

Mr. Carroll, my dear sir, requests me to assure you that it will givehim very particular pleasure to see you at his house on Christmas day,and as many days before and after as you may find it agreeable tofavour him with your company. He regrets that there will not, at thattime, be a room which he can offer you; but, in every thing except thearticle of lodging, he hopes that you will be his guest while you findit agreeable to remain at Annapolis.

Yours truly,

ROBERT G. HARPER.

FROM J. GUILLEMARD.

February 22, 1803.

SIR, You will not, I hope, think me over intrusive when I take theliberty of introducing to your attentions and kindness the Earl ofSelkirk, a young nobleman who has a project of making a settlement forsome of his countrymen on the western side of the Atlantic. I need saynothing more of him. His merits will speak for themselves; and give meleave to add, that I am happy in this opportunity of expressing mygrateful sense of your kindness and attention to me during myresidence in the United States. With great respect, your obedientservant,

J. GUILLEMARD.

FROM JOHN VAUGHAN.

Wilmington (Delaware), January 3, 1804.

DEAR SIR,

I cannot resist, until morning, the pleasure of acknowledging how muchI am indebted to you for an acquaintance with Doctor Peter Irving andMr. Bishop. I found them all you intimated, and much more; andsincerely hope the reciprocation you anticipated may have taken place.We spent the evening with Mr. Dickinson, and, I believe, with mutualpleasure; and they have just left my house, Dr. Irving the last. Wehave many fine tales of the satisfaction inspired by a common sense ofpublic rights, but I query whether a just sense of politicalwrongs do not bind men more closely together.

A very curious game, indeed, has been played here since you passedthrough our borough. A special caucus has been held, to counteract thepolitical machinations which are to arise out of my pleasurableinterview with you; but the clamour is unexpectedly checked. Somewicked man in New-York had the assurance to send to Mr. Dickinson andmyself each a copy of a pamphlet, entitled, "An Examination, &c., byAristides," and, after perusing it with equal pleasure and avidity, Ihad the imprudence to hand it to a disinterested republican, who readit with the highest satisfaction. In one week it has passed throughseveral hands, and has excited no inconsiderable interest. Dr. Irvinghas promised me a supply as soon as practicable.

I am authorized to say that Mr. Dickinson was never prejudiced, and isnow highly gratified. He indeed regretted that I had not assured you,when here, that his opinion was untarnished by the malignant clamourof demagogues.

It is a more than lamentable fact, that factions have arisen up inseveral states which are determined to prostrate every man who mightbe capable of opposing them, or dared to lisp one expression ofdissent to the machinations of favouritism. But, though I have bornetoo much, I am unalterably resolved to adhere inflexibly to the groundI have taken, and stand or fall in the honest path of politicalrectitude.

There is a crisis in the affairs of men which sooner or later unveilsthe hidden features of selfishness; and there is no position in whichmy opinion is more fixed than in the utility of a firm union of honestmen. If the cabals of the day be not speedily arrested, where shallour political bark be anchored? The Sylla of oligarchy, or Charybdisof disorganization must be the portion of our government. Of alltyrannies, oligarchies are the most delusive and dreadful, and anarchyis equally to be deplored.

Wishing you, my dear sir, complete retribution for the past, and happyin the reflection of having preserved myself uncontrolled by artifice,

I am sincerely your friend,

JOHN VAUGHAN.

FROM JOHN DICKINSON.

Wilmington, Delaware, 4th 1st mo, 1804.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

Thy letter of the 30th of last month was delivered to me yesterday byAbraham Bishop, and I desire thee to accept my thanks for introducingone to the other.

He was so kind as to spend some hours with me, and I was exceedinglypleased with the traits of character displayed in the course of ourconversation. He appears to me to be a man who possesses great andwell-directed energies of mind. I rejoice in the prospect he opened tome of the advancement of republican principles and measures to theeastward.

I am thy sincere friend,

JOHN DICKINSON.

TO CHARLES BIDDLE.

Washington, January 2, 1804.

Last evening I received the answer of Robert Smith, of which a copy isenclosed. It may be satisfactory to you to know, officially, thatJames is favourably spoken of, and is in estimation with thegovernment. A more precise answer could not, perhaps, be expected froma minister. The application may secure him from being forgotten, andthe answer from being prejudiced in any future arrangements. He shallbe informed of your precise object by

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, January 3, 1804.

This is only to assure you that I am in perfect health. That GeneralJackson is my good friend; that I have had no duel nor quarrel withanybody, and have not been wounded or hurt.

Jerome Bonaparte, wife, maids of honour (Miss Spear et al.), &c.,&c., will be here to-morrow. There are various opinions about theexpediency, policy, decency, propriety, and future prospects of thismatch. I adhere to Mrs. Caton. To be sure the French laws saysomething on this subject. As you are a learned lady, I will not saywhat; but, if you avow ignorance, you shall have all I know: not in mynext, for Annapolis is yet on hand. Indeed, matters thicken so fast,that I may possibly leave this within twenty days to go northward,without saying a word about it. I hope the shawl (or cloak) hasarrived safe, and that it may be so displayed as to add beauty tograce and grace to beauty.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, January 4th or 5th, 1804.

How could I forget to tell you the very important event of themarriage of Jerome Bonaparte with Miss Patterson.

It took place on Saturday, the 24th ult. Mrs. Caton approves of thismatch, and therefore A. B. does, for he respects greatly the opinionsof Mrs. Caton.

I like much your reasoning about Morris's place and Richmond Hill. Yetwould not a permanent residence in town for some, for many, for allreasons, be better? La G. is much better than I had heard—d'uncertaine age, and well-looking, considering that circ*mstance.Cheerful, good-tempered, the best of housewives, and, as it isthought, willing.

Celeste—(for this I begin a new line) Celeste will be seen on the wayhome, but that La R. spoils every thing in that place. La Planche;that you will never find out. I bet you thirty guineas against M'K.'sshawl. By-the-by, the shawl is ordered on; at this moment, perhaps, onthe perilous ocean, and unensured. La Planche, I say, was seen on ourway hither. All right and pretty; improved since the last inspection.Great friend of La R.; tant pis. Lex et ux. ill suited; mischiefbrewing. Gamp, the mutual friend and confidant.

Now for the trip to Annapolis. No, not now either. It is past twoo'clock in the morning (no matter of what day, for I don't intend todate this, seeing it will equally suit all dates), and I am (not)sleepy. Yet I will go to bed, and not be kept up by any such baggage.So good-morning. Poor little Natalie, I have not written her a line.What's the matter I don't write to Natalie any more? I say I will goto bed. The fire is out, and I have no wood.

A. BURR.

TO PEGGY GAITIN (A SLAVE).

Washington, January 4, 1804.

You may assure the family that I never was in better health; that Ihave not been wounded or hurt, and have had no quarrel with anybody. Ireceived your letter of the 29th this evening. Let nothing hinder youfrom going to school punctually. Make the master teach you arithmetic,so that you may be able to keep the accounts of the family. I am verymuch obliged to you for teaching Nancy. She will learn more from youthan by going to school.

I shall be at home about the last of this month, when I will make youall New Year's presents. Tell Harry that I shall expect to find a goodroad up to the house. Tell me what Harry is about, and what is doingat Montalto. Sam and George are well.

You must write to Mrs. Alston about Leonora's child. Enclose yourletter to me. I hope little Peter is doing well.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, January 17, 1804.

Your kind wishes on the new year are received this evening in yourletter dated 3d January, 1803. No matter what date, such things arealways welcome. I don't believe it came into my head to say Happy NewYear! my heart is so full of good wishes for you every day in thecalendar. Yet I like to see attention paid to all les jours de fête.I am very sorry for poor Charlotte, and do most sincerely sympathizewith Sally. She must know my great attachment for her brother.

Of my plans for the spring nothing can be said, for nothing isresolved. It is not probable that I shall be able to visit you; but Ishall expect you very early. If you are to come by land, I will meetyou on the road; perhaps in this place, perhaps in Richmond. I do notnow see that it will be possible for me to visit South Carolina. Now,what are your plans? The shawl was ordered on the very day I receivedyour commands; whether it has actually been sent I know not, but mostprobably it has.

Of the boy you never say enough. Nothing about his French in yourlast. I hope you talk to him much in French, and Eleonore always. Aletter from Peggy says that Eleonore's boy was well on the 13th. Youricehouse and vaults are finished. Of Annapolis I find the newspapershave anticipated me. They will tell you where I dined, and supped, andwhom I saw.

Madame Bonaparte passed a week here. She is a charming little woman;just the size and nearly the figure of Theodosia Burr Alston; by somethought a little like her; perhaps not so well in the shoulders;dresses with taste and simplicity (by some thought too free); hassense, and spirit, and sprightliness. A little of the style and mannerof Susan Smith.

Mrs. Merry [2] is tall, fair, fat—pas trop, however. No more than adesirable embonpoint. Much of grace and dignity, ease andsprightliness; full of intelligence. An Englishwoman who has livedmuch in Paris, and has all that could be wished of the manners of bothcountries. An amiable and interesting companion, with whoseacquaintance you will, next summer, be much gratified. She proposes topass some time in New-York.

I want a French translation of the Constitution of the United States,and, for the purpose, send you a copy in English. It will, I fear, bea great labour to you; but I cannot get it done here, and it may notbe useless to you to burnish up your French a little. Do you ever hearfrom Natalie? I have not yet written to her. How scandalous.

You do not say whether the boy knows his letters. I am sure he may nowbe taught them, and then put a pen into his hand, and set him toimitate them. He may read and write before he is three years old.This, with speaking French, would make him a tolerably accomplishedlad of that age, and worthy of his blood.

A most bitter cold day. Bon jour.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

Washington, January 18, 1804.

I have been greatly flattered by the applauses bestowed on your speechat Columbia. Send me half a dozen copies. Why have you not alreadydone it?

The papers herewith enclosed will show you our possession ofLouisiana, and the manner of it. The Spanish government will endeavourto limit our west bounds to the Mississippi, with the addition of theIsland of Orleans only; on this consideration that government wouldstill hold on the west bank of the Mississippi, from the riverIberville to the 31st degree of latitude, an extent of one hundredmiles.

In attempting to legislate for our newly-acquired territory, it isdoubted whether the Louisianians can be received into the Unionwithout an amendment to the Constitution. Consider of this. Again, arethey citizens of the United States, or can Congress make them such? Abill establishing a form of government is now before the Senate; whenit shall have passed that house I will send you a copy. It is atpresent in too crude a state to merit your notice.

The newspapers will have informed you that a committee has beenappointed in the House of Representatives to inquire into the officialconduct of Judge Chace. Peters is associated with him, but he is notthe object, and the insertion of his name was accidental. Thisinquiry, as is obvious, is with a view to an impeachment. If it resultin an impeachment, and an immediate trial be had, Congress will sittill May or June. Yours very affectionately,

A. BURR.

TO CHARLES BIDDLE.

Washington, January 20, 1804.

Dear Sir,

I thank you for the letter and the newspaper; for a short letter too,written on your return from Lancaster, which has not yet beenanswered.

It is seriously my intention to visit you next week, if I can getaway, which will depend a little on the state of business in Senate.The association of Peters with Chace was, I believe, accidental. Itwas moved (I think by one of your members), and, as they sat togetheron the bench, it was not, at the time, seen how they could beseparated. I presume it affords him a new subject for wit. On receiptof this, write me one line, saying when Mr. R. will leavePhiladelphia. God bless you.

A. BURR.

TO CHARLES BIDDLE.

Washington, January 23, 1804.

MY DEAR SIR,

When I last wrote you (about Thursday, I think), I felt the approachesof a headache, which I concluded would be, as usual, the torment oftwenty-four hours only. On the contrary, it has pursued me withoutintermission. I have undergone cathartic, emetic, and phlebotomy,operations not experienced by me in twenty years, and all to nopurpose. The pain continues, but to-day has allowed me to leave my bedfor an hour or so at a time. At one of these intervals I now write toyou to say that this incident has rendered my journey doubtful, thoughon the day I last wrote you I informed the Senate that I should haveoccasion to be absent for two or three weeks.

It is extraordinary that all these medical experiments, and a totalabstinence from food for three days, has produced no diminution ofstrength or spirits. At this instant I feel able to start forPhiladelphia (the snow eight inches deep) not withstanding. It will,however, be impossible to move before Thursday, if at all.

January 24.

After writing, last evening, the nonsense on the other page, Irecollected that the mail had closed. This postscript is added to saythat I am much better to-day; but little pain, yet my head too weak tobear the least motion, and fear it will not allow me to travel forseveral days.

I. Brown is again in the chair as president of the Senate. It was ahard election. Ten or twelve ballotings. The Virginia interestsupported Mr. Franklin. Yours,

A. BURR.

TO NATALIE DELAGE SUMTER.

Washington, January 25,1804.

Your safe arrival, my dear Natalie, gave me the greatest joy.Theodosia has given me a detailed account of yourself and your lovelylittle girl. All as I could wish. I could never realize that you werenot lost to me till I heard that you were actually on American ground.Your letter relieved my anxieties and fulfilled my hopes, by assuringme of your unabated affection. But when or where, I pray, are we tomeet? Engage Mr. Sumter to come and pass the summer with me atNew-York; by the summer I mean from the 1st of May till the middle ofNovember. Theodosia has told you that I am wholly at Richmond Hill,and that her house is only five miles off. You will review withpleasure the scenes of your sportive childhood, and you will gratifythe fondest wishes of your affectionate friend and father,

A. BURR.

P. S. I enclose some papers for the amusem*nt of your husband. Praypresent them to him with the assurance of my respectful andaffectionate regard. You, too, my dear Natalie, will read withinstruction and amusem*nt the account of Louisiana.

A. B.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, January 25, 1804.

A letter from Mari, without a line from Theodosia, is novel. If thecompliment should be returned, I should bring an old house about myears. But no apologies or explanations.

I hate them, and the matter will be forgotten before they can reachme.

I have been a week confined to my room by a headache, but there are nomortal or alarming symptoms. On Saturday I take a ride to Baltimore,where I am to dine with Madame Bonaparte. Then on to Philadelphia;thence, perhaps, to New-York, and here again by the time your answercan arrive. Have not yet written to Natalie. How shameful!

Fine sleighing here. Eight inches snow; clear and cold. Having nothingmore at present of great importance to add I remain yours, &c.,

A. BURR.

P. S. Since the conclusion of this performance I have set down in arage, and written a pretty little letter to Natalie. Lord, how mucheasier and lighter I feel.

A. B.

TO NATALIE DELAGE SUMTER.

Washington, January 27, 1804.

The brochure, containing proclamations and manifestoes regardingLouisiana, was intended to accompany those which I lately transmittedto you for Mr. Sumter.

You will be proud, as a New-Yorker, to see that the first attempt tocreate a taste for painting and sculpture has been made in our city.We have about forty busts and groups. Lailson's theatre (west sideGreenwich-street) has been fitted up for their reception. It forms acircular room of about sixty or seventy feet diameter, lighted by adome, and to us, who have seen nothing better, the thing, of course,looks well. Come and see our infant efforts.

I am just leaving this place for a few days on a visit toPhiladelphia; a visit, however, of business only. On my return youwill hear again from me. In the mean time, pray write me when I mayexpect you at New-York.

A. BURR,

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, January 29, 1804.

There is no end to the trouble such a baggage gives me. Another thingoccurs, which, forsooth, must be sent to her too. It would not,perhaps, merit so high an honour as that of being perused byyour——eyes and touched by your fair hands, but that it is theproduction of a youth [3] of about nineteen, the youngest brother ofDr. Peter Irving, of New-York.

Salut.

A. BURR.

TO A. R. ELLERY.

Washington, January 29, 1804.

DEAR SIR,

Your letter of the 6th of January is received at the moment that I amleaving this city on a tour to Philadelphia for two or three weeks. Ican, therefore, only acknowledge it. The map was a most acceptablepresent. I value it greatly as the work of Madame Ellery; acirc*mstance which my vanity has not allowed me to conceal.

You may rely on my zeal and my good will. You can estimate theirimportance. On my return you will hear again from me.

The bill, or project of law, herewith enclosed, is now under debate inthe Senate. You will, therefore, consider it as a project merely, notyet a law. In the course of this discussion it may receive importantalterations, and may be finally rejected. Do not, therefore, sufferany copy to be taken of it, still less to get into newspapers, if anyyou have. You may show it to whom you please. If you have anyacquaintance with Mr. Daniel Clarke, pray let him see it. I wish hisand your opinions, though they may, probably, be received too late toinfluence the result. Mr. Clarke is not known to me personally, butvery much through our common friend General Dayton. With respectfulcompliments and thanks to Mrs. Ellery, I am your friend,

A. Burr.

TO THEODOSIA.

Havre de Grace (Susquehannah), January 30, 1804. In a former letter Itold you we had eight inches snow at Washington. On Saturday last,28th, fell six or eight inches more, so that we had a foot depth ofsnow, cold weather, and, of course, good sleighing. The vice-presidenthaving, with great judgment and science, calculated the gradations ofcold in different latitudes, discovered that for every degree heshould go north he might count on four and a half inches of snow.Thus he was sure of sixteen and a half inches at Philadelphia;twenty-one inches at New-York, and so for all the intermediatespace. Hence he wisely concluded to take off the wheels from hiscoachee and to set it on runners. This was no sooner resolved thandone. With his sleigh and four horses he arrived at Baltimore at earlydinner. Passed the evening with Madame Bonaparte; all very charming.Came off this morning; fine sleighing. A hundred times he applaudedthe wisdom of his plan. Within six miles of the Susquehannah thesnow appeared thin; within four, the ground was bare. It had notthawed, but none had fallen. He dragged on to this place, and here heis in the midst of the most forlorn dilemma. This is palpable fraud inmonsieur le tems, to hold out such lures merely to draw one intojeopardy. Having neither wife nor daughter near me on whom to vent myspleen, renders the case more deplorable. It is downright desperation.

After pacing the floor with a very quick step for about five minutes,I determined to call for a good dinner and a bottle of wine, and,after the discussion whereof, I hope to be more able to meet theexigence. You shall presently know.

New-York, February 8, 1804.

Just arrived—all well. The dinner and wine mentioned t'other sideoperated so happily, that, before the repast was concluded, I orderedmy horses to the door, drove over the Susquehannah on the ice, andcame that night to the head of Elk. Next day to Chester, having seenfriend Dickenson en passant (the daughters not visible, on accountof the loss of their mother, who died last summer), and breakfastedin Philadelphia on the morning of the 1st of February. The ebullitionof the 30th January was intended to have been finished at Havre deGrace and sent to the postoffice. I came off in too much haste, and,seeing it now in my writing-case, I thought it a pity that so preciousa morceau should be lost to the world.

Tout le monde is marrying at Philadelphia. You will not have asingle single (decipher that) acquaintance there on your return.Yes, La R., La Planche, and La Bin. may remain. I went to a weddingsupper at Mrs. Moore's, whose daughter has married Willing—could anyone suppose she was unwilling? Execrable! Mr. Boadley died a fewdays ago. Madame of course was invisible. Ann Stuart will, mostlikely, marry P. C.—very well. She is very pretty. Mary Rush justmarried Manners, a captain in the British army. She looked quitemelancholy, being on the point of setting off for Niagara, where herhusband is stationed. Binney and Keene look better than I ever sawthem. Keene is learning the harp. They are at lodgings in town, and,happening to be near my quarters, I saw them two or three times a day.

I left Philadelphia yesterday, and arrived, as you see, after a verypleasant journey. Fine, mild winter weather. Roads hard and smooth.Note. I left my runners and got wheels at Philadelphia. How could Iomit Celeste and her sisters, whom I saw several times? What of that?Pray can it be true that she was engaged to a young man whom we knewand valued, and who lately died in your country? To-morrow I am to seeLa G. Pray for me.

To-morrow, February 9th.

A most ugly northeast storm of rain, and hail, and mist. Shall not see
La G. to-day. God bless thee.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, February 16, 1804.

In one hour I shall be on the west side of the Hudson river, and inthe mail stage. Goldsmith is the very book I should have recommended.A critical knowledge of historical events may assist a statesman orform a pedant. For you, something less will do, and something more isnecessary. La G. will not do. I have written twice to Natalie.

Say to Mari, the Clintons, Livingstons, &c., had not, at the lastadvice from Albany, decided on their candidate for governor. Hamiltonis intriguing for any candidate who can have a chance of successagainst A. B. He would, doubtless, become the advocate even of DewittClinton if he should be the opponent.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Baltimore, February 21, 1804. I left New-York on the 16th. The roadswere so very bad that I sent back Sam, George, and the horses fromTrenton, and came on in the mail stage sans valet. One greatdiscovery has been made by the experiment, namely, that George is notonly useless on the road, but requires abundance of my care, so that,in fact, I have less trouble without him.

On the way I saw Celeste, and renewed, with some levity, a certainsubject. It excited an agitation perfectly astonishing. The emotionwas so great as to produce universal tremour, which attracted thenotice of the company (there was a room full); I was exceedinglyalarmed and perplexed, having imagined the denouement of last summerto have been conclusive, in good faith. Undoubtedly there is somesecret agent, some underwork, perhaps restraint, of which I amignorant. I strongly suspect that she has done violence to herfeelings. Shall I or shall I not investigate this point? Humph!heighho!

I have just been visiting Monsieur Dubourg, president of the FrenchCollege. The visit, indeed, was to the institution rather than to theman. Both please me greatly. It (the college) seems to me to possesssome advantages over any other in the United States; more decoroussubordination. The living languages, French and Spanish, may there belearned by association and habit. The French, the Spanish, the English(I mean the learners of those languages) are each in separateapartments. Not a word is spoken but in the language intended to betaught. It is even the medium of instruction for every other branch.The Senats speak Spanish fluently. Bon soir.

A. BURR.

TO THOMAS SUMTER, JUN.

Washington, February 27, 1504.

DEAR SIR,

On my return from New-York a few days past, I had the pleasure to meethere your father, and to receive your letter of the 21st of January.It is not probable that it will be in my power to visit South Carolinathis spring. If, fortunately, I should find leisure for a journeywhich I have so much at heart, my first object would be Statesburgh;but as Mr. and Mrs. Alston will be in New-York early in the season, Ientertain hopes that this, with other motives, may induce you to passthe summer and autumn with me. Yet great as is my solicitude to seeyour wife and child, to renew my acquaintance with you, to tender youmy friendship and affection, and to claim a return, I would by nomeans urge a measure inconsistent with your interest. Of this you onlycan judge. I should not, perhaps, have repeated the invitationexpressed in my last letter to Natalie, but that I learn from yourfather that her health has suffered materially. Hence I am filled withapprehension of the effects of your long summer on a northernconstitution already debilitated.

Presuming that you hear from your father as much as you desire to knowof the doings of Congress, I abstain from those subjects. Be assuredof the great consideration and esteem with which I am your friend,

A. BURR.

TO CHARLES BIDDLE.

Washington, March 3, 1804.

Your letter of the 28th February, covering a newspaper, was receivedlast evening. It cannot yet be settled whether there will becommissioners to run the boundary line with Spain; but I will mentionthe thing to the Smiths, who still profess friendship for GeneralWilkinson. My direct interference otherwise would not probably beuseful to him. Please to put the enclosed, for Truxton, in thepostoffice. One of his friends here (not a man in power, for he has, Ibelieve, no such friend) thinks he will certainly be called intoservice; and he states to me pretty plausible grounds for the opinion.Yet I doubt, which is perhaps the result only of my ignorance.

I shall be with you the last of next week, or, at farthest, within tendays, on my way home.

Very affectionately yours,

A. BURR.

TO FREDERIC A. VANDERKEMP.

Washington, March 6, 1804.

SIR,

Immediately on the receipt of your letter of the 15th of February, Iwrote to Mr. Madison for the information you desired. It affords megreat pleasure to learn that you are engaged in a literary pursuit socongenial with your taste and your talents. If I can in any waypromote your views in this or in any other instance, I entreat thatyou will command me, without apology. I have now the satisfaction toenclose you Mr. Madison's answer, which I this day received.

You speak of a letter written to me some time ago-on the subject ofCaptain Ingraham's voyage. It is impossible, sir, that I can have beenguilty of so gross an inattention as to have permitted a letter fromyou to have remained unnoticed. I have no recollection of that whichyou mention, and am persuaded that it never came to hand.

Allow me to repeat the assurance of the very great consideration andrespect with which I am

Your obedient servant,

A. BURR.

TO WILLIAM P. VAN NESS.

Washington, March 7, 1804.

Friday last was the day assigned for the appearance of Judge Pickeringon his impeachment. He did not appear; but an amicus curiaesuggested that the judge was insane, and tendered the proof of thatfact.

This has given rise to some troublesome questions, rendered moreembarrassing by the total want of rule or precedent, and stillincreased by some dissatisfaction on the part of the managers, whichseems to have also infected the House of Representatives. In thisdilemma it would be improper that I should leave the Senate.Considerations, however, of a nature which you will more readilyapprove, have had an influence in detaining me. A decision is hopedthis day on the points now under discussion. I take my leave as soonas this business is disposed of, and will be with you in the course ofmail-stage.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, March 28, 1804

Your letter, dated early in this month—I don't recollect the veryday, having left the letter in town; but you write so seldom that areference to the month is sufficiently descriptive; your letter, then,of March, announcing your removal to the Oaks, the pretty descriptionof your house and establishment, and all that, were very amusing. Ihad really begun to doubt whether you were not all dead or somethingworse.

I shall get the speech, no thanks to you; there is a copy inPhiladelphia, for which I have written, and it will come endorsed bythe fair hand of Celeste: truly her hand and arm are handsome. I didnot see her on my way through—tant mieux; for I took great affront;thence ensued explanations, &c. Nothing like a quarrel to advancelove. La Planche I did see twice in one day; the last a long, verylong visit. Lovely in weeds. La G., of whom you inquire, is of thegrave age of forty-six; about the age of the vice-president.

They are very busy here about an election between Morgan Lewis and A.Burr. The former supported by the Livingstons and Clintons, the latterper se. I would send you some new and amusing libels against thevice-president, but, as you did not send the speech, nor did evenacknowledge the receipt of one of the many public documents which Itook the trouble of forwarding, it may be presumed that this sort ofintercourse is not desired.

Ph. Church and Miss Stewart, of Philadelphia, it is said, are to bemarried; Duer (which Duer I don't know) and Miss M. Denning reportedas engaged; Bunner and Miss Church said to be mutually in love; on hispart avowed, on hers not denied.

The Earl of Selkirk is here: a frank, unassuming, sensible man ofabout thirty. Whether he thinks of La R. is unknown to the writer. Hedines with me on Monday.

If you had one particle of invention or genius, you would have taughtA. B. A. his a, b, c before this. God mend you. His fibbing is aninheritance, which pride, an inheritance, will cure. His mother wentthrough that process. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, April 3, 1804.

I hasten to acknowledge your long, interesting, and beautiful letterof the 14th. It is received this morning, and finds me in the midst ofoccupations connected with the approaching election: of course, everymoment interruptions.

The History of Frederic II. will amuse you. You will read Montesquieuwith interest and instruction. Yet he has a character—I mean that his"Esprit des Loix" has a character above its merit. His historicalfacts are, nevertheless, collected and arranged with judgment, and hisreasoning is ingenuous. The political dogmas are not, however, to bereceived as axioms. They are neither founded on experience nor on aknowledge of human nature.

You improve greatly in your style and manner of writing. A little morepains and a little more reading, and you will exceed Lady Mary W.Montague. Practice, however, is indispensable. The art of writing isan acquirement, as much as music or dancing.

April 7.

Since the 3d I have vainly endeavoured to get a minute to write toyou. It will not, I fear, be possible before the 30th inst., when, orsoon after, I hope to be in Philadelphia, whence you will hear fromme. As you have a great taste for mischief, I send you a new paper [4]established in this city, by whom edited unknown. Some of the numbersare allowed to have wit. Whether these have any I know not. God blessthee.

A. BURR.

TO MRS. ——-

New-York, April 18, 1804.

Your vanity, if in any degree concerned, will be fully satisfied bythe assurance that my heart, my wishes, and my thoughts will be withyou. The mortal part of me is indispensably otherwise engaged. As youcannot fail to have admirers, you cannot fail to be amused. Knowingthat you are happy, I shall be so by sympathy, though in a lessdegree, as reflected light is less potent than direct.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, April 25, 1804.

What nice, pretty paper. I verily believe that it would not haveentered into my head to write to you; but Peet or Peter justbrought in a ream of paper so handsome looking, that it tempted me towrite, and chose being generally uppermost in my mind, of course itwill be addressed to chose, though, for aught that yet appears, itwill suit as well quelque autre chose.

I, too, write in a storm; an election storm, of the like you have oncebeen a witness. The thing began yesterday, and will terminateto-morrow. My headquarters are in Johnstreet, and I have, sincebeginning this letter, been already three times interrupted.

A very modest and amiable proposition! that I should ride sixteenhundred miles to see a couple of varmins. As to your system ofeconomy, I should rejoice at it if I believed it; but I well know thatyou will spend double at the Mills that you would here. Now for myplan, which is to be submitted to the judgment and the feelings ofMr. Alston.

You take Richmond Hill; bring no horse nor carriage. I have got anice, new, beautiful little chariot, made purposely to please you. Ihave also a new coachee, very light, on an entire new construction,invented by the vice-president. Now these two machines are severallyadapted to two horses, and you may take your choice of them. Of horsesI have five; three always and wholly at your devotion, and the wholefive occasionally. Harry and Sam are both good coachmen, either atyour orders. Of servants there are enough for family purposes.Eleonore, however, must attend you, for the sake of the heir apparent.You will want no others, as there are at my house Peggy, Nancy, and asmall girl of about eleven. Mr. Alston may bring a footman. Any thingfurther will be useless; he may, however, bring six or eight of them,if he like. The cellars and garrets are well stocked with wine, havinghad a great supply last fall. I shall take rooms (a house, &c.) intown, but will live with you as much or as little as you may pleaseand as we can agree; but my establishment at Richmond Hill mustremain, whether you come or not. Great part of the summer I shall beoff eight or ten days at a time, but no long journeys. You will haveto ride every day or two to Montalto to direct the laying out of thegrounds, &c.

In this way you cannot, without wanton extravagance, expend more thanfour hundred dollars. If you insist on bringing your horses, there isnow room for them, and plenty of provender. You ought to come bywater, but not to be swindled again by taking a cabin. Bring your Ada,if you please, to finish her education.

Tell Mr. Alston that I ordered my booksellers to open a correspondencewith him, and to send out, by way of sample, and under the advice ofM'Kinnon, not to exceed the value of fifty guineas. M'Kinnon writes methat the articles will be here by the first or before the middle ofJune, shipped for New-York.

I forgot to speak of the election. [5]

Both parties claim majorities, and there never was, in my opinion, anelection, of the result of which so little judgment could be formed.A. B. will have a small majority in this city if to-morrow should bea fair day, and not else.

You may wonder how I live and mean to live in town. Peter and Alexisare all my attendants. My breakfast is made a la garcon: dinners,&c., from a neighbouring eatinghouse. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, May 1, 1804.

Your letter of the 16th of April had better luck than that other ofthe 1st.; on the road, I mean, for the reception of both was equallykind. The last arrived yesterday. I do not remember exactly what it isabout, and it is on my table in the library up stairs, and I amwriting in the dining-room beside a good fire on this evening of thefirst of May. Now madame pour quelque chose tres interessante.

How limited is human foresight! How truly are we the sport ofaccident. To-morrow I had proposed to visit Celeste, and now, alas!cetera desunt.

La G. may be forty-one. Something of the style and manners of latante de La R. Is about as silly; talks as much, and as muchnonsense; is certainly good-tempered and cheerful; rather comely,abating a flat chest; about two inches taller than Theodosia. Thingsare not gone to extremities; but there is danger—poor gampy.

The election is lost by a great majority: tant mieux. It does notappear possible that I should make you a visit; even if La G. shouldnot prevent it, which ought to be hoped, some other thing of like kindwill.

Tell Natalie that I have just now received her letter, which sheacknowledges to be in answer to four of mine. Of the boy you havebeen remarkably reserved in your two last letters. I conclude,however, that he cannot be dead, as you would, probably, have thoughtthat a circ*mstance worthy of being mentioned, at least in apostscript. Now Natalie has written me a whole page about her girl,for which I am very grateful.

What would you bet that La G. is not in a kind of quandary just now?
Gods! what a pathetic love-scene it will make if it shall go on.
Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO MISS ——-

New-York, May 20, 1804. I send you a sample of that species ofphilosophy which I have thought particularly suited to your cast ofmind and the delicacy of your taste. You are to read from the 66thpage to the 125th. What precedes and follows will fatigue, withoutinteresting or amusing you. Indeed, some of it will not be veryintelligible, and you must not be disgusted in the outset.

The author has not noticed those advantages which personal beautyderives from intellectual improvement, or expansion of the mindtempered by commerce with the world, nor how grace and expression maybe thus heightened and improved. I wish some one would write a volumeon this subject. Indeed, I have had thoughts of doing it myself, andholding you up as the example to verify my theory. To this somethoughtless ones may object, that, where nature had done so much,nothing was left for the work of art. There cannot be a greater error.The essential difference between the silly and the wise consists intheir different capacity for improvement. Bestow what pains, offerwhat advantages you may to a dull subject, and she will remainstationary. One of taste and talents, on the contrary, extractsimprovement from every thing, and approaches perfection in proportionas the means of advancement are afforded.

What grave nonsense, you will say, or at least think, if this shouldfind you, as is probable, surrounded by admirers uniting to persuadeyou that you are already perfect; and in such company how stupid acompliment will it seem to tell you that you may still improve; thatthere are no limits to the improvement and approaches which you maymake towards perfection. Such, however ungallant, will be the languageof your admirer and friend,

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, May 8, 1804.

I think I have answered, or at least have noticed, your letter of the17th, being the last which has been received, and, as usual,postmarked nine days after its date.

The affair of La G. is becoming serious. After due reflection, thisdoes appear to me to be the most discreet thing—prudence,cheerfulness, and good-temper are ingredients of importance. I willoffer homage. Are you content? Answer quickly.

Madame Bonaparte and husband are here. I have just seen them and nomore. For reasons unknown to me (doubtless some state policy), we aresuddenly become strangers.

Of all earthly things I most want to see your boy. Does he yet knowhis letters? If not, you surely must want skill, for, most certain, hecan't want genius. You must tell me of all his acquirements.

It ought to have been mentioned that I have not seen my inamoratasince the time of which I wrote you, which you may think passingstrange.

May 26, 1804.

I think I will never again be so long without writing to you. It hasbeen a daily and nightly reproach to me since the 8th of May, the dateof the preceding part of this letter. The matter there spoken ofseemed to be in so precarious a state, that I did not like to send youthat page alone, and, in fact, knew not what to add to it. It is justso now; but from that day to this I have not seen La G., owing partlyto accident and partly to apathy.

Your long and interesting letter of the 5th and 6th inst has beenreceived. It shall be answered anon. In the mean time I repeat theinjunction that you read, and in sequence. Study philosophy, ifnothing should more allure you. Darwin and Harris you have; others Iwill send. Read over Shakspeare critically, marking the passages whichare beautiful, absurd, or obscure. I will do the same, and one ofthese days we will compare. To improve your style and language is,however, the most interesting point. In this you will be aided byregaining your Latin. Gods! how much you might accomplish this year.

Miss Cruger, youngest daughter of the late widow Cruger, now Mrs.
Rogers, married two or three days ago to one of your Haywards, I think
William. A runaway job. La mere et beau pere bien fachés. How far
are you from Natalie?

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, June 11, 1804.

Your letter of the 14th of May is the last, and, I believe,unanswered, which is rather scandalous on both sides; but the letterof A.B.A., at the foot of yours, was far the most interesting. I havestudied every pothook and trammel of his first literary performance,to see what rays of genius could be discovered. You remember ourfriend Schweitzer, nephew and pupil of Lavater. He used to insist thatas much was to be inferred from the handwriting as from the face. Ishowed him a letter from a man of great fame, and he saw genius inevery stroke. I then produced a letter from an arrant blockhead andgreat knave, but so like the other as not to be distinguished, atleast by my unphysiognomical discernment. He acknowledged that therewas resemblance to an ignorant eye; but, said he, triumphantly, this(latter) could never have made that scratch, which sybilistic scratchwas the mere prolongation of the last letter of the last word in asentence. Now it occurs to me that one of A.B.A.'s scratches isexactly in the line of genius according to Schweitzer; and surely moremay be presumed from the instinctive effort of untutored infancy thanfrom the laboured essay of scientific cultivation. To aid yourobservations in this line, I pray you to read Martinus Scriblerius.Mr. and Mrs. Hayward are happily living with the mother.

I am stationary (not paper, wax, and quills), but, adjectivelyspeaking, unlocomotive. The affair of La G. has also been perfectlystationary since my last, the parties not having met; but hearing thatLa G. has expressed a sort of surprise, approaching to vexation, atthis apathy, the other party has kindly promised an interviewto-morrow. If it should take place, you will, in due time, know theresult. Your permission or dissent is impatiently expected by

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, June 13, 1804.

The joint and several letter of Natalie and Theodosia was receivedyesterday, and will be answered to-morrow or next day. It seems thatyou write once a fortnight. Two such idle slu*ts might find half anhour daily to give a sort of journal to papa.

Another interview yesterday with La G. One more would be fatal andfinal. I shall seek it to-day; after which I will read Moore'sfables, you impudence. My time, till near closing the mail, has beenoccupied in writing to your husband. At present I can only thank youboth.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, June 24, 1804.

"To-morrow, did I say? 'Tis nowhere to be found but in the fool'scalendar;" and yet I said "to-morrow." The morrow brought me an aguein the face, which I have been nursing from that day to this, in greatill-humour. 'Till yesterday I could not dispense with my mufflings,and yesterday we kept Theo.'s birthday. The Laights and half a dozenothers laughed an hour, and danced an hour, and drank her health atRichmond Hill. We had your picture in the dining-room; but, as it is aprofile, and would not look at us, we hung it up, and placed Natalie'sat table, which laughs and talks with us.

I do not like the boy looking pale so early in the season. It arguesill; but I like much his heroism and his gallantry. You can't thinkhow much these little details amuse and interest me. If you were quitemistress of natural philosophy, he would now be hourly acquiring aknowledge of various branches, particularly natural history, botany,and chymistry. Pursue these studies, and also that of language. Forfifty dollars you may get, in Philadelphia, a chymical apparatus, putup in a small box, with which more than one hundred experiments may bemade.

Your idea of dressing up pieces of ancient mythology in the form ofamusing tales for children is very good. You yourself must writethem. Send your performances to me, and, within three weeks after theyare received, you shall have them again in print. This will be notonly an amusing occupation, but a very useful one to yourself. It willimprove your style and your language, give you habits of accuracy, andadd a little to your stock of knowledge. Natalie, too, must work atit, and I'll bet that she makes the best tale. I will be your editorand your critic.

You laugh at me so much and so impudently, that I will not say a wordmore of certain things till something be concluded. Your permissionseems to be that I may hang or drown, or make any other apotheosis Imay please. Dear indulgent creature, how I thank thee.

Pray, madam, give your orders to Peggy yourself. She writes a betterhand than I do, and would be so proud to receive a letter fromMissy. I have shown her that part of your letter which concerns her,and she is now engaged in executing your commands.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, July 1, 1804.

Having been shivering with cold all day, though in perfect health, Ihave now, just at sunset, had a fire in my library, and am sittingnear it and enjoying it, if that word be applicable to any thing donein solitude. Some very wise man, however, has exclaimed,

"Oh! fools, who think it solitude to be alone."

This is but poetry. Let us, therefore, drop the subject, lest it leadto another on which I have imposed silence on myself.

You may recollect, and, if you do not, your husband will, that he hasseveral times requested me to open a correspondence between him and mybookseller in London. To introduce the thing, I desired Mr. White tosend with my next parcel of books a parcel for Mr. Alston, notexceeding the value of fifty guineas, and referred him to Mr. M'Kinnonfor instructions. The books came out accordingly, and, with respect tomy box, all was smooth and fair; but it was alleged by the owners ofthe ship and by the captain, that the box for Mr. Alston, having beenirregularly shipped, occasioned the seizure and detention of the ship,and the owners refused to deliver the box unless I would pay thirtyguineas damages. This I declined, and the box was taken to thecustom-house, where it has lain these six weeks unopened. After theexpiration of nine months it will be opened, and the contents sold atauction by order of the officers of the customs. I shall write to thebookseller, Mr. White, to employ his own agent here to look to the boxas his property. This trifling tale would not have been told but toshow Mr. Alston that I really have made an attempt to establish acorrespondence for him.

You ought to be collecting a few books for your own use. One way offorming a small library, and which I recommend to you, is to note downthe title of every book which, either from its reputation or fromperusal, you may wish to possess. Make you a small memorandum book forthis purpose. If they be written on loose scraps, by the time you geta dozen eleven of them will be lost. I recommend to you a newpublication called the Edinburgh Review. One number is issued everythree months. The plan of the editors differs from that of similarworks in that they give more copious extracts, and notice only booksof merit or reputation.

I wait impatiently for some of your tales. No hasty scrawls, madam,for I will correct nothing. We have now here three shiploads of SouthCarolinians, who all find the weather intolerably hot, though I haveslept under a blanket every night except one in all June.

Jerome Bonaparte has taken Belvidere for the season. The two Frenchfrigates remain here blockaded. C. C. says you are a good-for-nothing,lazy ****** (I really cannot write her words; they are too dreadful,and must be left to your imagination to supply), because you neverwrite to her, nor even answer her letters. I assented to all this.

All strangers go to see Montalto as one of the curiosities or beautiesof the island. Your last letter is dated the 31st of May, whence Iconclude that you submit to the labour of writing to me once afortnight only.

A. BURR.

Footnotes:

1. Matthew L. Davis.

2. The lady of the then British Minister Plenipotentiary to the UnitedStates.

3. Washington Irving

4. The Corrector, by Toby Tickler.

5. The election for governor; Morgan Lewis and Aaron Burr being thecandidates.

CHAPTER XVI.

In February, 1804, Colonel Burr was nominated, at a public meetingheld in the city of New-York, as a candidate for the office ofgovernor. At this meeting Colonel Marinus Willett presided aschairman, and Ezekiel Robbins acted as secretary. Both these gentlemenwere well known as efficient members of the democratic party. JudgeMorgan Lewis was the opposing and successful candidate. This contestwas of an acrimonious character. While the great mass of thedemocratic party supported Judge Lewis, a section of that party, alikedistinguished for their talents and patriotism, sustained ColonelBurr. Nor were these divisions confined to the ranks of the democracy.Among the federalists similar dissensions sprang up. General Hamilton,and all that portion of politicians over whom he had a controllinginfluence, opposed the election of Colonel Burr with an ardourbordering on fanaticism. The press teemed with libels of the mostatrocious character. An event connected with this election hasrendered it memorable in the history of our state and country. Aletter, written by Dr. Charles D. Cooper, and published pending theelection, ultimately led to the hostile and fatal meeting betweenGeneral Hamilton and Colonel Burr. Immediately after the death of theformer gentleman, Judge William P. Van Ness, the second of ColonelBurr, published the correspondence between the parties, with astatement of the conversations he held with General Hamilton and JudgePendleton, the second of the general. As their accuracy has never beencalled in question, they are now presented in the form in which theythen appeared.

STATEMENT.

On the afternoon of the 17th of June last (1804), says Judge Van Ness,I received a note from Colonel Burr [1] requesting me to call on himthe following morning. Upon my arrival he alleged that it had, oflate, been frequently stated to him that General Hamilton had, atdifferent times and upon various occasions, used language andexpressed opinions highly injurious to his reputation; that he had forsome time felt the necessity of calling on General Hamilton for anexplanation of his conduct, but that the statements which had beenmade to him did not appear sufficiently authentic to justify themeasure; that, a newspaper had, however, been recently put into hishands, in which he perceived a letter signed Charles D. Cooper,containing something which he thought demanded immediateinvestigation. Urged by these circ*mstances, and justified by theevident opinion of his friends, he had determined to write GeneralHamilton a note upon the subject, which he requested me to deliver. Iassented to this request, and, on my return to the city, which was ateleven o'clock the same morning, I delivered to General Hamilton thenote which I received from Colonel Burr for that purpose, and of whichthe following is a copy.

No. I.

New-York, June 18, 1804.

SIR,

I send for your perusal a letter signed Charles D. Cooper, which,though apparently published some time ago, has but very recently cometo my knowledge. Mr. Van Ness, who does me the favour to deliver this,will point out to you that clause of the letter to which Iparticularly request your attention.

You must perceive, sir, the necessity of a prompt and unqualifiedacknowledgment or denial of the use of any expressions which wouldwarrant the assertions of Mr. Cooper.

I have the honour to be

Your obedient servant,

A. BURR.

General HAMILTON.

General Hamilton read the note of Mr. Burr, and the printed letter ofMr. Cooper to which it refers, and remarked that they required someconsideration, and that in the course of the day he would send ananswer to my office. At half past ten o'clock General Hamilton calledat my house, and said that a variety of engagements would demand hisattention during the whole of that day and the next; but that onWednesday, the 20th inst., he would furnish me with such an answer toColonel Burr's letter as he should deem most suitable and compatiblewith his feelings. In the evening of Wednesday, the 20th, while I wasfrom home, the following letter, addressed to Colonel Burr, was leftat my house, under cover to me.

No. II.

New-York, June 20, 1804.

SIR,

I have maturely reflected on the subject of your letter of the 18thinst., and the more I have reflected the more I have become convincedthat I could not, without manifest impropriety, make the avowal ordisavowal which you seem to think necessary. The clause pointed out byMr. Van Ness is in these terms: "I could detail to you a still moredespicable opinion which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr.Burr." To endeavour to discover the meaning of this declaration, I wasobliged to seek in the antecedent part of this letter for the opinionto which it referred as having been already disclosed. I found it inthese words: "General Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared, insubstance, that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man,and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of government."

The language of Doctor Cooper plainly implies that he consideredthis opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a despicable one;but he affirms that I have expressed some other more despicable,without, however, mentioning to whom, when, or where. 'Tis evidentthat the phrase "still more despicable" admits of infinite shades,from very light to very dark. How am I to judge of the degreeintended? Or how shall I annex any precise idea to language soindefinite?

Between gentlemen, despicable and more despicable are not worththe pains of distinction; when, therefore, you do not interrogate meas to the opinion which is specifically ascribed to me, I mustconclude that you view it as within the limits to which theanimadversions of political opponents upon each other may justifiablyextend, and, consequently, as not warranting the idea which DoctorCooper appears to entertain. If so, what precise inference could youdraw as a guide for your conduct, were I to acknowledge that I hadexpressed an opinion of you still more despicable than the one whichis particularized? How could you be sure that even this opinion hadexceeded the bounds which you would yourself deem admissible betweenpolitical opponents?

But I forbear further comment on the embarrassment to which therequisition you have made naturally leads. The occasion forbids a moreample illustration, though nothing could be more easy than to pursueit.

Repeating that I cannot reconcile it with propriety to make theacknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add, that I deem itinadmissible, on principle, to consent to be interrogated as to thejustice of the inferences which may be drawn by others from whateverI have said of a political opponent in the course of fifteen yearscompetition. If there were no other objection to it, this issufficient, that it would tend to expose my sincerity and delicacy toinjurious imputations from every person who may at any time haveconceived the import of my expressions differently from what I maythen have intended or may afterward recollect. I stand ready to avowor disavow promptly and explicitly any precise or definite opinionwhich I may be charged with having declared of any gentleman. Morethan this cannot fitly be expected from me; and, especially, it cannotbe reasonably expected that I shall enter into any explanation upon abasis so vague as that you have adopted. I trust, on more reflection,you will see the matter in the same light with me. If not, I can onlyregret the circ*mstance, and must abide the consequences.

The publication of Doctor Cooper was never seen by me till after thereceipt of your letter. I have the honour to be, &c.,

A. HAMILTON.

Colonel BURR.

On the morning of Thursday, the 21st, I delivered to Colonel Burr theabove letter, and, in the evening, was furnished with the followingletter for General Hamilton, which I delivered to him at 12 o'clock onFriday, the 22d inst.

No. III.

New-York, June 21, 1804.

SIR,

Your letter of the 20th inst. has been this day received. Havingconsidered it attentively, I regret to find in it nothing of thatsincerity and delicacy which you profess to value.

Political opposition can never absolve gentlemen from the necessity ofa rigid adherence to the laws of honour and the rules of decorum. Ineither claim such privilege nor indulge it in others.

The common sense of mankind affixes to the epithet adopted by DoctorCooper the idea of dishonour. It has been publicly applied to me underthe sanction of your name. The question is not whether he hasunderstood the meaning of the word, or has used it according to syntaxand with grammatical accuracy, but whether you have authorized thisapplication, either directly or by uttering expressions or opinionsderogatory to my honour. The time "when" is in your own knowledge, butno way material to me, as the calumny has now first been disclosed soas to become the subject of my notice, and as the effect is presentand palpable.

Your letter has furnished me with new reasons for requiring a definitereply.

I have the honour to be,

Sir, your obedient

A. BURR.

General HAMILTON.

General Hamilton perused it, and said it was such a letter as he hadhoped not to have received; that it contained several offensiveexpressions, and seemed to close the door to all further reply; thathe had hoped the answer he had returned to Colonel Burr's first letterwould have given a different direction to the controversy; that hethought Mr. Burr would have perceived that there was a difficulty inhis making a more specific reply, and would have desired him to statewhat had fallen from him that might have given rise to the inferenceof Doctor Cooper. He would have done this frankly; and he believed itwould not have been found to exceed the limits justifiable amongpolitical opponents. If Mr. Burr should be disposed to give adifferent complexion to the discussion, he was willing to consider thelast letter not delivered; but if that communication was notwithdrawn, he could make no reply; and Mr. Burr must pursue suchcourse as he should deem most proper.

At the request of General Hamilton, I replied that I would detailthese ideas to Colonel Burr; but added, that if in his first letter hehad introduced the idea (if it was a correct one) that he couldrecollect of no terms that would justify the construction made by Dr.Cooper, it would, in my opinion, have opened a door for accommodation.General Hamilton then repeated the same objections to this measurewhich were stated in substance in his first letter to Colonel Burr.

When I was about leaving him he observed, that if I preferred it, hewould commit his refusal to writing. I replied, that if he hadresolved not to answer Colonel Burr's letter, that I could report thatto him verbally, without giving him the trouble of writing it. Heagain repeated his determination not to answer; and that Colonel Burrmust pursue such course as he should deem most proper.

In the afternoon of this day I reported to Colonel Burr, at his houseout of town, the answer and the determination of General Hamilton, andpromised to call on him again in the evening to learn his furtherwishes. I was detained in town, however, this evening, by some privatebusiness, and did not call on Colonel Burr until the followingmorning, Saturday, the 23d June. I then received from him a letter forGeneral Hamilton, which is numbered IV.; but, as will presently beexplained, never was delivered. The substance of it will be found innumber XII.

When I returned with this letter to the city, which was about twoo'clock in the afternoon of the same day, I sent a note to GeneralHamilton's office, and also to his house, desiring to know when itwould be convenient to him to receive a communication. The servant, ashe informed me, received for answer at both places that GeneralHamilton had gone to his country seat. I then wrote the note of whichNo. V. is a copy, and sent it out to him in the country.

No. V.

June 23, 1804.

SIR,

In the afternoon of yesterday I reported to Colonel Burr the result ofmy last interview with you, and appointed the evening to receive hisfurther instructions. Some private engagements, however, prevented mefrom calling on him till this morning. On my return to the city, Ifound, upon inquiry, both at your office and house, that you hadreturned to your residence in the country. Lest an interview theremight be less agreeable to you than elsewhere, I have taken theliberty of addressing you this note, to inquire when and where it willbe most convenient to you to receive a communication.

Your most obedient and very humble servant,

W. P. VAN NESS.

General HAMILTON.

To this I received for answer No. VI., which follows.

No. VI.

Grange, June 23, 1804.

SIR,

I was in town to-day till half past one. I thank you for the delicacywhich dictated your note to me. If it is indispensable thecommunication should be made before Monday morning, I must receive ithere; but I should think this cannot be important. On Monday, by nineo'clock, I shall be in town at my house in Cedar-street, No. 52, whereI should be glad to see you. An additional reason for preferring thisis, that I am unwilling to occasion you trouble.

With esteem I am your obedient servant,

A. HAMILTON.

At nine o'clock on Monday, the 25th of June, I called on GeneralHamilton, at his house in Cedar-street, to present the letter No. IV.already alluded to, and with instructions for a verbal communication,of which the following notes, No. VII, handed me by Mr. Burr, were tobe the basis. The substance of which, though in terms as much softenedas my injunctions would permit, was accordingly communicated toGeneral Hamilton.

No. VII.

A. Burr, far from conceiving that rivalship authorizes a latitude nototherwise justifiable, always feels greater delicacy in such cases,and would think it meanness to speak of a rival but in terms ofrespect; to do justice to his merits; to be silent of his foibles.Such has invariably been his conduct towards Jay, Adams, and Hamilton;the only three who can be supposed to have stood in that relation tohim.

That he has too much reason to believe that, in regard to Mr.Hamilton, there has been no reciprocity. For several years his namehas been lent to the support of base slanders. He has never had thegenerosity, the magnanimity, or the candour to contradict or disavow.Burr forbears to particularize, as it could only tend to produce newirritations; but, having made great sacrifices for the sake ofharmony; having exercised forbearance until it approached tohumiliation, he has seen no effect produced by such conduct but arepetition of injury. He is obliged to conclude that there is, on thepart of Mr. Hamilton, a settled and implacable malevolence; that hewill never cease, in his conduct towards Mr. Burr, to violate thosecourtesies of life; and that, hence, he has no alternative but toannounce these things to the world; which, consistently with Mr.Burr's ideas of propriety, can be done in no way but that which he hasadopted. He is incapable of revenge, still less is he capable ofimitating the conduct of Mr. Hamilton, by committing secretdepredations on his fame and character. But these things must have anend.

Before I delivered the written communication with which I was charged,General Hamilton said that he had prepared a written reply to ColonelBurr's letter of the 21st, which he had left with Mr. Pendleton, andwished me to receive. I answered, that the communication I had to maketo him was predicated upon the idea that he would make no reply to Mr.Burr's letter of the 21st of June, and that I had so understood him inour conversation of the 22d. General Hamilton said that he believed,before I left him, he had proffered a written reply. I observed that,when he answered verbally, he had offered to put that refusal inwriting; but that, if he had now prepared a written reply, I wouldreceive it with pleasure. I accordingly called on Mr. Pendleton on thesame day (Monday, June 25th), between one and two o'clock P. M.,and stated to him the result of my recent interview with GeneralHamilton, and the reference he had made to him.

I then received from Mr. Pendleton No. VIII., which follows:—

No. VIII.

New-York, June 22, 1804.

SIR,

Your first letter, in a style too peremptory, made a demand, in myopinion, unprecedented and unwarrantable. My answer, pointing out theembarrassment, gave you an opportunity to take a less exceptionablecourse. You have not chosen to do it; but, by your last letter,received this day, containing expressions indecorous and improper,you have increased the difficulties to explanation intrinsicallyincident to the nature of your application.

If by a "definite reply" you mean the direct avowal or disavowalrequired in your first letter, I have no other answer to give thanthat which has already been given. If you mean any thing different,admitting of greater latitude, it is requisite you should explain.

I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient servant,

ALEX. HAMILTON.

A. BURR, Esq.

This letter was unsealed, but I did not read it in his presence. Aftersome conversation relative to what General Hamilton would say on thesubject of the present controversy, during which Mr. Pendleton readfrom a paper his ideas on the subject, he left me for the purpose ofseeing and consulting Mr. Hamilton, taking the paper with him. Inabout an hour he called at my house. I informed him that I had shownto Colonel Burr the letter he had given me from General Hamilton;that, in his opinion, it amounted to nothing more than the verbalreply I had already reported; that it left the business preciselywhere it then was; that Mr. Burr had very explicitly stated theinjuries he had received and the reparation he demanded, and that bedid not think it proper to be asked now for further explanation.Towards the conclusion of the conversation I informed him that ColonelBurr required a general disavowal of any intention, on the part ofGeneral Hamilton, in his various conversations, to convey expressionsderogatory to the honour of Mr. Burr. Mr. Pendleton replied that hebelieved General Hamilton would have no objections to make suchdeclaration, and left me for the purpose of consulting him, requestingme to call in the course of the afternoon for an answer. I called onhim, accordingly, about six o'clock. He then observed that GeneralHamilton declined making such a disavowal as I had stated in our lastconversation; that he, Mr. Pendleton, did not then perceive the wholeforce and extent of it; and presented me with the following paper, No.IX., which I transmitted in the evening to Mr. Burr.

No. IX.

In answer to a letter properly adapted to obtain from General Hamiltona declaration whether he had charged Colonel Burr with any particularinstance of dishonourable conduct, or had impeached his privatecharacter either in the conversation alluded to by Doctor Cooper, orin any other particular instance to be specified, he would be able toanswer consistently with his honour and the truth, in substance, thatthe conversation to which Doctor Cooper alluded turned wholly onpolitical topics, and did not attribute to Colonel Burr any instanceof dishonourable conduct, nor relate to his private character; and inrelation to any other language or conversation of General Hamiltonwhich Colonel Burr will specify, a prompt and frank avowal or denialwill be given.

The following day (Tuesday, 26th June), as early as was convenient, Ihad an interview with Colonel Burr, who informed me that he consideredGeneral Hamilton's proposition a mere evasion, that evinced a desireto leave the injurious impressions which had arisen from theconversations of General Hamilton in full force; that when he hadundertaken to investigate an injury his honour had sustained, it wouldbe unworthy of him not to make that investigation complete. He gave mefurther instructions, which are substantially contained in thefollowing letter to Mr. Pendleton, No. X.

No. X.

June 26, 1804.

SIR,

The letter which you yesterday delivered to me, and your subsequentcommunication, in Colonel Burr's opinion, evince no disposition, onthe part of General Hamilton, to come to a satisfactory accommodation.The injury complained of and the reparation expected are so definitelyexpressed in Colonel Burr's letter of the 21st instant, that there isnot perceived a necessity for further explanation on his part. Thedifficulty that would result from confining the inquiry to anyparticular times and occasions must be manifest. The denial of aspecified conversation only would leave strong implication that onother occasions improper language had been used. When and whereinjurious opinions and expressions had been uttered by GeneralHamilton must be best known to him, and of him only will Colonel Burrinquire. No denial or declaration will be satisfactory unless it begeneral, so as wholly to exclude the idea that rumours derogatory toColonel Burr's honour has originated with General Hamilton, or havebeen fairly inferred from any thing he has said. A definite reply to arequisition of this nature was demanded by Colonel Burr's letter ofthe 21st instant. This being refused, invites the alternative alludedto in General Hamilton's letter of the 20th.

It was required by the position in which the controversy was placed byGeneral Hamilton on Friday (June 22d) last, and I was immediatelyfurnished with a communication demanding a personal interview. Thenecessity of this measure has not, in the opinion of Colonel Burr,been diminished by the general's last letter, or any communicationwhich has since been received. I am, consequently, again instructed todeliver you a message as soon as it may be convenient for you toreceive it. I beg, therefore, you will be so good as to inform me atwhat hour I can have the pleasure of seeing you.

Your most obedient and humble servant,

W. P. VAN NESS.

NATHANIEL PENDLETON, Esq.

In the evening of the same day I received from him the followinganswer:—

No. XI.

June 26, 1804.

SIR,

I have communicated the letter which you did me the honour to write tome of this date, to General Hamilton. The expectations now disclosedon the part of Colonel Burr appear to him to have greatly extended theoriginal ground of inquiry, and, instead of presenting a particularand definite case for explanation, seem to aim at nothing less than aninquisition into his most confidential conversations, as well asothers, through the whole period of his acquaintance with ColonelBurr.

While he was prepared to meet the particular case fairly and fully, hethinks it inadmissible that he should be expected to answer at largeas to every thing that he may possibly have said in relation to thecharacter of Colonel Burr at any time or upon any occasion. Though heis not conscious that any charges which are in circulation to theprejudice of Colonel Burr have originated with him, except one whichmay have been so considered, and which has long since been fullyexplained between Colonel Burr and himself, yet he cannot consent tobe questioned generally as to any rumours which may be afloatderogatory to the character of Colonel Burr, without specification ofthe several rumours, many of them, probably, unknown to him. He doesnot, however, mean to authorize any conclusion as to the real natureof his conduct in relation to Colonel Burr by his declining so looseand vague a basis of explanation, and he disavows an unwillingness tocome to a satisfactory, provided it be an honourable, accommodation.His objection is the very indefinite ground which Colonel Burr hasassumed, in which he is sorry to be able to discern nothing short ofpredetermined hostility. Presuming, therefore, that it will be adheredto, he has instructed me to receive the message which you have it incharge to deliver. For this purpose I shall be at home and at yourcommand to-morrow morning from eight to ten o'clock.

I have the honour to be, respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

NATHANIEL PENDLETON.

WM. P. VAN NESS, Esq.

I transmitted this to Colonel Burr; and, after a conference with him,in which I received his further instructions, and that nomisunderstanding might arise from verbal communication, I committed towriting the remarks contained in No. XII., which follows:

No. XII.

Wednesday morning, June 27, 1804.

SIR,

The letter which I had the honour to receive from you, under date ofyesterday, states, among other things, that, in General Hamilton'sopinion, Colonel Burr has taken a very indefinite ground, in which heevinces nothing short of predetermined hostility, and General Hamiltonthinks it inadmissible that the inquiry should extend to hisconfidential as well as other conversations. To this Colonel Burr canonly reply, that secret whispers traducing his fame and impeaching hishonour are at least equally injurious with slanders publicly uttered;that General Hamilton had, at no time and in no place, a right to useany such injurious expression; and that the partial negative he isdisposed to give, with the reservations he wishes to make, are proofsthat he has done the injury specified.

Colonel Burr's request was, in the first instance, proposed in a formthe most simple, in order that General Hamilton might give to theaffair that course to which he might be induced by his temper and hisknowledge of facts. Colonel Burr trusted with confidence, that, fromthe frankness of a soldier and the candour of a gentleman, he mightexpect an ingenuous declaration. That if, as he had reason to believe,General Hamilton had used expressions derogatory to his honour, hewould have had the magnanimity to retract them; and that if, from hislanguage, injurious inferences had been improperly drawn, he wouldhave perceived the propriety of correcting errors which might thushave been widely diffused. With these impressions Colonel Burr wasgreatly surprised at receiving a letter which he considered asevasive, and which, in manner, he deemed not altogether decorous. Inone expectation, however, he was not wholly deceived; for the close ofGeneral Hamilton's letter contained an intimation that, if ColonelBurr should dislike his refusal to acknowledge or deny, he was readyto meet the consequences. This Colonel Burr deemed a sort of defiance,and would have felt justified in making it the basis of an immediatemessage; but, as the communication contained something concerning theindefiniteness of the request; as he believed it rather the offspringof false pride than of reflection; and as he felt the utmostreluctance to proceed to extremities while any other hope remained,his request was repeated in terms more explicit. The replies andpropositions on the part of General Hamilton have, in Colonel Burr'sopinion, been constantly, in substance, the same.

Colonel Burr disavows all motives of predetermined hostility, a chargeby which he thinks insult added to injury. He feels as a gentlemanshould when his honour is impeached or assailed; and, withoutsensations of hostility or wishes of revenge, he is determined tovindicate that honour at such hazard as the nature of the casedemands.

The length to which this correspondence has extended only tending toprove that the satisfactory redress, earnestly desired, cannot beattained, he deems it useless to offer any proposition except thesingle message which I shall now have the honour to deliver.

With great respect, your obedient servant,

W. P. VAN NESS.

NATHANIEL PENDLETON, Esq.

I handed this to Mr. Pendleton at twelve o'clock on Wednesday the27th. After he had perused it, agreeable to my instructions, Idelivered the message which it is unnecessary to repeat. The requestit contained was acceded to. After which Mr. Pendleton remarked that acourt was then sitting in which General Hamilton had much business totransact, and that he had also some private arrangements to make,which would render some delay unavoidable. I acceded to his wish, andMr. Pendleton said he would call on me again in the course of the dayor the following morning, to confer further relative to time andplace.

Thursday, June 28th, ten o'clock P. M., Mr. Pendleton called on mewith a paper which he said contained some views of General Hamilton,and which he had received from him. I replied, that if the papercontained a definite and specific proposition for an accommodation, Iwould with pleasure receive it, and submit it to the consideration ofmy principal; if not, that I must decline taking it, as Mr. Burrconceived the correspondence completely terminated by the acceptanceof the invitation contained in the message I had yesterday delivered.Mr. Pendleton replied that the paper did not contain any propositionof the kind I alluded to, but remarks on my last letter. I, of course,declined receiving it. Mr. Pendleton then took leave, and said that hewould call again in a day or two to arrange time and place. Tuesday,July 3d, I again saw Mr. Pendleton; and, after a few subsequentinterviews, the time when the parties were to meet was ultimatelyfixed for the morning of the 11th of July instant. The occurrences ofthat interview will appear from the following statement, No. XIII.,which has been drawn up and mutually agreed to by the seconds of theparties.

No. XIII.

Colonel Burr arrived first on the ground, as had been previouslyagreed. When General Hamilton arrived, the parties exchangedsalutations, and the seconds proceeded to make their arrangements.They measured the distance, ten full paces, and cast lots for thechoice of position, as also to determine by whom the word should begiven, both of which fell to the second of General Hamilton. They thenproceeded to load the pistols in each other's presence, after whichthe parties took their stations. The gentleman who was to give theword then explained to the parties the rules which were to govern themin firing, which were as follows: "The parties being placed at theirstations, the second who gives the word shall ask them whether theyare ready; being answered in the affirmative, he shall say—present!After this the parties shall present and fire when they please. Ifone fires before the other, the opposite second shall say one,two, three, fire, and he shall then fire or lose his fire. Hethen asked if they were prepared; being answered in the affirmative,he gave the word present, as had been agreed on, and both partiespresented and fired in succession. The intervening time is notexpressed, as the seconds do not precisely agree on that point. Thefire of Colonel Burr took effect, and General Hamilton almostinstantly fell. Colonel Burr advanced towards General Hamilton with amanner and gesture that appeared to General Hamilton's friend to beexpressive of regret; but, without speaking, turned about andwithdrew, being urged from the field by his friend, as has beensubsequently stated, with a view to prevent his being recognised bythe surgeon and bargemen who were then approaching. No furthercommunication took place between the principals, and the barge thatcarried Colonel Burr immediately returned to the city. We conceive itproper to add, that the conduct of the parties in this interview wasperfectly proper, as suited the occasion."

In the interviews between Mr. Pendleton and Mr. Van Ness, they werenot able to agree in two important facts that passed on the ground."Mr. Pendleton expressed a confident opinion that General Hamilton didnot fire first, and that he did not fire at all at Colonel Burr. Mr.Van Ness seemed equally confident in opinion that General Hamilton didfire first; and, of course, that it must have been at hisantagonist."

Such was the statement made by the friend of Colonel Burr. It is nowproposed to insert such explanations of, or remarks on, thecommunications between the parties as emanated from the friend ofGeneral Hamilton. None were given previous to document No. III.Immediately after that letter, dated 21st June, are the followingremarks:—

"On Saturday, the 22d of June, General Hamilton for the first timecalled on Mr. Pendleton, and communicated to him the precedingcorrespondence. He informed him that, in a conversation with Mr. VanNess at the time of receiving the last letter (No. III.), he told Mr.Van Ness that he considered that letter as rude and offensive, andthat it was not possible for him to give any other answer than thatMr. Burr must take such steps as he might think proper. He said,further, that Mr. Van Ness requested him to take time to deliberate,and then return an answer, when he might possibly entertain adifferent opinion, and that he would call on him to receive it. Thathis reply to Mr. Van Ness was, that he did not perceive it possiblefor him to give any other answer than that he had mentioned, unlessMr. Burr would take back his last letter, and write one which wouldadmit of a different reply. He then gave Mr. Pendleton the letterhereafter mentioned of the 22d of June, to be delivered to Mr. VanNess when he should call on Mr. Pendleton for an answer, and went tohis country house."

[After No. V., dated June 23d, is the following:—]

"Mr. Pendleton understood from General Hamilton that he immediatelyanswered that, if the communication was pressing, he would receive itat his country house that day; if not, he would be at his house intown the next morning at nine o'clock. But he did not give Mr.Pendleton any copy of this note."

[After No. VIII., dated June 22d, is the following:—]

"This letter, although dated on the 22d of June, remained in Mr.Pendleton's possession until the 25th, within which period he hadseveral conversations with Mr. Van Ness. In these conversations Mr.Pendleton endeavoured to illustrate and enforce the propriety of theground General Hamilton had taken. Mr. Pendleton mentioned to Mr. VanNess as the result, that if Colonel Burr would write a letter,requesting to know, in substance, whether, in the conversation towhich Dr. Cooper alluded, any particular instance of dishonourableconduct was imputed to Colonel Burr, or whether there was anyimpeachment of his private character, General Hamilton would declare,to the best of his recollection, what passed in that conversation; andMr. Pendleton read to Mr. Van Ness a paper containing the substance ofwhat General Hamilton would say on that subject, which is asfollows:—

"General Hamilton says he cannot imagine to what Doctor Cooper mayhave alluded, unless it were to a conversation at Mr. Taylor's, inAlbany, last winter (at which he and General Hamilton were present).General Hamilton cannot recollect distinctly the particulars of thatconversation, so as to undertake to repeat them without running therisk of varying, or omitting what might be deemed importantcirc*mstances. The expressions are entirely forgotten, and thespecific ideas imperfectly remembered; but, to the best of hisrecollection, it consisted of comments on the political principles andviews of Colonel Burr, and the results that might be expected fromthem in the event of his election as governor, without reference toany particular instance of past conduct or to private character."

"After the delivery of the letter of the 22d, as above mentioned, inanother interview with Mr. Van Ness, he desired Mr. Pendleton to givehim, in writing, the substance of what he had proposed on the part ofGeneral Hamilton, which Mr. Pendleton did, in the following words."[See No. IX] [After No. XII., dated June 27th, is the following:—]

"With this letter a message was received, such as was to be expected,containing an invitation which was accepted, and Mr. Pendletoninformed Mr. Van Ness he should hear from him the next day as tofurther particulars.

"This letter was delivered to General Hamilton on the same evening,and a very short conversation ensued between him and Mr. Pendleton,who was to call on him early the next morning for a furtherconference. When he did so, General Hamilton said he had notunderstood whether the message and answer was definitively concluded,or whether another meeting was to take place for that purpose betweenMr. Pendleton and Mr. Van Ness. Under the latter impression, and asthe last letter contained matter that naturally led to animadversion,he gave Mr. Pendleton a paper of remarks in his own handwriting, to becommunicated to Mr. Van Ness, if the state of the affair rendered itproper.

"In an interview with Mr. Van Ness on the same day, after explainingthe causes which had induced General Hamilton to suppose that thestate of the affair did not render it improper, Mr. Pendleton offeredthis paper to Mr. Van Ness, but he declined receiving it, allegingthat he considered the correspondence as closed by the acceptance ofthe message that he had delivered.

"Mr. Pendleton then informed Mr. Van Ness of the inducements mentionedby General Hamilton in the paper for at least postponing the meetinguntil the close of the circuit; and, as this was uncertain, Mr.Pendleton was to let him know when it would be convenient."

Remarks on the letter of June 27, 1804, which Mr. Van Ness declinedto receive.

"Whether the observations on this letter are designed merely tojustify the result which is indicated in the close of the letter, ormay be intended to give an opening for rendering any thing explicitwhich may have been deemed vague heretofore, can only be judged of bythe sequel. At any rate, it appears to me necessary not to bemisunderstood. Mr. Pendleton is therefore authorized to say, that inthe course of the present discussion, written or verbal, there hasbeen no intention to evade, defy, or insult, but a sincere dispositionto avoid extremities, if it could be done with propriety. With thisview General Hamilton has been ready to enter into a frank and freeexplanation on any and every object of a specific nature; but not toanswer a general and abstract inquiry, embracing a period too long forany accurate recollection, and exposing him to unpleasant criticismsfrom, or unpleasant discussions with, any and every person who mayhave understood him in an unfavourable sense. This (admitting that hecould answer in a manner the most satisfactory to Colonel Burr) heshould deem inadmissible in principle and precedent, and humiliatingin practice. To this, therefore, he can never submit. Frequentallusion has been made to slanders said to be in circulation. Whetherthey are openly or in whispers, they have a form and shape, and mightbe specified."

"If the alternative alluded to in the close of the letter isdefinitively tendered, it must be accepted; the time, place, andmanner to be afterward regulated. I should not think it right, in themidst of a circuit court, to withdraw my services from those who mayhave confided important interests to me, and expose them to theembarrassment of seeking other counsel, who may not have time to besufficiently instructed in their causes. I shall also want a littletime to make some arrangements respecting my own affairs."

"On Friday, the 6th of July, the circuit being closed, Mr. Pendletoninformed Mr. Van Ness that General Hamilton would be ready at any timeafter the Sunday following. On Monday the particulars were arranged.On Wednesday the parties met at Weehawk, on the Jersey shore, at seveno'clock A.M. The particulars of what then took place appear in thestatement, as agreed upon and corrected by the seconds of theparties." [See No. XIII.]

DOCTOR DAVID HOSACK TO WILLIAM COLEMAN.

August 17, 1804.

DEAR SIR,

To comply with your request is a painful task; but I will repress myfeelings while I endeavour to furnish you with an enumeration of suchparticulars relative to the melancholy end of our beloved friendHamilton as dwell most forcibly on my recollection.

When called to him upon his receiving the fatal wound, I found himhalf sitting on the ground, supported in the arms of Mr. Pendleton.His countenance of death I shall never forget. He had at that instantjust strength to say, "This is a mortal wound, doctor;" when he sunkaway, and became to all appearance lifeless. I immediately stripped uphis clothes, and soon, alas! ascertained that the direction of theball must have been through some vital part. [2]

His pulses were not to be felt, his respiration was entirelysuspended, and, upon laying my hand on his heart and perceiving nomotion there, I considered him as irrecoverably gone. I, however,observed to Mr. Pendleton, that the only chance for his reviving wasimmediately to get him upon the water. We therefore lifted him up, andcarried him out of the wood to the margin of the bank, where thebargemen aided us in conveying him into the boat, which immediatelyput off. During all this time I could not discover the least symptomof returning life. I now rubbed his face, lips, and temples withspirits of hartshorn, applied it to his neck and breast, and to thewrists and palms of his hands, and endeavoured to pour some into hismouth. When we had got, as I should judge, about fifty yards from theshore, some imperfect efforts to breathe were for the first timemanifest; in a few minutes he sighed, and became sensible to theimpression of the hartshorn or the fresh air of the water. Hebreathed; his eyes, hardly opened, wandered, without fixing upon anyobject; to our great joy, he at length spoke. "My vision isindistinct," were his first words. His pulse became more perceptible,his respiration more regular, his sight returned. I then examined thewound to know if there was any dangerous discharge of blood; uponslightly pressing his side it gave him pain, on which I desisted. Soonafter recovering his sight, he happened to cast his eye upon the caseof pistols, and observing the one that he had had in his hand lying onthe outside, he said, "Take care of that pistol; it is undischarged,and still co*cked; it may go off and do harm. Pendleton knows"(attempting to turn his head towards him) "that I did not intend tofire at him." "Yes," said Mr. Pendleton, understanding his wish, "Ihave already made Dr. Hosack acquainted with your determination as tothat." He then closed his eyes and remained calm, without anydisposition to speak; nor did he say much afterward, except in replyto my questions. He asked me once or twice how I found his pulse; andhe informed me that his lower extremities had lost all feeling,manifesting to me that he entertained no hopes that he should longsurvive. I changed the posture of his limbs, but to no purpose; theyhad entirely lost their sensibility. Perceiving that we approached theshore, he said, "Let Mrs. Hamilton be immediately sent for; let theevent be gradually broken to her, but give her hopes." Looking up wesaw his friend, Mr. Bayard, standing on the wharf in great agitation.He had been told by his servant that General Hamilton, Mr. Pendleton,and myself had crossed the river in a boat together, and too well heconjectured the fatal errand, and foreboded the dreadful result.Perceiving, as we came nearer, that Mr. Pendleton and myself only satup in the stern sheets, he clasped his hands together in the mostviolent apprehension; but when I called to him to have a cot prepared,and he at the same moment saw his poor friend lying in the bottom ofthe boat, he threw up his eyes and burst into a flood of tears andlamentation. Hamilton alone appeared tranquil and composed. We thenconveyed him as tenderly as possible up to the house. The distressesof this amiable family were such that, till the first shock wasabated, they were scarcely able to summon fortitude enough to yieldsufficient assistance to their dying friend.

Upon our reaching the house he became more languid, occasionedprobably by the agitation of his removal from the boat. I gave him alittle weak wine and water. When he recovered his feelings, hecomplained of pain in his back; we immediately undressed him, laid himin bed, and darkened the room. I then gave him a large anodyne, whichI frequently repeated. During the first day he took upward of an ounceof laudanum; and tepid anodyne fomentations were also applied to thoseparts nearest the seat of his pain. Yet were his sufferings during thewhole of the day almost intolerable. [3]

I had not the shadow of a hope of his recovery; and Dr. Post, whom Irequested might be sent for immediately on our reaching Mr. Bayard'shouse, united with me in this opinion. General Rey, the French consul,also had the goodness to invite the surgeons of the French frigates inour harbour, as they had had much experience in gunshot wounds, torender their assistance. They immediately came; but, to prevent hisbeing disturbed, I stated to them his situation, described the natureof his wound, and the direction of the ball, with all the symptomsthat could enable them to form an opinion as to the event. One of thegentlemen then accompanied me to the bedside. The result was aconfirmation of the opinion that had already been expressed by Dr.Post and myself.

During the night he had some imperfect sleep, but the succeedingmorning his symptoms were aggravated, attended, however, with adiminution of pain. His mind retained all its usual strength andcomposure. The great source of his anxiety seemed to be in hissympathy with his half-distracted—wife and children. He spoke to mefrequently of them—"My beloved wife and children" were always hisexpressions. But his fortitude triumphed over his situation, dreadfulas it was; once, indeed, at the sight of his children, brought to thebedside together, seven in number, his utterance forsook him; heopened his eyes, gave them one look, and closed them again till theywere taken away. As a proof of his extraordinary composure of mind,let me add, that he alone could calm the frantic grief of theirmother. "Remember, my Eliza, you are a Christian," were theexpressions with which he frequently, with a firm voice, but, in apathetic and impressive manner, addressed her. His words, and the tonein which they were uttered, will never be effaced from my memory.About two o'clock, as the public well know, he expired—

"Incorrupta fides—nudaque veritas
Quando ullum invenient parem?
Multis ille quidem flebilis occidit."

Your friend and humble servant,

DAVID HOSACK.

"After his death, a note, which had been written the evening beforethe interview, was found addressed to the gentleman who accompaniedhim to the field; thanking him with tenderness for his friendship tohim, and informing him where would be found the keys of certaindrawers in his desk, in which he had deposited such papers as he hadthought proper to leave behind him, together with his last will."Among these papers was the following.

On my expected interview with Colonel Burr, I think it proper to makesome remarks explanatory of my conduct, motives, and views.

I was certainly desirous of avoiding this interview for the mostcogent reasons.

1. My religious and moral principles are strongly opposed to thepractice of duelling, and it would ever give me pain to be obliged toshed the blood of a fellow-creature in a private combat forbidden bythe laws.

2. My wife and children are extremely dear to me, and my life is ofthe utmost importance to them in various views.

3. I feel a sense of obligation towards my creditors; who, in case ofaccident to me, by the forced sale of my property, may be in somedegree sufferers. I did not think myself at liberty, as a man ofprobity, lightly to expose them to this hazard.

4. I am conscious of no ill will to Colonel Burr distinct frompolitical opposition, which, as I trust, has proceeded from pure andupright motives.

Lastly, I shall hazard much, and can possibly gain nothing by theissue of the interview.

But it was, as I conceive, impossible for me to avoid it. There wereintrinsic difficulties in the thing, and artificial embarrassmentsfrom the manner of proceeding on the part of Colonel Burr.

Intrinsic, because it is not to be denied that my animadversions onthe political principles, character, and views of Colonel Burr havebeen extremely severe; and, on different occasions, I, in common withmany others, have made very unfavourable criticisms on particularinstances of the private conduct of this gentleman.

In proportion as these impressions were entertained with sincerity,and uttered with motives and for purposes which might appear to mecommendable, would be the difficulty (until they could be removed byevidence of their being erroneous) of explanation or apology. Thedisavowal required of me by Colonel Burr, in a general and definiteform, was out of my power, if it had really been proper for me tosubmit to be so questioned; but I was sincerely of the opinion thatthis could not be; and in this opinion I was confirmed by that of avery moderate and judicious friend whom I consulted. Besides that,Colonel Burr appeared to me to assume, in the first instance, a toneunnecessarily peremptory and menacing, and, in the second, positivelyoffensive. Yet I wished, as far as might be practicable, to leave adoor open for accommodation. This, I think, will be inferred from thewritten communications made by me and by my direction, and would beconfirmed by the conversations between Mr. Van Ness and myself whicharose out of the subject.

I am not sure whether, under all the circ*mstances, I did not gofurther in the attempt to accommodate than a punctilious delicacy willjustify. If so, I hope the motives I have stated will excuse me.

It is not my design, by what I have said, to affix any odium on thecharacter of Colonel Burr in this case. He doubtless has heard ofanimadversions of mine which bore very hard upon him; and it isprobable that, as usual, they were accompanied with some falsehoods.He may have supposed himself under a necessity of acting as he hasdone. I hope the grounds of his proceeding have been such as ought tosatisfy his own conscience.

I trust, at the same time, that the world will do me the justice tobelieve that I have not censured him on light grounds nor fromunworthy inducements. I certainly have had strong reasons for what Ihave said, though it is possible that in some particulars I have beeninfluenced by misconstruction or misinformation. It is also my ardentwish that I may have been more mistaken than I think I have been,and that he, by his future conduct, may show himself worthy of allconfidence and esteem, and prove an ornament and blessing to thecountry.

As well, because it is possible that I may have injured Colonel Burr,however convinced myself that my opinions and declarations have beenwell founded, as from my general principles and temper in relation tosimilar affairs, I have resolved, if our interview is conducted in theusual manner, and it pleases God to give me the opportunity, toreserve and throw away my first fire, and I have thoughts even ofreserving my second fire, and thus giving a double opportunity toColonel Burr to pause and to reflect.

It is not, however, my intention to enter into any explanations on theground—apology from principle, I hope, rather than pride, is out ofthe question.

To those who, with me, abhorring the practice of duelling, may thinkthat I ought on no account to add to the number of bad examples, Ianswer, that my relative situation, as well in public as private,enforcing all the considerations which men of the world denominatehonour, imposed on me (as I thought) a peculiar necessity not todecline the call. The ability to be in future useful, whether inresisting mischief or effecting good, in those crises of our publicaffairs which seem likely to happen, would probably be inseparablefrom a conformity with prejudice in this particular.

A.H.

The impression which the death of General Hamilton made on every classof people in the city of New-York is best described by simplyremarking, that all party distinction was lost in the generalsentiment of respect expressed for the illustrious dead. On Wednesdaymorning, the 11th of July, 1804, the parties met; on Thursday, the12th, General Hamilton died; and on Saturday, the 14th, he wasinterred, with military honours, "the Society of the Cincinnati beingcharged with the direction of the funeral ceremonies of itspresident-general." About noon, the different bodies forming theprocession took their respective places. The body was conducted fromthe house of his brother-in-law, John B. Church, Esq., to TrinityChurch, where an appropriate oration was delivered by the Hon.Gouverneur Morris.

TO THEODOSIA.

New-York, July 10, 1804.

Having lately written my will, and given my private letters and papersin charge to you, I have no other direction to give you on the subjectbut to request you to burn all such as, if by accident made public,would injure any person. This is more particularly applicable to theletters of my female correspondents. All my letters, and copies ofletters, of which I have retained copies, are in the six blue boxes.If your husband or any one else (no one, however, could do it so wellas he) should think it worth while to write a sketch of my life, somematerials will be found among these letters.

Tell my dear Natalie that I have not left her any thing, for the verygood reason that I had nothing to leave to any one. My estate willjust about pay my debts and no more—I mean, if I should die thisyear. If I live a few years, it is probable things may be better. GiveNatalie one of the pictures of me. There are three in this house; thatof Stewart, and two by Vanderlyn. Give her any other little tokens shemay desire. One of those pictures, also, I pray you to give to DoctorEustis. To Bartow something—what you please.

I pray you and your husband to convey to Peggy the small lot, notnumbered, which is the fourth article mentioned in my list ofproperty. It is worth about two hundred and fifty dollars. Give heralso fifty dollars in cash as a reward for her fidelity. Dispose ofNancy as you please. She is honest, robust, and good-tempered. Peteris the most intelligent and best-disposed black I have ever known. (Imean the black boy I bought last fall from Mr. Turnbull.) I adviseyou, by all means, to keep him as the valet of your son. PersuadePeggy to live with you if you can.

I have desired that my wearing apparel be given to Frederic. Give himalso a sword or pair of pistols.

Burn immediately a small bundle, tied with a red string, which youwill find in the little flat writing-case—that which we used with thecurricle. The bundle is marked "Put."

The letters of Clara (the greater part of them) are tied up in awhite handkerchief, which you will find in the blue box No. 5. You mayhand them to Mari, if you please. My letters to Clara are in the samebundle. You, and by-and-by Aaron Burr Alston, may laugh at gamp whenyou look over this nonsense.

Many of the letters of Clara will be found among my ordinaryletters, filed and marked, sometimes "Clara", sometimes "L."

I am indebted to you, my dearest Theodosia, for a very great portionof the happiness which I have enjoyed in this life. You havecompletely satisfied all that my heart and affections had hoped oreven wished. With a little more perseverance, determination, andindustry, you will obtain all that my ambition or vanity had fondlyimagined. Let your son have occasion to be proud that he had a mother.Adieu. Adieu.

A. BURR.

I have directed that the flat writing-case and the blue box No. 5,both in the library, be opened only by you. There are six of theseblue boxes, which contain my letters and copies of letters, exceptthose two clumsy quarto volumes, in which letter-press copies arepasted. They are somewhere in the library. The keys of the other fiveboxes are in No. 5.

It just now occurs to me to give poor dear Frederic my watch. I havealready directed my executors here to give him my wearing apparel.When you come hither you must send for Frederic, and open your wholeheart to him. He loves me almost as much as Theodosia does; and hedoes love you to adoration.

I have just now found four packets of letters between Clara andMentor besides those in the handkerchief. I have thrown them looseinto box No. 5. What a medley you will find in that box!

The seal of the late General Washington, which you will find in theblue box No. 5, was given to me by Mr. and Mrs. Law. You may keep itfor your son, or give it to whom you please.

Assure Mrs. Law of my latest recollection. Adieu. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, July 10, 1804.

MY DEAR SIR,

You will find enclosed a statement of my affairs. Swartwout and VanNess are joint executors with you and Theodosia. It was indispensablethat there should be an executor on the spot. I have directed them tosell immediately my horses, and to sell nothing else until yourpleasure shall be known. I pray that Theodosia may be consulted andgratified in this particular.

Explanations of every concern of my property is given in two sheets ofpaper which accompany my will. The enclosed is an abstract.

It would have been a great satisfaction to me to have had yourassurance that you would assume my debts, and take and dispose of theproperty at discretion. It may be done in a way which you would find aconvenience. My creditors would take your assumption at such time asyou might judge convenient. The property will, undoubtedly, producemore than the amount of my debts. What you may not incline to keep maybe forthwith turned into cash.

The library, maps, pictures, and wine are articles which you willneed, and which you cannot procure without great trouble and moremoney. I think, too, you would do well to retain Richmond Hill, as amore convenient residence than Montalto, particularly as no expensewill be necessary for buildings or improvements.

My private letters I have directed to be put in the hands ofTheodosia, that she may select from them her own, those of her mother,and some others. Among them and my copies you will find much oftrifling, something of amusem*nt, and a little of interest.

Get from Mr. Taylor (the younger), of Columbia or Camden, my lettersto his brother-in-law, the late J.E. Hunt, who was one of yourchancellors.

Messrs. R. Bunner, William Duer, John Duer, and J.W. Smith, of thiscity, and John Van Ness Yates, of Albany, all lawyers and young men oftalents, have manifested great and disinterested zeal in my favour onsome recent occasions. [4]

I pray you to take some notice of them, and give to each of them, andto William T. Broome, now in Paris, some small token of remembrance ofme. William T. Broome, with great defects of temper, unites veryconsiderable literary talents and acquirements. A little attentionwould attach them all to you.

My very worthy friend, Charles Biddle, of Philadelphia, has six orseven sons—three of them grown up. With different characters andvarious degrees of intelligence, they will all be men of eminence andof influence. Call to see the father when you pass throughPhiladelphia, and receive the sons kindly.

I have taught my friends in every quarter to look to you as myrepresentative. There are many of them, your discernment willdistinguish which, on whose loyalty and firmness you may rely throughall changes.

I have called out General Hamilton, and we meet tomorrow morning. VanNess will give you the particulars. The preceding has been written incontemplation of this event. If it should be my lot to fall, * * * * ** * * yet I shall live in you and your son. I commit to you all thatis most dear to me—my reputation and my daughter. Your talents andyour attachment will be the guardian of the one—your kindness andyour generosity of the other. Let me entreat you to stimulate and aidTheodosia in the cultivation of her mind. It is indispensable to herhappiness and essential to yours. It is also of the utmost importanceto your son. She would presently acquire a critical knowledge ofLatin, English, and all branches of natural philosophy. All this wouldbe poured into your son. If you should differ with me as to theimportance of this measure, suffer me to ask it of you as a lastfavour. She will richly compensate your trouble.

Most affectionately adieu,

A. BURR.

The elder Prevost, [5] Augustine James Frederic Prevost, is a mostamiable and honourable man. Under the garb of coarse rusticity youwill find, if you know him, refinement, wit, a delicate sense ofpropriety, the most inflexible intrepidity, incorruptible integrity,and disinterestedness. I wish you could know him; but it would bedifficult, by reason of his diffidence and great reluctance to minglewith the world. It has been a source of extreme regret andmortification to me that he should be lost to society and to hisfriends. The case seems almost remediless, for, alas! he is married!

A. BURR.

If you can pardon and indulge a folly, I would suggest that MadameSansay, too well known under the name of Leonora, has claims on myrecollection. She is now with her husband at St. Jago of Cuba.

A. BURR.

Footnotes:

1. Colonel Burr then resided at Richmond Hill.

2. For the satisfaction of some of General Hamilton's friends, Iexamined his body after death, in presence of Dr. Post and two othergentlemen. I discovered that the ball struck the second or third falserib, and fractured it about in the middle; it then passed through theliver and diaphragm, and, as far as we could ascertain without aminute examination, lodged in the first or second lumbar vertebra. Thevertebra in which it was lodged was considerably splintered, so thatthe spiculae were distinctly perceptible to the finger. About a pintof clotted blood was found in the cavity of the belly, which hadprobably been effused from the divided vessels of the liver.

3. As his habit was delicate, and had been lately rendered more feebleby ill health, particularly by a disorder of the stomach and bowels, Icarefully avoided all those remedies which are usually indicated onsuch occasions.

4. They supported Colonel Burr for the office of governor inopposition to Morgan Lewis.

5. Mrs. Burr's son by her first husband, Colonel Prevost, of theBritish army.

CHAPTER XVII.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, July 13, 1804.

GENERAL HAMILTON died yesterday. The malignant federalists or tories,and the imbittered Clintonians, unite in endeavouring to excite publicsympathy in his favour and indignation against his antagonist.Thousands of absurd falsehoods are circulated with industry. The mostilliberal means are practised in order to produce excitement, and, forthe moment, with effect.

I propose leaving town for a few days, and meditate also a journey forsome weeks, but whither is not resolved. Perhaps to Statesburgh. Youwill hear from me again in about eight days.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

July 18, 1804.

The event of which you have been advised has driven me into a sort ofexile, and may terminate in an actual and permanent ostracism. Ourmost unprincipled Jacobins are the loudest in their lamentations forthe death of General Hamilton, whom, for many years, they haveuniformly represented as the most detestable and unprincipled ofmen—the motives are obvious. Every sort of persecution is to beexercised against me. A coroner's jury will sit this evening, beingthe fourth time. The object of this unexampled measure is to obtainan inquest of murder. Upon this a warrant will issue to apprehend me,and, if I should be taken, no bail would probably be allowed. You knowenough of the temper and principles of the generality of the officersof our state government to form a judgment of my position.

The statement [1] in the Morning Chronicle was not submitted to myperusal, I being absent at the time of the publication. Severalcirc*mstances not very favourable to the deceased are suppressed; Ipresume, from holy reverence for the dead. I am waiting the report ofthis jury; when that is known, you shall be advised of my movements.At present I have decided on nothing. Write under cover to CharlesBiddle, Philadelphia.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

July 20, 1804.

La G. has, on a recent occasion, manifested a degree of sensibilityand attachment which have their influence on gamp. Her conduct isalso highly honourable to the independence of her mind, for all herassociations and connexions would lead to a different result. Aninterview is expected this evening, which, if it take place, willterminate in something definitive.

It was, indeed, a pretty ludicrous description which you received. Onthe other side you may add, real good-temper and cheerfulness; a goodeducation, according to the estimation of the world. I shall journeysomewhere within a few days, but whither is not yet decided. My heartwill travel southward, and repose on the hills of Santee.

Adieu, my dear child.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

Philadelphia, July 29, 1804.

The coroner's jury continued to the 26th (my last New-York date) tosit and adjourn. Upon suspicion that my friends had some knowledge ofthe subject, derived either from Van Ness or me, warrants haveissued to bring them in to testify. Matthew L. Davis was apprehended,and, refusing to answer, was committed to prison, where he now lies;probably Colonel Willett is now also in jail on the same account.Swartwout, Van Ness, and others are secreted. How long this sort ofpersecution may endure cannot be conjectured.

The ferment, which was with so much industry excited, has subsided,and public opinion begins to take its proper course.

A. BURR.

FROM JOHN SWARTWOUT.

New-York, August 2, 1804.

I was interrupted in my letter yesterday. The jury agreed to theirverdict this morning at two o'clock, viz., wilful murder by thehand of A. B. William P. Van Ness and Nathaniel Pendleton accessoriesbefore the fact. The only evidence, Bishop Moore. Edward Ferris, JamesFerris, and a Mr. Milne dissented, and contemplate a protest againstthe illegal conduct of the coroner. Their counsel is James Woods. Atfour o'clock this morning I despatched an express to Van Ness. Theprinters, you perceive, continue their malevolence through the vilestmotives; notwithstanding all this, there is a considerable reaction.The public palate has become satiated. The Nicholsons, the Gelstons,the Mills's, and may other demo's are rapidly travelling back to 1800.Mr. P. called and begged that the Chronicle might still be keptsilent. He observed, that he mixed with these people, and found it tobe the true policy. Although this is not my opinion, yet we must begoverned by the advice of the majority.

The oration (by Gouverneur Morris) has displeased many republicans ofthe first water. Governor Morgan Lewis speaks of the proceedingsopenly as disgraceful, illiberal, and ungentlemanly. In short, alittle more noise on their side, and a little further magnanimity onours, is all that is necessary. In all this bustle, judicious men seenothing but the workings of the meanest passions. The Salem Gazetteand the Boston Chronicle seem to take the most correct ground.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

Philadelphia, August 3, 1804.

The preceding is a summary of the intelligence by this day's mail. Thepurport of the inquest is confirmed by a letter from J.B.P. I amfurther advised that an application has been made to Governor Lewis,of New-York, requiring him to demand me of the governor of this state,with which Lewis will most probably be obliged to comply. I shall,nevertheless, remain here some days (from 8 to 20), that I may thebetter know the measures of the enemy. Have no anxiety about theissue of this business.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, August 2, 1804.

Your letters of the 8th and 18th of July are received; the latteryesterday. You must not complain or find fault if I omit to answer, oreven to write. Don't let me have the idea that you are dissatisfiedwith me a moment. I can't just now endure it. At another time you mayplay the Juno if you please. Your letters amuse and console me.Continue to write with this reliance, and without the expectation ofpay in kind. I owe you no thanks for a letter if you demand promptpayment to the full amount.

All you write of the boy represents him such as I would have him. Hisrefusal of the peaches reminded me of his mother. Just so she has donefifty times, and just so I kissed her; but then I did not give herpeaches.

Nothing can be done with Celeste. There is a strange indecision andtimidity which I cannot fathom. The thing, however, is abandoned; and,for a few months, I believe, all such things.

I shall be here for some days. How many cannot now be resolved. I amvery well, and not without occupation or amusem*nt. Nothing would giveme so much pleasure as to hear that your time, or any part of it, isusefully employed.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, August 3, 1804.

You will have learned, through Mr. Alston, of certain measurespursuing against me in New-York. I absent myself from home merely togive a little time for passions to subside, not from any apprehensionof the final effects of proceedings in courts of law. They can, by nopossibility, eventually affect my person. You will find the papersfilled with all manner of nonsense and lies. Among other things,accounts of attempts to assassinate me. These, I assure you, are merefables. Those who wish me dead prefer to keep at a very respectfuldistance. No such attempt has been made nor will be made. I walk andride about here as usual.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, August 11, 1804.

Your letter of the 25th July finds me in a moment of great occupation,being on the point of embarking for St. Simons. Write to me on receiptof this, and enclose to the postmaster at Darien, Georgia. The letterto me to be addressed to A. B., at Hampton, St. Simons; and pray writeover again all you have written since the 25th, for the letters now onthe way will not be received for some time. I shall lay a plan formeeting you somewhere, but whether I may have it in my power to visitthe high hills of Santee is doubtful; I fear improbable. They saythere is no going through the flat country at this season withouthazard of life. Consult your husband about this, and write me as abovedirected. You shall hear from me the moment of my arrival anywhere;that is, I shall write, and you may read as soon as you can get theletter.

If any male friend of yours should be dying of ennui, recommend to himto engage in a duel and a courtship at the same time—prob. est.

Celeste seems more pliant. I do believe that eight days would haveproduced some grave event; but, alas! those eight days, and perhapseight days more, are to be passed on the ocean.

My love to Natalie; to her girl and your boy. I have received a verycharming letter from her, which shall be noticed when I get the otherside of you. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

Philadelphia, August 11, 1804.

Your letters of the 21st and 25th July are just now received, and Ihave barely time to read them and transmit your orders to New-Yorkabout Montalto.

My plan is to visit the Floridas for five or six weeks. I have desiredTheodosia to consult you whether there be any healthy point within ahundred miles or so of St. Simons at which we might meet. Might Isafely travel through your low country at this season?

Theodosia fat and the boy pale are bad omens. For God's sake, orrather for theirs, your own, and mine, hurry them off to themountains. I could, perhaps, as easily find you there as elsewhere.Warrants have been issued in New-York against all those charged withan agency in the death of General Hamilton, but no requisition ordemand has been made by the governor of that state on this or anyother, nor does it seem very probable that such demand will beimmediately made.

I am negotiating to get an assurance from authority that I shall bebailed, on receipt of which I shall surrender.

The eastern republicans take part against the calumniators inNew-York. Swartwout is now here. He thinks the tide has already turnedin New-York. You had better open a correspondence with him.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Hampton, St. Simon's, August 28, 1804.

We arrived on Saturday evening, all well. The mail, which arrives butonce a week, had just gone. An accidental opportunity enables me toforward this to Savannah.

I am at the house of Major Butler, comfortably settled. A veryagreeable family within half a mile. My project is to go next week toFlorida, which may take up a fortnight or ten days, and soon after myreturn to go northward, by Augusta and Columbia, if I can find waysand means to get on; but I have no horse, nor does this countryfurnish one. In my letter to your husband, written at the moment ofleaving Philadelphia, I desired him to name some place (healthy place)at which he could meet me. Enclose to "Mr. R. King, Hampton, St.Simon's."

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

St. Simon's, August 31, 1804.

I am now quite settled. My establishment consists of a housekeeper,cook, and chambermaid, seamstress, and two footmen. There are,besides, two fishermen and four bargemen always at command. Thedepartment of laundress is done abroad. The plantation affords plentyof milk, cream, and butter; turkeys, fowls, kids, pigs, geese, andmutton; fish, of course, in abundance. Of figs, peaches, and melonsthere are yet a few. Oranges and pomegranates just begin to beeatable. The house affords Madeira wine, brandy, and porter. Yesterdaymy neighbour, Mr. Couper, sent me an assortment of French wines,consisting of Claret, Sauterne, and Champagne, all excellent; and atleast a twelve months' supply of orange shrub, which makes a mostdelicious punch. Madame Couper added sweetmeats and pickles. Theplantations of Butler and Couper are divided by a small creek, and thehouses within one quarter of a mile of each other; accessible,however, only by water. We have not a fly, moscheto, or bug. I can sita whole evening, with open windows and lighted candles, without theleast annoyance from insects; a circ*mstance which I have never beheldin any other place. I have not even seen a co*ckroach.

At Mr. Couper's, besides his family, there are three young ladies,visitors. One of them arrived about three months ago from France, tojoin a brother who had been shipwrecked on this coast, liked thecountry so much that he resolved to settle here, and sent for thissister and a younger brother. About the time of their arrival, theelder brother was accidentally drowned; the younger went with views tomake an establishment some miles inland, where he now lies dangerouslyill. Both circ*mstances are concealed from the knowledge ofMademoiselle Nicholson. In any event, she will find refuge andprotection in the benevolent house of Mr. Couper.

The cotton in this neighbourhood, on the coast southward to theextremity of Florida, and northward as far as we have heard, has beentotally destroyed. The crop of Mr. C. was supposed to be worth onehundred thousand dollars, and not an extravagant estimate, for he haseight hundred slaves. He will not get enough to pay half the expensesof the plantation. Yet he laughs about it with good humour and withoutaffectation. Butler suffers about half this loss. Part of his forcehad been turned to rice. My travelling companion, secretary, andaid-de-camp is Samuel Swartwout, the youngest brother of John, a veryamiable young man of twenty or twenty-one.

Now, verily, were it not for the intervention of one hundred miles oflow, swampy, pestiferous country, I would insist on your coming to seeme, all, all! Little gamp, and Mademoiselle Sum_tare_, and theirappendages; for they are the principals.

I still propose to visit Florida. To set off in three or four days,and to return hither about the 16th of September; beyond this I haveat present no plan. It is my wish, God knows how ardently I wish, toreturn by land, and pass a week with you; but, being without horses,and there being no possibility of hiring or buying, the thing seemsscarcely practicable. Two modes only offer themselves—either toembark in the kind of mail stage which goes from Darien throughSavannah, Augusta, and Columbia, to Camden, or to take a water passageeither to Charleston or Georgetown. Either of these beingaccomplished, new difficulties will occur in getting from Statesburghnorthward. I must be at New-York the first week in November. Consultyour husband, and write me of these matters. Enclose to Mr. RoswellKing, which I repeat, lest my former letters should not have beenreceived. Our mail has just arrived, but has brought me no letter.

I erred a little in my history of the family of Mademoiselle N. Thereare still two brothers here. One a man d'une certaine age. Though notwealthy, they are not destitute of property.

Mr. C. has just now gone with his boat for the dashers who live aboutthirty miles southwest on the main. He has requested me to escortMadame C. on Sunday to his plantation on the south end of this island,where we are to meet him and his party on Monday, and bring them homein our coach. Madame C. is still young, tall, comely, and well bred.

I have been studying all the maps and gazetteers to discover the bestaccess to Statesburgh. Georgetown seems to be the nearest port; butwhether there be thence a direct road, I cannot discover. Does ourfriend Doctor Blythe still reside at Georgetown? If so, I shouldrepose on him for the means of transportation. Desire Mari to write tohim to aid me in case I should take that route. If I should go toCharleston, meaning to Sullivan's Island, for Charleston I shall atthis season most certainly avoid, I should put myself on GeneralM'Pherson, who, I hear, is now living there with his family; thence upthe Cooper river, about four miles above the town, is a ferryhouse andtavern on the north side, and thence by Strawberry, where is the besttavern in the state, is a very direct and beautiful road, and thence,according to the maps, a very straight road to the high hills ofSantee. But how to get from that ferryhouse is a question I cannotresolve. All these circ*mstances are mentioned that I may have youradvice, meaning that of your husband. And, after all, it is possiblethat I may not be able to find a passage either to Charleston orGeorgetown, and so be obliged to sail for New-York. Will close thisletter, for to-morrow it must go to the postoffice at Darien, which isonly about twenty-two miles distant.

September 1.

In one of Mr. Alston's letters he spoke of taking you and A. B. A. tothe mountains; and, in a letter which I wrote him from Philadelphia, Iproposed to meet you in the mountains. Now, for aught which I as yetknow, it will be as easy for me to get to the mountains, or to theAlps, or the Andes, as to Statesburgh, and therefore, as before, Icrave counsel.

Do yon recollect the second daughter of Mr. Barclay, of Philadelphia,the sister of Nelly? She has grown up the very image of her sister. Isaw her very often while I was last in Philadelphia. She talkedperpetually of you, and made me promise that I would tell you so.

Adieu, my dear Theodosia. Remember that I have not received a letterfrom you since that of the 22d or 25th of July. I forget which was thedate. I have no faith in the climate of your high hills, surrounded asthey are by noxious swamps. God bless and preserve thee.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

St. Simon's, September 3, 1804.

You see me returned from Gaston's Bluff, now called Hamilton'sBluff, a London merchant, partner of Mr. Couper. We were four in thecarriage; the three ladies and myself.

Mr. Morse informs you that this island is forty-five miles long, andthat it lies north of the mouth Altamaha, commonly spelled Alatamaha.It is, in fact, twelve and a half miles in length, and lies southeastof that river. Its width is about two and a half miles. There are nowresiding on the island about twenty-five white families. Frederica,now known only by the name of Old Town, is on the west side of theisland, and about midway between its northern and southernextremities. It was first settled by Governor Oglethorpe, and was,about fifty years ago, a very gay place, consisting of perhapstwenty-five or thirty houses. The walls of several of them stillremain. Three or four families only now reside here. In the vicinityof the town several ruins were pointed out to me, as having been,formerly, country seats of the governor, and officers of the garrison,and gentlemen of the town. At present, nothing can be more gloomy thanwhat was once called Frederica. The few families now remaining, orrather residing there, for they are all new-comers, have a sickly,melancholy appearance, well assorted with the ruins which surroundthem. The southern part of this island abounds with fetid swamps,which must render it very unhealthy. On the northern half I have seenno stagnant water.

Mr. Couper, with his escort of ladies, was to have met us thisafternoon, but he has sent us word that he is taken ill on the way;that, owing to illness in the family of the ladies who were to haveaccompanied him, they have been obliged to renounce the visit. Wetherefore returned as we went. At Frederica and Gaston's Bluff we wereconvinced that insects can subsist on this island. Moschetoes, flies,and co*ckroaches abounded.

Thursday, September 6, 1804

Just returned from Darien. And what took you to Darien? To see theplantation of Mr. Butler on an island opposite that town, and to meeta day sooner the letters which I expected from you. In the last objectI have been again disappointed, which I ascribe wholly to theirregularity of the mails. It is most mortifying and vexatious to beseven weeks without hearing of you or from you, and now a whole weekmust elapse before I can expect it.

You are probably ignorant that Darien is a settlement (called a town)on the north bank of the Alatamaha, about eight miles from its mouth.Major Butler's Island in this river is one mile below the town. Itmust become a fine rice country, for the water is fresh four milesbelow Major Butler's, and the tide rises from four to five feet, andthe flats or swamps are from five to seven miles in width for aconsiderable distance up the river. The country, of course, presentsno scenes for a painter. I visited Little St. Simon's and severalother islands; frightened the crocodiles, shot some rice-birds, andcaught some trout. Honey of fine flavour is found in great abundancein the woods about the mouth of the river, and, for aught I know, inevery part of the country. You perceive that I am constantlydiscovering new luxuries for my table. Not having been able to kill acrocodile (alligator), I have offered a reward for one, which I meanto eat, dressed in soup, fricassees, and steaks. Oh! how you long topartake of this repast.

Wednesday, September 12, 1804.

On Friday last, hearing that Mr. Couper had returned and was veryseriously ill, I took a small canoe with two boys, and went to seehim. He lay in a high fever. When about to return in the evening, thewind had risen so that, after an ineffectual attempt, I was obliged togive it up, and remain at Mr. C.'s. In the morning the wind was stillhigher. It continued to rise, and by noon blew a gale from the north,which, together with the swelling of the water, became alarming. Fromtwelve to three, several of the out-houses had been destroyed; most ofthe trees about the house were blown down. The house in which we wereshook and rocked so much that Mr. C. began to express hisapprehensions for our safety. Before three, part of the piazza wascarried away; two or three of the windows bursted in. The house wasinundated with water, and presently one of the chimneys fell. Mr. C.then commanded a retreat to a storehouse about fifty yards off, and wedecamped, men, women, and children. You may imagine, in this scene ofconfusion and dismay, a good many incidents to amuse one if one haddared to be amused in a moment of much anxiety. The house, however,did not blow down. The storm continued till four, and then verysuddenly abated, and in ten minutes it was almost a calm. I seized themoment to return home. Before I had got quite over, the gale rose fromthe southeast and threatened new destruction. It lasted great part ofthe night, but did not attain the violence of that from the north; yetit contributed to raise still higher the water, which was theprincipal instrument of devastation. The flood was about seven feetabove the height of an ordinary high tide. This has been sufficient toinundate great part of the coast; to destroy all the rice; to carryoff most of the buildings which were on low lands, and to destroy thelives of many blacks. The roads are rendered impassable, and scarcelya boat has been preserved. Thus all intercourse is suspended. Themail-boat, which ought to have passed northward last Saturday, and bywhich it was intended to forward this letter, has not been heard of.This will go by a man who will attempt to get from Darien to Savannahon foot, being sent express by the manager of Major Butler; but how,or whether it will go on from Savannah, is not imagined.

Major Butler has lost nineteen negroes (drowned), and I fear his wholecrop of rice, being about two hundred and sixty acres. Mr. Brailsford,of Charleston, who cultivates in rice an island at the mouth of theAlatamaha, has lost, reports say, seventy-four blacks. The banks andthe buildings on the low lands are greatly injured. We have heardnothing from the southward, nor farther than from Darien northward. Igreatly fear that this hurricane, so it is here called, has extendedto the Waccama.

The illness of Mr. C., which still continues, and the effects of thestorm, have defeated all my plans. To get to Florida seems nowimpracticable; nor do any present means occur of getting from thisisland in any direction. Young Swartwout, who went ten days ago toSavannah, has not returned, nor is it possible that he should veryspeedily return. I have not received a letter since my arrival fromany person north of Savannah (yes, one from C. Biddle, of 19thAugust), nor do I expect one for many days to come.

I had taken up another sheet to say something more, I know not what;but the appearance of a fine sheep's-head smoking on the table hasattractions not to be resisted. Laissez moi diner, "and then," &c.

Madame j'ais bien diner, and j'ai fait mettre mon writing-desksur le table a diner. What a scandalous thing to sit here all alonedrinking Champagne—and yet—(madame je bois a votre santé et a cellede monsieur votre fils)—and yet, I say, if Champagne be thatexhilarating cordial which (je bois a la santé de Madame Sumtare)songs and rumour ascribe to it (a la santé de Mademoiselle Sumtare),can there be ever an occasion in which its application could be moreappropriate, or its virtues more (mais buvons a la santé de mon hôteet bon ami, Major Butler). By-the-by, you have no idea—how shouldyou have, seeing that you never heard a word about it?—you have noidea, I was going to say, of the zeal and animation, of theintrepidity and frankness with which he avowed and maintained—but Iforget that this letter goes to Savannah by a negro, who has to swimhalf a dozen creeks, in one of which, at least, it is probable hemay drown, and that, if he escape drowning, various other accidentsmay bring it to you through the newspapers, and then how many enemiesmight my indiscretion create for a man who had the sensibility and thehonour to feel and to judge, and the firmness to avow (a la santé deCeleste un bumper toast). La pauvre Celeste. Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Frederica, St. Simon's, September 15, 1804.

Having very unexpectedly procured a boat, I left my house yesterdayafternoon, came hither by land, and proceed in a few minutes for St.Mary's. It is possible that I may extend my tour to St. John's, andeven to St. Augustine's; but, if so, it will be very rapid; a mereflight, for I propose to be at home (Hampton, St. Simon's) again ineight days.

On the 12th I sent by a special messenger, who was to go from Dariento Savannah on foot, my journal for the ten or fifteen days preceding,with some account of the hurricane; but a man this day from Dariensays that our express can by no possibility reach Savannah; for thatevery bridge and causeway is destroyed, and the road so filled withfallen trees as to be utterly impassable. I apprehend that the roadson the whole coast as far north, at least, as Cape Hatteras, are inthe same condition. If on my return I should receive intelligenceconfirming those apprehensions, it will compel me to abandon the hopeof seeing you until the last of February. On this, as on all otheroccasions, let me find that you exhibit the firmness which I have beenproud to ascribe to you. Let me hear that you are seriously engaged insome useful pursuit. Let me see the progressive improvement of yourmind, and it will console me for all the evils of life.

My young friend Swartwout is still absent, and I suppose at Savannah.
It is not probable that I shall see him again before my return to
New-York.

A Mr. Bartram, of Philadelphia, travelled through Georgia and theFloridas in 1772. His travels are published in one large octavovolume. Procure and read it, and you will better understand what I maywrite you. I promise myself much gratification in this little trip. Ifan opportunity should offer for Charleston by water, I shall venture aletter to you. This will be forwarded before my return; if not, itwill lay here. I am writing to you before sunrise, and am now summonedto the boat (canoe).

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Hampton, St. Simon's, September 26, 1804.

I returned yesterday from my Florida excursion, about which I wroteyou on the 15th inst. The weather prevented me from going farther thanthe river St. John's, about thirty miles from St. Augustine. I havebeen making out for you a journal of my tour, but I still entertain aslight hope of seeing you somewhere within a fortnight; if at all, itwill be by the 10th of October. Pray keep yourselves in readiness tomeet me at Columbia, or still more southward if I should require it.

Not a line from you or your husband since those of the 25th of July.Your letters have either been lost in the hurricane or are now in themail-boat, which, by some mistake, has brought down the Darien mailand carried it on more southward, so that it will not reach Darientill I am off; yet I entertain a hope of finding letters at Savannah.

A boat has at length been found to take me to Savannah, and thither Igo to-morrow, or rather set out, for I shall not reach it till the30th instant. What course I shall take thence will be determined bywhat I may hear at that city. You will have a line from me as soon asI arrive there; meaning always that the line will be written, and senton by the first mail, to get to you as soon as it can.

It is a fact that the Spanish ladies smoke segars. They say that ayoung lady will take a few puffs and hand it to her favoured lover asa mark of great kindness. This rumour, however, I cannot verify frompersonal observation, much less have I to boast of any such favour.But we will talk of these things if we should meet; if not, we willwrite about them.

I was treated with great kindness and respect at St. Mary's, and haveeverywhere experienced the utmost hospitality. My health has beenperfect and uninterrupted. God bless thee.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Savannah, October 1, 1804. Ten o'clock A.M., arrived in a storm(northeast). They had last evening a minor hurricane here, for thespecial use of this city. It overset some canoes, drowned a fewnegroes, unroofed some houses, and forced in a few windows. It was theaffair of a few minutes, confined to a small space, and did no othermischief that I learn.

My last letter to you was from St. Simon's, about the 27th ult., theday previous to my departure. My voyage hither was full of variety,and not of the most pleasant kind, but no accident to affect health.My first reflection on landing was that I was one hundred miles nearerto you; but my inquiries since my arrival afford no prospect ofgetting on by land, except by the purchase of horses, to which thereis one insuperable objection. The condition of the roads has not yetadmitted of travelling northward or westward in a carriage. The mailgoes on horseback.

Not a line from any creature north of this place since I left
Philadelphia. I hear, however, that the Darien mail, which I passed at
Frederica, as mentioned with vexation in my last, had letters for me,
doubtless from you.

I was kindly interrupted in these idle regrets by visitors, whocontinued in succession till dinner was announced. At thelodging-house, where rooms were provided for me, were the governor, aScotch merchant, and a sea captain. In the evening a band of musiccame under the window, which I supposed to be a compliment to thegovernor, till one of the gentlemen who accompanied it came in andsaid that a number of citizens at the door wished to see thevice-president. Interrupted again.

Tuesday, October 2.

Firstly, your pardon is craved for this torn sheet; it was entire whenI commenced, but one half went last night to answer a note, therebeing no paper in the house, and Peter abroad with my key. You havenot, I think, been introduced to Peter, my now valet. It is a blackboy purchased last fall. An intelligent, good-tempered, willingfellow, about fifteen; a dirty, careless dog, who, with the bestintentions, is always in trouble by sins of omission or commission.The latter through inadvertence, and often through excess of zeal.About three times a day, sometimes oftener, I get angry enough tochoke him, but his honesty and good-nature prevail. In my will, madeabout the 10th of July, I recommend him to you as valet to A.B.A.

I have been this morning scouring the town and the docks in quest ofways and means to get on. There is a packet which will sail forCharleston on Saturday; a great way off to one so impatient as thewriter of this. No stage nor a horse to be hired. Finding that themail does not close till seven this evening, this letter shall be keptopen till the last moment, and shall not be closed till I have settledsome plan of getting forward, either to Statesburgh or New-York. Itwill, I think, be Statesburgh. Six hours hence you shall know. Havepatience, my dear child, for six hours.

Lest I should forget it, let me now tell you that I am received withthe warmest hospitality. Notwithstanding the desolation occasioned bythe hurricane (and it is truly distressing), I have invitations whichit would require weeks to satisfy. These attentions are almostexclusively from republicans.

Four o'clock P. M.

Io triumphe! A letter; two, three letters. Two from you and one fromyour husband. Since writing I have had other good luck; viz., twogentlemen have offered me each an excellent horse to go as far asStatesburgh by any route I may please. Another horse, and I am made.Note, my young friend Swartwout is with me, and I cannot well partwith him. If another horse shall be found, I shall take the routethrough Orangeburgh, as being the most direct to Statesburgh. If theland route shall for any reason be found impracticable, I shall takepossession of a Charleston packet, and perhaps take it on toGeorgetown. By one way or the other you shall see me within ten ortwelve days. Tell Mari that his letter being received this afternoon,and the postmaster having just now sent me word that the mail is aboutto close, I can only answer him thus.

You are now to keep your ground and expect me at the hills. Pray letA.B.A. know that gamp is a black man, otherwise he may be shocked atthe appearance of A.B., who is now about the colour of Peter Yates.Not brown, but a true quadroon yellow; whether from the effects ofclimate, or travelling four hundred miles in a canoe, is no matter.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Fayetteville, October 23, 1804. I get on as usual; arrived here thisforenoon, but detained all day by some trifling repairs to thecarriage. I promised you a journal in the manner of modern travels, toshow you how such books could be made without facts or ideas. My firstfour days, to wit, from Statesburgh to this place, would, I find, fromnotes which I have actually taken, make about one hundred pages, andtwo hundred in the manner of Rochefoucault d'Liancourt; but the labourof so much writing has alarmed and almost discouraged me.

No more pauses, not even for weather, till Richmond, distant twohundred miles, and proposed to be travelled in five days. I know noperson in this place but Mr. Grove, late member of Congress, who hasnot called on me. Tell your husband that I have heard nothing worthyof being communicated. Since I began to write it has begun to rain, asif to test my determination not to be stopped by weather. Adieu, chereT.

A. BURR.

Warrenton, October 27, 1804.

We parted at Fayetteville. The morning following I started one hourbefore day, the moon showing us the way, and, at about seven or eightin the evening, was at Raleigh, being full fifty miles. It was a hardday's journey, and greater than will be made again on this trip. Thefatigues of the day were in some measure compensated by the veryhospitable reception which I met from the negroes of the capital ofNorth Carolina. I reposed till nine the next morning, and came thenext day only to Louisburgh (twenty-nine miles), where I slept in thelittle up-stairs room which you once occupied; but there is a newlandlord. The Jew is broke up. The wind had been two days strong atnortheast, threatening a storm, and raining a little from time totime. Last night it came on in earnest, raining and blowingvehemently. So I lay abed again till nine, and, after breakfasting fortwo hours, set off at eleven in all the storm. At twelve it began tosnow, and continued to snow most plentifully till night. The groundlooked like the depth of winter in Albany. Poor Andrew was almostperished; and gamp's hands were nearly frozen; still we kept on, andgot here about five, being twenty-five miles. It will take me fullthree days more to reach Richmond, and perhaps longer, for the roadsare so gullied as to be barely passable. This afternoon, stopping at atavern and calling for the hostler, the man told me that, foreseeingthe storm, he had sent him for a load of wood.

A gentleman who passed here yesterday says he left Major Butler on theway, going to Georgia by land. When I sat down to write my head wasfull of totally different matters; but, having gone on so far withroad incidents, the other concerns must be omitted.

My landlord has just been telling me that Swartwout passed here eightdays ago. They were three in the stage, all very apprehensive of beingoverset, as they were to start at two in the morning. In the excess ofcaution, they desired the landlord to give no rum to the driver. Thelandlord promised, and gave orders to the barkeeper. When the driverarrived, he called for a dram; was refused, and told the reason.Resenting this indignity, he swore he would get drunk; went to astore, bought rum, and got drunk. Set out at two, and overset thestage the first hour. The passengers were bruised, but not veryseriously injured.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

Petersburgh, October 31, 1804.

I came here on the morning of the 29th, intending to stay two hours.The hospitalities of the place have detained me three days. A partywas prepared for me on the evening of my arrival. There were presentbetween fifty and sixty, all pure republican. An invitation from therepublican citizens, communicated through the mayor, to a publicdinner, was made in terms and in a manner which could not be declined.We had the dinner yesterday at the hotel. In the evening I wasattended by some fifteen or twenty to the theatre, where I was greatlyamused, particularly by Mrs. West, whom I think the best femaleactress in America, not excepting Mrs. Merry.

I send you a collection of Curran's speeches, compiled, however, onlyfrom newspapers. There is reason to hope for one more perfect, madeunder the inspection of the author. Burk's history has agreeablydisappointed me. I speak from the reading of thirty or forty pages. Ifit should gain your approbation, you may render him a service byprocuring him subscriptions at the meeting of your legislature. Myhorses are at the door to take me to Richmond.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Richmond, October 31 (Evening), 1804.

How faithfully I return you the paper which you lent me atStatesburgh. This is the last sheet, and I think you will havereceived back all but one of them.

My journey hither from Drummond, at which place you left me onSaturday evening, the 27th, just going to bed, beside a comfortablefire in a furnished room (what an unconscionable parenthesis), hasbeen very pleasant; but why and wherefore cannot now be told, becauseyou know it must be reserved for "The Travels of A. Gamp, Esq., A.M.,LL.D., V.P.U.S.," &c., &c., &c., which will appear in due time.

Virginia is the last state, and Petersburgh the last town in the stateof Virginia, in which I should have expected any open marks ofhospitality and respect. You will have seen from my note of thismorning to Mr. Alston how illy I have judged.

To think of meeting with such an actress as Mrs. West in such a place.Her voice is as sweet as Mrs. Merry's (the actress, not the other Mrs.Merry), her manners superior. In comedy she is unequalled. They sayshe excites equally in tragedy. I have no doubt but she is good atevery thing. I could make you laugh at a ridiculous embarrassment, butI won't; nay, I dare not, for who knows but you may first see this inthe newspaper. Madam, this is Colonel B., V.P.U.S., all out loud. Sir,this is Mrs.——-. Miss, this is, &c., &c. The players stand, and thepit stand, and the gallery stand. No, there is no gallery. Indeed, Idon't know when I have been better entertained with a play.

I arrived here about sunset. Am to dine to-morrow with Dr. B., and,from appearances, might be amused here a week. At the utmost I shallstay but two days, desiring to be at Washington on Monday. I am mostcomfortably lodged.

Young Dr. Rush travels with Major Butler, which I forgot to mention toyour husband. Pray exert yourself to please and amuse Major Butler.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

Washington, November 5, 1804.

I arrived last evening. You will have received my two letters of the30th ult. and 1st instant, communicating, among other things, someinformation which I received on the road respecting the feelings inBergen county, New-Jersey. Since that a grand jury has beenempannelled, who have found an indictment of murder. The witness,Parson Mason. The presiding judge, Boudinot, one of the most vehementof vehement federalists. The particulars shall be communicated as soonas I can find time to write them; they will furnish you with newmaterials for reflection. They talk of making a demand here.

My house and furniture have been sold for about twenty-five thousanddollars. Seven or eight thousand dollars of debts remain unpaid. Myagents have not collected any of my debts, nor sold any of thedetached lots. The library and the wine remain. They will, I think,become your property.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, November 17, 1804.

Shall I write to her to-night, or omit it till to-morrow? Oh!to-night, dear pappy. Well, then, to-night it shall be—"Je vousecris parceque je n'ai rien a faire," &c. That's not true; fiftyunanswered letters on my table pronounce it false.

But when I deliberated about writing, it was with a view to write yousense—grave sense. What a dull thing is sense. How it mars half thepleasure of life, and yet how contemptible is all that has it not. Toomuch sense, by which I mean only a great deal, is very troublesome tothe possessor and to the world. It is like one carrying a huge packthrough a crowd. He is constantly hitting and annoying somebody, andis, in turn, annoyed and jostled by every one, and he must be a verypowerful man indeed if he can keep upright and force his way. Nowthere appears to me to be but two modes of carrying this pack with anytolerable comfort to the owner.

Interrupted. A very extraordinary visit; you shall hear as soon asthey go.

The visitors were a middle-aged gentleman; a man of fortune, offamily; has travelled, and been received in the first circles on bothcontinents; intelligent and well-informed; prompt, rapid, anddecisive. A high federalist, yet a warm and open friend of gamp onall occasions. Reputed to be insane, of which this attachment may bedeemed an evidence. Such is Mr. Y. The other, Mr. S., a very handsome,genteel young man, who never carried a pack. They sat two hours, andMr. Y. was not only rational, but amusing. The only evidence ofinsanity which I have heard is that he quarrels with his dear rib;and if this be deemed evidence, I fear our madhouses will soon befilled with married men. I ought to have excepted one incident, whichhas been related to me as follows:——

Mr. R., a young lawyer of reputable connexions, but who had committedsome follies, called to visit Mr. Y. After sitting some time, "Mr.R.," says Y., "it has been reported that you are a little deranged inmind (there had, in fact, been such a report), and I have heard thatwhipping has been found a sovereign remedy; indeed, in the case of theKing of England, its benefit was manifest. Now as I have a very greatregard for you, and doubt whether your friends will take the troubleof administering this discipline, I will take it on myself to do it."

Two stout negroes were called in. The astonished R. was seized,stripped, and tied, and most unmercifully whipped. All, however, withthe utmost composure on the part of Y., and mingled with expressionsof kindness. When R. was taken down, bloody, lacerated, andexhausted—"Pray, sir, walk in and take a dish of tea." "No; d—-nyou." "But, as you must be somewhat fatigued with the exercise,perhaps you would prefer some brandy and water." R. walked sullenlyoff, and, as soon as he had recovered, left the neighbourhood, and hasnot since been heard of.

But by this digression we have lost sight of the pack. The furtherdiscussion of that subject must be reserved for the "Book of Travels."The "grave sense" is still further off, and must wait a more fitoccasion. As you are skilled in ancient mythology, I pray you toinform me whether there was ever a goddess of nonsense. A god won'tserve my purpose. Momus, for instance, is a loud, boisterous, rude,coarse fellow.

Leave off the vice-president, &c., in the direction of your letters.
Let it be simply A.B. or Colonel B. Tell Mari so.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, December 4, 1804.

You have doubtless heard that there has subsisted for some time acontention of a very singular nature between the states of New-Yorkand New-Jersey. To what lengths it may go, or how it may terminate,cannot be predicted; but, as you will take some interest in thequestion, I will state it for your satisfaction and consideration.

The subject in dispute is which shall have the honour of hanging thevice-president. I have not now the leisure to state the variouspretensions of the parties, with the arguments on either side; nor isit yet known that the vice-president has made his election, though apaper received this morning asserts, but without authority, that hehad determined in favour of the New-York tribunals. You shall have duenotice of the time and place. Whenever it may be, you may rely on agreat concourse of company, much gayety, and many rare sights; such asthe lion, the elephant, &c.

On the subject of books, since I shall write to you only by this mail,tell Mr. Alston to order out from his bookseller the British Criticand the Edinburgh Review from their commencement, and to be continuedas they shall come out. To form a library is the work of time, and byhaving these books you may select and give orders without danger ofimposition; for though I disclaim much reliance on the judgments ofthe editors, yet from their extracts and remarks a pretty correctopinion may be formed. I recommend also that you prohibit the sendingout of any folio or quarto, unless particularly ordered. Octavo is atabout half the price, and much more convenient.

I hope you read Quintilian in the original, and not in translation;and let me entreat you not to pass a word or sentence withoutunderstanding it. If I hear a very good account of you, Stuart shallmake a picture to please you. God bless thee.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

Washington, December 15, 1804.

The trial of Judge Chace will not come on before the middle ofJanuary. He is summoned to appear the 2d January. I regret extremelythat you cannot be present.

Biddle and Dallas have written a joint letter to Governor Bloomfield,of New-Jersey, urging a nol. pros. in the case of the vice-president.Dallas has, throughout this business, behaved with an independence,and open, active zeal which I could not have expected, and to which Ihad no personal claim.

The leading republican members of the United States Senate haveaddressed a similar joint letter to the governor. Many individuals ofthe same sect co-operate in the measure, and have expressed theiropinions by letter and in conversation. Nothing final and favourablewill promptly be done. On the other hand, nothing hostile will beattempted. I enclose you the articles of impeachment against JudgeChace, as agreed upon.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, December 31, 1804.

Being the last time I shall write 1804. Now, how much wiser or betterare we than this time last year? Have our enjoyments for that periodbeen worth the trouble of living? These are inquiries not whollycongenial with the compliments of the new year, so we will drop them.You would laugh to know the occupation of my New Year's eve. It cannotbe written, but it shall at some time be told.

I propose to move my quarters to-morrow, and the confusion has alreadycommenced, and even pervades this letter. Mrs. Merry arrived a fewdays ago, and looks extremely well. Madame Turreau is supposed to belost or captured. Mr. Chace's trial will not come on till after themiddle of January. Peter Van Ness, the father of General John P., diedon the 23d instant. He has left his sons about forty thousand dollarsapiece.

Madame, when I enclose you a book or paper, be pleased, at least, tolet me know that you or your husband have read it. Pretty business,indeed, for me to be spending hours in cutting and folding pamphletsand papers for people who, perhaps, never open them. Heaven mend you.

A. BURR.

Footnotes:

1. The statement made by William P. Van Ness, Colonel Burr's second.

CHAPTER XIX.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, January 15, 1805.

At five in the morning I shall start for Philadelphia. The object ofthis journey has been intimated in a former letter. One motive,however, lays down at the bottom of my heart, and has scarcely, asyet, been avowed to myself. You will conjecture, and rightly, that Imean Celeste. That matter shall receive its final decision. Now, toconfess the truth, which, however, I have but just discovered, but forthis matter the journey would not have been taken. How little is thistruth suspected by the hundreds who are at this moment ascribing tothe movement motives of profound political importance.

I enclose you a pamphlet written with views the most friendly to A.B.
So greatly do I differ from the author, that I have desired a friend
to buy them up and burn them. I shall return to this city on the 29th.
Adieu.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, January 28, 1805.

Your letter of the 1st of January found me at Philadelphia, and at themoment of leaving it. Your kind wishes came so warm from the heart,that, in a journey of eight hundred miles, at this inclement season,they had not yet cooled.

You treat with too much gravity the New-Jersey affair. It should beconsidered as a farce, and you will yet see it terminated so as toleave only ridicule and contempt to its abettors. The affair ofCeleste is for ever closed, so there is one trouble off hand.

After you get through the book you are now reading, which I think isAnacharsis, or is it Gibbon? you better suspend history till you havegone through B. You do wrong to read so slow the first reading of B. Ihad rather you went through it like a novel, to get fixed in your minda kind of map of the whole; after which, when you come to readscientifically, you would better see the relations and bearings ofone part to another. In all journeys, whether on foot or on horseback,it is a relief to know not only where you start from, but where youare going to, and all the intermediate stages. I beg that in everyletter you will give me one line about B., and ask me questions if youplease.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, February 23, 1805.

I regret the unprofitable employment of your time, and sincerely hopesuch long visitations will not be repeated; but you are something toblame to have taken no books with you, and again for not finding oneat Clifton, where I know there are many. Still I believe in your goodintentions and in their execution. It will add greatly to my happinessto know that the cultivation of your mind is not neglected; because Iknow that without it you will become unfit for the duties, as well asthe enjoyments of life. Perhaps, also, my vanity may be somethingconcerned.

Your last letters are written with more correctness, and apparentlywith more attention than is your habit. They have amused and pleasedme much. By pleased, I mean gratified my pride. Your critical remarksare quite interesting. I advise you, as soon as you have finished aplay, novel, pamphlet, or book, immediately to write an account andcriticism of it. You can form no idea how much such a work will amuseyou on perusal a few years hence. When A.B.A. has got so far as toread stories of the most simple kind, the least pleasing part of hisintellectual education is finished. I might, perhaps, have added withtruth, the most laborious part.

A. BURR.

The last public duty of any importance performed by Colonel Burr wasto preside in the case of Judge Samuel Chace, who was impeached beforethe Senate of the United States for high crimes and misdemeanours.Colonel Burr evinced his accustomed promptitude, energy, and dignity.His impartiality and fairness won for him the applause of opponents aswell as friends; and it may be confidently asserted, that never didpresident judge, in this or any other country, more justly meritapplause than did the vice-president on this occasion.

The Senate Chamber, under his immediate direction, was fitted up inhandsome style as a court, and laid out into apartments for thesenators, the House of Representatives, the managers, the accused andcounsel, the members of the executive departments, besides asemicircular gallery constructed within the area of the chamber, whichformed from its front an amphitheatre contiguous with the fixedgallery of the Senate Chamber.

On the right and left of the president of the Senate, and in a rightline with his chair, there were two rows of benches, with desks infront, and the whole front and seats covered with crimson cloth, sothat the senators fronted the auditory.

The secretary of the Senate retained his usual station in front of thepresident's chair; on the left of the secretary was placed thesergeant-at-arms of the Senate, and on his right the sergeant-at-armsof the House of Representatives.

A temporary semicircular gallery, which consisted of three ranges ofbenches, was elevated on pillars, and the whole front and seatsthereof covered with green cloth. At the angles or points of thisgallery there were two boxes, which projected into the area aboutthree feet from the line of the front, which saved the abruptness of asquare termination, and added considerably to the effect of the coupd'oeil. In this gallery ladies were accommodated, and they assembledin numbers.

On the floor beneath this temporary gallery three benches wereprovided, rising from front to rear, and also covered with greencloth; these benches were occupied by the members of the House ofRepresentatives; on the right there was a spacious box, appropriatedfor the members of the executive departments, foreign ministers, &c.

A passage was opened in front from the president's chair to the door;on the right and left hand of the president, and in front of themembers of the House of Representatives, were two boxes of two rows ofseats; that facing the president's right was occupied by the managers,that on the other side of the bar for the accused and his counsel.These boxes were covered with blue cloth. The marshal of the Districtof Columbia and a number of his officers were stationed in the avenuesof the court and in the galleries.

On the 3d of January, 1805, the senators were sworn as judges, andMonday, the 4th of February ensuing, was fixed as "the day forreceiving the answer and proceeding on the trial of the impeachment ofSamuel Chace." Accordingly, on the day appointed, the senate convened,and

After proclamation was made that Samuel Chace should appearconformable to the summons, or that his default should be recorded,Mr. Chace appeared. The president of the senate (Mr. Burr) then statedto him, that, having been summoned to answer the articles ofimpeachment exhibited against him by the House of Representatives, theSenate were ready to hear any answer which he had to make; whereuponMr. Chace addressed the court.

The trial continued until Friday, the first day of March, 1805, when,at half past twelve o'clock, the court took their seats; and thepresident, having directed the secretary to read the first article ofimpeachment, observed, that the question would be put to each member,on each article separately, as his name occurred in alphabeticalorder. The first article was then read. When the question was hereuponput by the president of the court, and repeated after each article asread, viz.:——

Is Samuel Chase, Esquire, guilty of a high crime or misdemeanour inthe article of impeachment just read? The decision was as follows:—

Article 1st. Guilty 16; not guilty 18
2d. " 10; " 24
3d. " 18; " 16
4th. " 18; " 16
5th. Not guilty, unanimous.
6th. " 4; " 30
7th. " 10; " 24
8th. " 19; " 15

The president then said—"There not being a constitutional majorityon any one article, it becomes my duty to pronounce that Samuel Chace,Esquire, is acquitted on the articles of impeachment exhibited againsthim by the House of Representatives."

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, March 10, 1804.

Still lingering here, being detained by some trifling, importantconcerns of business, for trifles are important in matters of finance;nothing vexatious, however. That, I hope and believe, is past.

Your anxieties about me evince a sort of sickly sensibility, whichindicates that you are not well. I fear that you are suffering adebility, arising from climate or other cause, which affects both mindand body. When you are in health you have no sort of solicitude orapprehension about me; you confide that, under any circ*mstances, I amable to fulfil your expectations and your wishes. Resume, I pray you,this confidence, so flattering to me, so consoling to yourself, may Iadd, so justly founded?

On the 13th I shall leave this for Philadelphia. There is no reason tothink that I shall this season visit either New-York or New-Jersey.The plan of summer operations is to go from Philadelphia to Fort Pitt(Pittsburg), thence through the states on each side of the Ohio. Tovisit St. Louis and the mouth of the Missouri; thence throughTennessee (where pass a month) to Orleans; and thence, either by wateror land, to the Atlantic coast, not far from Yarnaco or the mouth ofthe Waccama. Thus you see that you are the end of all plans, and,wherever they may begin, the termination is the same. This tour hasother objects than mere curiosity. An operation of business, whichpromises to render the tour both useful and agreeable. I may be atPhiladelphia long enough to receive your answer to this, after whichyou must surcease from writing till further advice. You will hear ofme occasionally on my route. Write now, therefore, all you have tosay.

Just at the moment of writing the last word I receive a message fromthe president informing me that Dr. Browne may have the office ofsecretary of the government of Louisiana (which means the upperdistrict, whereof St. Louis is the capital). General Wilkinson isappointed governor of that territory. St. Louis is on the banks of theMississippi, about twenty miles below the mouth of the Missouri. Itcontains about two hundred houses, and some very wealthy people. Theinhabitants are French; retain the French manners of the last century;are said to be hospitable; gay to dissipation; the society polishedand fashionable. All accounts represent the country as remarkablyhealthy, fertile, and beautiful. The salary of secretary is, I think,but eight hundred dollars per annum. Certain contingences, however,will make it worth about double that sum. Wilkinson and Browne willsuit most admirably as eaters and laughers, and, I believe, in allother particulars.

Charles Williamson has not returned from Europe, but is hourlyexpected. My right of franking letters will cease on the 23d of thismonth, so that you are not to expect pamphlets, &c., by the mail. Godbless thee.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Washington, March 13, 1805.

The enclosed newspaper is just now put into my hands. It is true, asis there said, that I made a talk, as was decent and proper, to theSenate on leaving them formally. There was nothing written orprepared, except that it had been some days on my mind to saysomething. It was the solemnity, the anxiety, the expectation, and theinterest which I saw strongly painted in the countenances of theauditors, that inspired whatever was said. I neither shed tears norassumed tenderness; but tears did flow abundantly. The story in thisnewspaper is rather awkwardly and pompously told. It has been gatheredup, I presume, from different relations of the facts. This newspaper(The Washington Federalist) has been for months past, and, for aughtI know (for I read none of them), still is, one of the most abusiveagainst A. Burr. I am told that several papers lately make somequalified compliments; thus, for instance, referring to Judge Chace'strial—"He conducted with the dignity and impartiality of an angel,but with the rigour of a devil." May God have you in his holy keeping

A. BURR.

From the Washington Federalist, 13th March, 1805.

Having heard much said in commendation of Mr. Burr's valedictoryaddress to the Senate, we have solicited and procured the following,which we present to our readers without comment.

On Saturday, the 2d of March, 1805, Mr. Burr took leave of the Senate.This was done at a time when the doors were closed; the Senate beingengaged in executive business, and, of course, there was nospectators. It is, however, said to be the most dignified, sublime,and impressive that ever was uttered; and the effect which it producedjustifies these epithets. I will give you the best account I have beenable to obtain, from the relation of several senators, as well federalas republican.

"Mr. Burr began by saying that he had intended to pass the day withthem, but the increase of a slight indisposition (sore throat) haddetermined him then to take leave of them. He touched lightly on someof the rules and orders of the house, and recommended, in one or twopoints, alterations, of which he briefly explained the reasons andprinciples.

"He said he was sensible he must at times have wounded the feelings ofindividual members. He had ever avoided entering into explanations atthe time, because a moment of irritation was not a moment forexplanation; because his position (being in the chair) rendered itimpossible to enter into explanations without obvious danger ofconsequences which might hazard the dignity of the Senate, or provedisagreeable and injurious in more than one point of view; that hehad, therefore, preferred to leave to their reflections hisjustification; that, on his part, he had no injuries to complain of;if any had been done or attempted, he was ignorant of the authors; andif he had ever heard, he had forgotten, for, he thanked God, he had nomemory for injuries.

"He doubted not but that they had found occasion to observe, that tobe prompt was not therefore to be precipitate; and that to act withoutdelay was not always to act without reflection; that error was oftento be preferred to indecision, that his errors, whatever they mighthave been, were those of rule and principle, and not of caprice; thatit could not be deemed arrogance in him to say that, in his officialconduct, he had known no party—no cause—no friend; that if, in theopinion of any, the discipline which had been established approachedto rigour, they would at least admit that it was uniform andindiscriminate.

"He further remarked, that the ignorant and unthinking affected totreat as unnecessary and fastidious a rigid attention to rules anddecorum; but he thought nothing trivial which touched, howeverremotely, the dignity of that body; and he appealed to theirexperience for the justice of this sentiment, and urged them inlanguage the most impressive, and in a manner the most commanding, toavoid the smallest relaxation of the habits which he had endeavouredto inculcate and establish.

"But he challenged their attention to considerations more momentousthan any which regarded merely their personal honour andcharacter—the preservation of law, of liberty, and the Constitution.This house, said he, is a sanctuary; a citadel of law, of order, andof liberty; and it is here—it is here, in this exalted refuge—here,if anywhere, will resistance be made to the storms of politicalphrensy and the silent arts of corruption; and if the Constitution bedestined ever to perish by the sacrilegious hands of the demagogue orthe usurper, which God avert, its expiring agonies will be witnessedon this floor." [1]

"He then adverted to those affecting sentiments which attended a finalseparation—a dissolution, perhaps for ever, of those associationswhich he hoped had been mutually satisfactory. He consoled himself,however, and them, with the reflections that, though they separated,they would be engaged in the common cause of disseminating principlesof freedom and social order. He should always regard the proceedingsof that body with interest and with solicitude. He should feel fortheir honour and the national honour so intimately connected with it,and took his leave with expressions of personal respect, and withprayers, and wishes," &c.

In this cold relation a distant reader, especially one to whom ColonelBurr is not personally known, will be at a loss to discover the causeof those extraordinary emotions which were excited. The whole Senatewere in tears, and so unmanned that it was half an hour before theycould recover themselves sufficiently to come to order, and choose avice-president pro tem.

At the president's, on Monday, two of the senators were relating thesecirc*mstances to a circle which had collected round them. One saidthat he wished that the tradition might be preserved as one of themost extraordinary events he had ever witnessed. Another senator beingasked, on the day following that on which Mr. Burr took his leave, howlong he was speaking, after a moment's pause, said he could form noidea; it might have been an hour, and it might have been but a moment;when he came to his senses, he seemed to have awakened as from a kindof trance.

The characteristics of the vice-president's manner seemed to have beenelevation and dignity—a consciousness of superiority, &c. Nothing ofthat whining adulation; those canting, hypocritical complaints of wantof talents; assurance of his endeavours to please them; hopes of theirfavour, &c. On the contrary, he told them explicitly that he haddetermined to pursue a conduct which his judgment should approve, andwhich should secure the suffrage of his own conscience, and that hehad never considered who else might be pleased or displeased; althoughit was but justice on this occasion to thank them for their deferenceand respect to his official conduct—the constant and uniform supporthe had received from every member—for their prompt acquiescence inhis decisions; and to remark, to their honour, that they had neverdescended to a single motion of passion or embarrassment; and so farwas he from apologizing for his defects, that he told them that, onreviewing the decisions he had had occasion to make, there was no onewhich, on reflection, he was disposed to vary or retract.

As soon as the Senate could compose themselves sufficiently to choosea president pro tem., they calve to the following resolution:——

"Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of the Senate be presented toAaron Burr, in testimony of the impartiality, dignity, and abilitywith which he has presided over their deliberations, and of theirentire approbation of his conduct in the discharge of the arduous andimportant duties assigned him as president of the Senate; and that Mr.Smith, of Maryland, and Mr. White be a committee to wait on him withthis resolution.

Attest. SAM. A. OTIS, Secretary.

To which resolution Colonel Burr returned the following answer to the
Senate:——

"Next to the satisfaction arising from a consciousness of havingdischarged my duty, is that which is derived from the approbation ofthose who have been the constant witnesses of my conduct, and thevalue of this testimony of their esteem is greatly enhanced by thepromptitude and unanimity with which it is offered.

"I pray you to accept my respectful acknowledgments, and the assuranceof my inviolable attachment to the interests and dignity of theSenate.

A. BURR.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

Philadelphia, March 22, 1805.

The enclosed paper will show you what is doing here. The subject ofconvention is about to divide this state into new and inveterateparties. The old names and the old animosities of federal andrepublican will be lost, but the passions will have full scope in thenew.

I am not wholly free from apprehension that you take no interest inany thing but a rice-field. Fame says that you are about to degenerateinto a mere planter. If so, it is to be lamented that you have anything above common sense, and that you have learned any thing morethan to read and write, for all above common sense and schooleducation spoils the planter.

Though in my former letters I did not, in express terms, inform youthat I was under ostracism, yet it must have been inferred. Such isthe fact. In New-York I am to be disfranchised, and in New-Jerseyhanged. Having substantial objections to both, I shall not, for thepresent, hazard either, but shall seek another country. You will not,from this, conclude that I have become passive, or disposed to submittamely to the machinations of a banditti. If you should you wouldgreatly err.——and his clan affect to deplore, but secretly rejoiceat and stimulate the villanies of all sorts which are practisedagainst me. Their alarm and anxiety, however, are palpable to a degreeperfectly ridiculous. Their awkward attempts to propitiate reminds oneof the Indian worship of the evil spirit. God bless you ever.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, March 29, 1805.

I arrived here on the 21st instant, and shall remain here yet tendays. John W. Smith is now here. He married Miss Duer a few weeks ago,and will take her, with Frances, &c., to Orleans next month. Ann doesnot go; but one younger than Susan, whose name I forget. Miss Dallasis to be married in a few days to a handsome young man, just admittedto the bar: no fortune, but said to possess talents. Poor La R. quitepale and emaciated; the fruit of dissipation. Celeste as heretofore,abating the influence of time, which is a little too visible;courteous even to flattery. La Planche a recluse. Miss Binney is to bemarried next week to Mr. Wallace, a young lawyer of this city of goodcharacter and prospects.

People who are occupied are never dull, never melancholy. I learn,then, from your letter of the 10th, that you have been a little lazy.To be sure, if that letter was written for publication, it would docredit to the author; but to me, en particulier, other reflectionsmight have occurred. The story, however, is prettily told, and I kissyour hand for some other pretty things. But let me see more of theeffects of those precepts and that example.

I am apprehensive that your milk diet will not carry you through thesummer. You will want stimulus of some kind. For this purposesomething is used in all warm countries. In the West Indies they drinkrum and they die. In the East Indies and China, ginseng is thepanacea. Try ginseng. Some decoction or (bitter) infusion. When mystomach is out of order or wants tone, nothing serves so effectuallyas a cup of chamomile tea, without sugar or milk. I think this wouldgive you an appetite. Make the experiment. Bathing in seawater is agrand preservative. If your bath be in the house, the best time is anhour or two before dinner. Tepid bath; none of your cold baths forsuch a machine as yours. If you have no convenience for a warm bath inthe house, set a mason to work to-morrow and make one in each of yourcountry houses. It is a high evidence of the barbarism of our Southernstates that, in an extent of three hundred miles, filled with wealthypeople, and in a hot climate, there should not be, in any one privatefamily, a convenient bathing-room. Perhaps, indeed, some ruined Frenchrefugee may have expended fifty dollars to furnish himself and familythis luxury, as essential to comfort and cleanliness as to health.

In ten or twelve days I shall be on my way westward. My address, tillfurther orders, is at Cincinnati, Ohio, to the care of the Hon. JohnSmith. As the objects of this journey, not mere curiosity, or pourpasser le tems, may lead me to Orleans, and perhaps farther. Icontemplate the tour with gayety and cheerfulness. The most weightysolicitude on my mind is your health and that of your boy. My lettershave given you some advice as to yourself. You will have a letter fromPittsburg, and from other points as opportunities may offer, though Ishall seldom be far from the route of some mail. God bless you

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Philadelphia, April 10, 1805.

I rejoice that your nerves are in better tone, for truly, in some ofyour letters, I could scarcely recognise my daughter. As to the boy, Ibeseech you not to undertake to teach him the various sounds of theletters abstractedly from the words in which those sounds are found.This must be learned arbitrarily. Go on with his a, b, &c.; and whenhe shall have learned the language, and not till then, can you teachhim (or ought it to be attempted) the principles of the constructionof that language.

My ostracism is enlivened by a constant succession of visitors fromNew-York and New-Jersey. Swartwout and Bunner have just now come in,and I have not been a day without some one, two, or more. They staygenerally two or three days with me, and I am privileged to take themwith me wherever I dine. Major Powell, the friend of Miss Keene, andthe lover of her mother, returned lately from Europe and died herelast week. He has left an estate of ten or twelve thousand guineas perannum.

I met Miss Sumter (overtook meaning) at Wilmington last winter, andthence to Baltimore we rode together in the stage. She is a frank,sensible, amiable girl. May make a very interesting companion. I wasso much pleased with her, that I went several times to see her (twomiles), though I visited no lady. I took her to General Van Ness's,where I made her at home. She plays on the piano in a style which maybe called superior, and has a most uncommon fine voice, which has beenneglected.

A. BURR.

TO THEODOSIA.

Pittsburg, April 30, 1805.

Arrived in good order yesterday. Find my boat and hands ready. Thewater high and weather fine. Shall set off in two hours. Havetherefore no time to give any account of my journey hither. My boatis, properly speaking, a floating house, sixty feet by fourteen,containing dining-room, kitchen with fireplace, and two bedrooms;roofed from stem to stern; steps to go up, and a walk on the top thewhole length; glass windows, &c. This edifice costs one hundred andthirty-three dollars, and how it can be made for that sum passes mycomprehension.

I find that Frankfort will be better than Cincinnati; so address tome, Frankfort, Kentucky, to the care of the Honourable John Brown.

A. BURR.

On the 30th of April, 1805, Colonel Burr and Gabriel Shaw, who hadaccompanied him from Philadelphia, left Pittsburg in their boat. Atthis period Colonel Burr commences, for the amusem*nt of his daughter,a journal of his adventures, which contains some interesting detailsexplanatory of the then situation of the western country. Extractsfrom this journal will be made. On the 2d of May they stopped at alittle village on the north bank called M'Intosh. The next day "wenton shore in the skiff (letting the ark float on) to see the town ofWieling, sometimes erroneously spelled Wheeling; a pretty, neatvillage, well situated on the south bank, containing sixty or eightyhouses, some of brick, and some of a fine free stone found in thevicinity. Saw several well-dressed women, who had the air of fashionand movements of vous autres on the coast."

On the morning of the 5th reached Marietta, on the north side,"containing about eighty houses; some that would be called handsome inany village on the continent. After breakfast" (says Colonel Burr)"came in several gentlemen of the town to offer me civilities andhospitalities. We have been walking several miles to see the mounds,parapets, squares, and other remains of unknown antiquity which arefound in this neighbourhood. I am astonished and confounded; totallyunsatisfied with the conjectures of others, and unable to repose onany plausible one of my own. I shall continue to write to youjournal-wise, but, having no copy, you must preserve the sheets, as Imay wish to refer to them for facts and dates."

Arrived at Cincinnati on the 11th May, by the course of the riverestimated to be 310 miles from Marietta. "Meeting here with GeneralDayton and several old army acquaintance, remained the whole day." Inthe evening started "for Louisville, which is at the rapids or fallsof the Ohio. There it is proposed to take land, to ride through partof Kentucky, visit Lexington and Frankfort, and meet the ark again atthe mouth of the Cumberland, which empties into the Ohio about fiftymiles before its junction with the Mississippi."

TO THEODOSIA.

Lexington (Kentucky), May 23, 1805.

My journal has grown too big to be sent by mail. I have, therefore,only to assure you of my health and safety, without entering into anyof those details which you will see anon. Shaw is with me. To-morrowwe pursue our journey by land to Nashville in Tennessee, and thencedown the Cumberland to Eddyville, where we expect to find our boat,and intend to go from that place to Orleans in ten days.

Arrived at Nashville on the 29th of May. "One is astonished at thenumber of sensible, well-informed, and well behaved people which isfound here. I have been received with much hospitality and kindness,and could stay a month with pleasure; but General Andrew Jacksonhaving provided us a boat, we shall set off on Sunday, the 2d of June,to navigate down the Cumberland, either to Smithland at its mouth, orto Eddyville, sixty or eighty miles above, at one of which places weexpect to find our boat, with which we intend to make a rapid voyagedown the Mississippi to Natchez and Orleans.

"Left Nashville on the 3d of June in an open boat. Came down theCumberland to its mouth, about 220 miles, in an open boat, where ourark was in waiting. Reached Massac, on the Ohio, sixteen miles below,on the 6th. Here found General Wilkinson on his way to St. Louis. Thegeneral and his officers fitted me out with an elegant barge, sails,colours, and ten oars, with a sergeant, and ten able, faithful hands.Thus equipped, I left Massac on the 10th of June, Shaw in company.

"On the 17th arrived at Natchez, being by water, as estimated, nearlyeight hundred miles from Massac. Natchez is a town of three or fourhundred houses; the inhabitants traders and mechanics, but surroundedby wealthy planters, among whom I have been entertained with greathospitality and taste. These planters are, many of them, men ofeducation and refinement; live as well as yours, and have generallybetter houses. We are now going through a settled country, and, duringthe residue of my voyage to Orleans, about three hundred miles, Ishall take breakfast and dinner each day at the house of somegentleman on shore. I take no letters of introduction; but, whenever Ihear of any gentleman whose acquaintance or hospitalities I shoulddesire, I send word that I am coming to see him, and have always met amost cordial reception.

"Edward Livingston was married about a fortnight ago to Madame Moreau,veuve, lately from St. Domingo, rich in beauty and accomplishments.I hear so many pleasant things of Orleans, that I should certainly (ifone half of them are verified on inspection) settle down there were itnot for Theodosia and her boy; but these will control my fate.

"On the 25th of June reached New-Orleans. The lady of your laughingfriend is a charming woman. She was a widow from St. Domingo; sansargent et sans enfants. Without a single good feature, she is veryagreeable. She is nearly the size and figure of Lady Nesbet. Fair,pale, with jet black hair and eyes—little, sparkling black eyes,which seem to be made for far other purposes than those of merevision. Ph. Jones is to be married in a few days to a pretty littleAmerican, Miss Brown. The inhabitants of the United States are herecalled Americans. I have been received with distinction.

"The mark of attention with which I have been most flattered is aletter from the holy sisters, the Ursuline nuns, congratulating me onmy arrival. Having returned a polite answer to this letter, it wasintimated to me that the saints had a desire to see me. The bishopconducted me to the cloister. We conversed at first through thegrates; but presently I was admitted within, and I passed an hour withthem greatly to my satisfaction. None of that calm monotony which Iexpected. All was gayety, wit, and sprightliness. Saint A. is a veryaccomplished lady. In manners and appearance a good deal like Mrs.Merry. All, except two, appear to be past thirty. They were dressedwith perfect neatness; their veils thrown back. We had a repast ofwine, fruit, and cakes. I was conducted to every part of the building.All is neatness, simplicity, and order. At parting, I asked them toremember me in their prayers, which they all promised with greatpromptness and courtesy—Saint A. with earnestness.

"This city is larger than I expected, and there are found many morethan would be supposed living in handsome style. They are cheerful,gay, and easy. I have promised to return here next fall. I go on the10th instant (July) by land to Kentucky, and thence, probably, to St.Louis. A la santé Madame Alston, is generally the first toast atevery table I have been. Then we say some evil things of Mr. Alston.Encore, adieu. I will ask Saint A. to pray for thee too. I believemuch in the efficacy of her prayers. Le pauvre A.B.A., I can findnothing here to send him.

"Arrived at Nashville on the 6th August. You now see me safe throughthe wilderness, though I doubt (hussey) whether you knew that I had awilderness to pass in order to get here. Yes, about four hundred andfifty miles of wilderness. The hospitality of these people will keepme here till the 12th instant, when I shall partake of a publicdinner, given not to the vice-president, but to A.B. I shall be atLexington on the 19th. I have directed Bradley's new map of the UnitedStates to be sent to you; this will enable you to trace my route, andI pray you to study the map attentively.

"I am still at Nashville (August 13th). For a week I have beenlounging at the house of General Jackson, once a lawyer, after ajudge, now a planter; a man of intelligence, and one of those prompt,frank, ardent souls whom I love to meet. The general has no children,but two lovely nieces made a visit of some days, contributed greatlyto my amusem*nt, and have cured me of all the evils of my wildernessjaunt. If I had time I would describe to you these two girls, for theydeserve it. To-morrow I move on towards Lexington.

"I ought to tell you how I came hither. It was thus: I embarked in alittle schooner at the mouth of the Bayou St. Jean on LakePonchartrain, and landed on the opposite side of the lake about tenmiles below the mouth of the Chefonti, a traverse of about twenty-fivemiles, which I made in six hours. Took a guide, and went on nextmorning in a footpath; crossed the Chefonti about four miles above itsmouth, and then turned northerly; crossed the 31st degree of latitudeat forty-two miles from the Mississippi. Note; this line has beenactually run, and marked with great accuracy by commissioners on thepart of the United States and of Spain, as the north bound of theFloridas and the south bound of the United States, till it strikes theSt. Mary's. You will see on the map. Continued on to Natchez. From themouth of the Chefonti to Natchez by this route is about one hundredand forty miles. I was four days from New-Orleans to Natchez. Passednear a week in the vicinity of Natchez, and saw some tears of regretwhen I left it; but I am now to give you the route; my journal willgive you the incidents.

"The path from Natchez, going northward, keeps east of the Yazoo, and,I think, nearly on the dividing ridge between the waters of the Yazooand those of the Tombigbee or Tambeckbee; a vile country, destitute ofsprings and of running water—think of drinking the nastypuddle-water, covered with green scum, and full of animalculae—bah! Icrossed the Tennessee; how glad I was to get on the waters of theTennessee; all fine, transparent, lively streams, and itself a clear,beautiful, magnificent river. I crossed it, I say, forty miles belowthe muscle shoals, and three hundred and sixty above its mouth,reckoning by the meanders of the river. Thence to Nashville throughthe town of Franklin. On the map you will see laid down a road fromNashville to Natchez as having been cut by the order of the ministerof war. This is imaginary; there is no such road.

"Arrived at Lexington on the 20th August, 1805. Left it for Frankfort,distant twenty-two miles, on the 31st. I am magnificently lodged atthe house of John Brown, who married your old friend and neighbourMiss Mason, who is, you know, the sister of my friend, the priest(John Mason). She has two fine boys; the youngest, now four, I findsomething like A.B.A., and, of course, amuse myself with him a greatdeal. Mrs. Brown is still handsome, and speaks of you with attachmentand respect.

"My plans for the two next months are now made up, or rather imposedon me by letters received since I last wrote you, and by my previousengagements. On the 1st of September I leave this for St. Louis. Myroute is to Louisville, 55 miles; Vincennes, on the Wabash, 150 miles;Kaskaskias, on the Mississippi, 150 miles; St. Louis, 75 miles. Thesedistances are probably inaccurate, but St. Louis is called 450 milesfrom this. I propose to be at Cincinnati on the 1st of October; atChilicothe and Marietta from the 7th to the 15th; at Pittsburg aboutthe 20th, and at Bedford till the 1st of November. If by that time Ishould hear nothing from you, shall take measures for going by land orwater to Theoville, so that you see it must be late in November beforeI can see you.

"Arrived at Louisville (Falls of the Ohio) on the 2d of September,being sixty miles on my way to the Missouri. I have now again onehundred and fifty miles of wilderness to encounter. I will be atBerkeley Springs by the 20th of October, where I hope to meet you andMari. Address to me at the city of Washington."

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

Washington, November 29, 1804.

I came to Berkeley as was proposed. You were not there; no letter fromyou. I sent a messenger to Washington city for intelligence, andwaited his return in unpleasant suspense. At the termination of sixdays my messenger returned with letters advising that you would be atHillsborough, whither I resolved immediately to go, but thought itbest to take Washington in my way, in the hope of other letters. Youwere all at the Oaks, and no movement spoken of. You were to go aloneto the legislature. Wife and child to be left at the Oaks.

Though oppressed with important engagements, I would nevertheless setoff with the stage of this day for Georgetown and the Oaks if I couldhave been assured of finding preparations ready made for thecontemplated journey of Theodosia and the boy; but as you may haveleft home without attending to this point, it seemed probable that Imight make a fruitless journey of nine hundred miles; fruitless,except the pleasure of passing one day at the Oaks, and even this withthe alloy of your absence. My course will, therefore, be now toPhiladelphia, where I have made appointments, and either at that placeor this shall wait your reply, and we must endeavour to arrange ourplans with precision. Address me at this place.

My solicitude about the health of Theodosia is no way relieved by thesort of recovery of which she advises me. The boy, too, has a relapseof the ague, a disease of all others the most fatal to the infantconstitution. Great God! what sacrifices do you make, and to what end?These solicitudes poison all my enjoyments, and often unfit me forbusiness. Being apprized from recollection of our personalcommunications last autumn, and of our correspondence last winter, ofthe engagements and ties which will prevent you, at least for somemonths, from leaving South Carolina, I determine, at any sacrifice, torescue Theodosia and son.

There will be no war with Spain unless we shall declare it, which isnot expected. England continues a course of malevolence, which willstill continue and be borne. France, more courteous in words, underthe pressure of her own affairs. Affectionately,

A. BURR.

The letters and extracts from the journal of Colonel Burr, which havebeen given in the preceding part of this chapter, sufficientlyindicate that he was actively employed in travelling during the year1805. From January, 1806, until August following, his time wasprincipally spent in the cities of Washington and Philadelphia. Duringthis period his correspondence [2] is voluminous, but in no mannerdevelops any other views than such as relate to land speculations.Commodore Truxton, on the trial at Richmond, swore that Colonel Burr,in the latter end of July, 1806, informed him that he was aboutconcluding a bargain for the Wash*ta lands. In August Mr. Burrcommenced his western tour. In the summer and autumn, and during thattour, he was brought before two different grand juries in Kentucky anddischarged. So far as any testimony was produced, it went to prove anintention of settling the Wash*ta lands. On the 3d of March, 1807, hewas arrested, by order of the government, on a charge of treason, inthe Tombigbee country, and transported to Richmond, Virginia, fortrial.

Footnotes:

1. There was something prophetic in this prediction; for a few hoursafterward, in the House of Representatives, Messrs. Nicholson andRandolph were betrayed into a violence of conduct which was noticed inour last.

Editor of the Washington Federalist.

2. Portions of the letters to and from Colonel Burr are interesting;many highly amusing; but the space yet remaining in which thesememoirs are to be closed renders it absolutely necessary to excludethem from the work.

CHAPTER XX.

A separation of the South American provinces from the government ofSpain had long been anticipated. As early as the year 1796, while JohnJay was governor, Colonel Burr had various conversations with him onthe subject of these provinces. In these conversations Colonel Burrexpressed his views in reference to South America, which, he said, hecould revolutionize and take possession of. Governor Jay replied thatthe boldness of the project would contribute to its success;expressing his opinion that it was not impracticable. From this perioduntil 1805, Mr. Burr's mind seemed to have been constantly engaged inreflecting on the feasibility of the measure, and the proper periodfor carrying it into operation.

As matter of history connected with this subject, but not generallyknown, it may not be improper to refer to an occurrence as early asthe year 1797, 98. About this period General Miranda was in the UnitedStates. He formed an acquaintance with Generals Hamilton, Knox, andother distinguished Americans. To these gentlemen he communicated hisproject of revolutionizing South America. From the United States heproceeded to England, and presented himself to the British ministry.They entered into his views. The proposition was, that the UnitedStates should furnish ten thousand troops, and, in that event, theBritish government agreed to supply the necessary funds and ships tocarry on an expedition. As soon as Miranda had completed hisarrangements with the British minister, he addressed a letter toGeneral Alexander Hamilton, dated April 6th, 1798, in which hesays:——

"This, my dear and respectable friend, will be handed to you by mycountryman Don ——-, who is charged with despatches of the highestimportance for the President of the United States. He will tell you,confidentially, all that you wish to know on this subject. Itappears that the moment of our emancipation approaches, and theestablishment of liberty on all the continent of the New World isconfided by Providence to us. The only danger which I foresee is theintroduction of French principles, which would poison our liberty inits cradle, and would finish by destroying yours."

So far did these arrangements advance, that Miranda again wrote
General Hamilton, under date of the 19th of October, 1798:——

"Your wishes are, in some sort, already accomplished, seeing that ithas been agreed here on one side not to employ in the operations onland English troops; seeing that the auxiliary land forces are to beexclusively American, while the naval force shall be purely English.Every thing is smooth, and we wait only for the fiat of yourillustrious president to depart like lightning."

On the same day (October 19th) General Miranda wrote General Knox asfollows:——

"I cannot express to you, my dear general, with what pleasure I heardof your nomination [1] in the continental army of the United States ofAmerica. It would appear that your wishes are at lengthaccomplished, and that every possible circ*mstance is united, atthis moment, in our favour. Would to God that Providence would endowus with sufficient wisdom to make the most advantageous use of thesecirc*mstances."

At this time Mr. Adams, senior, was president of the United States,and declined entering into the arrangement. It is believed that noreply was made to the letter addressed to the president. Two questionshere present themselves to the inquiring mind.

Was there any connexion between this plan of Miranda for the invasionof Mexico, and the raising of an army in the year 1798, under thepretext of resisting an attack upon this country by France?

Was the policy adopted by President Adams on that occasion any wayconnected with the imbittered warfare which subsequently ensuedbetween Mr. Adams and Mr. Hamilton? These are questions for theconsideration of speculative politicians, but not for discussion inthis place.

It has been seen that Mr. Burr was actively engaged during the years1805 and 1806 in traversing the western country. In his latter daysColonel Burr had no longer any motive for concealment; nor did heevince the least desire to suppress the facts in relation to any ofhis acts, even where the promulgation of those facts was calculated toaffect his moral character. According to his representations, repeatedat a time and under circ*mstances the most solemn [2] and impressive,his views were twofold: viz., First. The revolutionizing of Mexico;and, Second, A settlement on what was known as the Bastrop lands.Burr, from early manhood, had a turn for speculation, and frequentlyentered into large contracts for the purchase and sale of lands.

At this period (1806) the difficulties with Spain in relation to theMississippi and the right of deposite at New-Orleans created anopinion that a Spanish war was inevitable. Such a war would have beenpopular with the western people. Of these opinions and these feelingsBurr took advantage, and undoubtedly, by innuendoes or otherwise,induced some to believe that his arrangements for the invasion ofMexico were with the knowledge, if not the approbation of thegovernment.

Previous to the cession of Louisiana to the United States, Baron P.N.Tut Bastrop contracted with the Spanish government for a tract of landexceeding thirty miles square near Nachitoches. By the terms of thecontract he was, within a given period of time, to settle upon theselands two hundred families. Subsequently Colonel Charles Lynch made anarrangement with Bastrop for an interest in this contract. Burrpurchased from Lynch nearly four hundred thousand acres, andNachitoches. On the trial at Richmond this purchase was established,and the actual payment to Lynch by Burr of five thousand dollars wasalso proved.

General Adair possessed the confidence of Colonel Burr in relation tohis western movements in a greater degree than any other individual.Burr was introduced to Adair by General Wilkinson. In a letter datedMarch, 1807, General Adair says, and there is no doubt truly says—"Sofar as I know or believe of the intentions of Colonel Burr (and myenemies will agree I am not ignorant on this subject), they were toprepare and lead an expedition into Mexico, predicated on a warbetween the two governments; without a war he knew he could donothing. On this war taking place he calculated with certainty, aswell from the policy of the measure at this time as from the positiveassurances of Wilkinson, who seemed to have the power to force it inhis own hands. This continued to be the object of Colonel Burr untilhe heard of the venal and shameful bargain made by Wilkinson at theSabine river; this information he received soon after the attempt toarrest him in Frankfort. He then turned his attention altogethertowards strengthening himself on the Wash*ta, and waiting a morefavourable crisis. I thought the first of these objects honourable andworthy the attention of any man; but I was not engaged in it, mypolitical as well as private pursuits forbidding me from taking a partuntil it was over; nor did I ever believe, notwithstanding Wilkinson'sswaggering letters to me on that subject, which may be seen, that awar would take place."

The grant of the Spanish government to Bastrop amounted to 1,200,000acres. Six tenths of this grant was conveyed to Colonel Lynch, and costhim about one hundred thousand dollars. As the time within which twohundred families were to be settled on the land was rapidly drawing to aclose, Lynch conveyed one half his right to Burr for fifty thousanddollars. In this purchase many private citizens of worth andrespectability were interested. The two projects, however, became insome degree blended. The great object of Burr was the conquest ofMexico. With this view he conferred with General Wilkinson, who wasardent in the cause. Wilkinson's regular force, about six hundred men,was intended as a nucleus, around which the followers of Burr were toform. They were the only disciplined corps that could be expected. AsWilkinson was the American commander-in-chief, and stationed upon theborders of Mexico, he possessed the power, and was pledged to strike theblow whenever it should be deemed expedient. This commencement of thewar would thus have been apparently under the sanction and authority ofthe American government, and would have drawn to the standard of Burrnumerous volunteers from the western states. Such, undoubtedly, was theplan; and Burr entertained no suspicion of Wilkinson's treachery towardshim until his interview with Swartwout. As soon as he made thatdiscovery, in the language of General Adair, "he turned his attentiontowards strengthening himself on the Wash*ta, and waiting a morefavourable crisis."

Daniel Clarke, of New-Orleans, entered into the Mexican project. Heengaged to advance fifty thousand dollars; but subsequently, fromdisappointments, he was unable to fulfil his contract. GeneralWilkinson detailed to Colonel Burr all the information he possessedrespecting that country, and pointed out the facilities which wouldprobably be afforded by the inhabitants in effecting a revolution.Without Wilkinson's troops, Burr declared most solemnly, a short timebefore his death, that he would not have made the attempt on Mexico;that he was perfectly aware the men he would collect, so far as itrespected military operations, would be at first little better than amob.

Colonel Burr had repeated conferences on the subject with Mr. Merry,the British plenipotentiary resident in the United States. Mr. Merrycommunicated to his government the project of Mr. Burr. ColonelCharles Williamson, the brother of Lord Balgray, went to England onthe business, and, from the encouragement which he received, it washoped and believed that a British naval squadron would have beenfurnished in aid of the expedition. At this juncture Mr. Pitt died.Wilkinson must have heard of the death of the premier late in thespring or early in the summer of 1806. From this moment, in Mr. Burr'sopinion, Wilkinson became alarmed, and resolved on an abandonment ofthe enterprise at the sacrifice of his associates.

On the suggestion of Wilkinson, Mexico was twice visited by DanielClark. He held conferences and effected arrangements with many of theprincipal militia officers, who engaged to favour the revolution. TheCatholic bishop, resident at New-Orleans, was also consulted, andprepared to promote the enterprise. He designated three priests, ofthe order of Jesuits, as suitable agents, and they were accordinglyemployed. The bishop was an intelligent and social man. He had been inMexico, and spoke with great freedom of the dissatisfaction of theclergy in South America. The religious establishments of the countrywere not to be molested. Madame Xavier Tarjcon, superior of theconvent of Ursuline nuns at New-Orleans, was in the secret. Some ofthe sisterhood were also employed in Mexico. So far as any decisionhad been formed, the landing was to have been effected at Tampico.

During the year 1806 Colonel Burr was at the house of General AndrewJackson for some days. Repeated and detailed conversations were heldbetween them in relation to the expedition. Subsequently, GeneralJackson addressed a letter to Colonel Burr, in which he alluded torumours that were afloat of his having hostile designs against theUnited States; adding that, if this were true, he would hold nocommunication on the subject; but, if untrue, and his intentions wereto proceed to Mexico, he (Jackson) would join and accompany him withhis whole division. To this the proper answer was given.

About the same time Colonel Burr wrote Senator John Smith, of Ohio, onthe subject of these rumours, in which letter he says—"If Bonaparte,with all his army, was in the western country for the purpose ofaccomplishing that object, they would never again see salt water." Itmay be proper to state here that Colonel Burr's whole force at no timeexceeded one hundred and thirty men.

This is a brief, but it is believed to be a true and faithful accountof Colonel Burr's views and projects during the years 1805 and 1806.In the progress of these transactions many individuals wereimplicated. While the promulgation of their names might tend togratify an idle curiosity, it could be productive of no possible good.(The charge of treason, now that the storm has blown over, is soperfectly ridiculous, that one who investigates the subject will beastounded that it ever gained credence. It originated with the mostcorrupt and unprincipled, and was countenanced, propagated, andsustained by the most malignant.) When the charge of treason was firstspread abroad, Colonel Burr appeared to be deserted and abandoned byhis confidential and devoted friends. Even his son-in-law, GovernorAlston, seemed to shrink from the consequences of an intercourse withhim. All those who were in any manner connected with the contemplatedexpedition disclaimed the idea of treasonable designs, averring that,if such were the views of Colonel Burr, they had been deceived. Andwhat does all this prove? Does it not demonstrate that if his objectwas a separation of the Union, that object was to be accomplishedwithout the knowledge or aid of his friends and associates? Can anything place the charge in a more ridiculous point of view?

Colonel Burr was arrested as a traitor on the Tombigbee river,Mississippi territory, and transported to Richmond, where he arrivedon the 26th of March, 1807. He was bailed until the 22d of May, whenthe court was to convene. A description of the outrages and crueltywhich he endured would fill volumes. A calm and dispassionate detailof the means which were adopted by Mr. Jefferson to obtain anopportunity of shedding his blood, under colour of law, would berevolting to the philanthropist and the patriot, while it would notchange public opinion of this philosopher.

In October, 1806, Mr. Swartwout delivered to General Wilkinson aletter from Burr, written in cipher. That letter Wilkinson altered,and then deciphered it. The forgery was detected before the grandjury, and he compelled to acknowledge the fact, although he had swornto the translation as being correct in all its parts. NotwithstandingMr. Jefferson's knowledge that Wilkinson was a Spanish pensioner,which fact Mr. Derbigny had stated to Secretary Gallatin in a letter,and subsequently swore to its truth; and notwithstanding his perjurybefore the grand jury, yet did the president sustain and countenancethe general as a fit instrument for his purposes.

Other arrests were made during this military reign of terror, viz.,Generals Adair and Dayton, Blennerhassett, Swartwout, Alexander,Smith, Bollman, Ogden, &c. Burr and Blennerhasset alone were broughtto trial. On the 22d of May, 1807, came on the cause of Aaron Burrbefore the Circuit Court of the United States, Judge Marshallpresiding. No indictment was found by the grand jury until the 25th ofJune, when two bills were presented against Burr; one for treason, andthe other for a misdemeanour. On the 30th of June he was committed tothe penitentiary for safe keeping until the third day of August. Fromthe 5th until the 17th of August the court was engaged in obtaining ajury and discussing points of law. On that day the treason case wasopened, and an examination of witnesses on the part of the governmentcommenced. Colonel Burr had more than thirty witnesses in attendance,but deemed it unnecessary to call any of them.

On the 1st day of September, 1807, the jury retired, and in a shorttime returned with the following verdict, which was read by ColonelCarrington, their foreman.

"We of the jury say that Aaron Burr is not proved to be guilty underthis indictment by any evidence submitted to us. We therefore find himnot guilty."

This verdict was objected to by Colonel Burr as informal. He observedthat, whenever a verdict is informal, the court will either send backthe jury to alter it, or correct it itself; that they had no right todepart from the usual form, &c. Mr. Hay thought the verdict ought tobe recorded as found by the jury, which was substantially a verdict ofacquittal; and that no principle of humanity, policy, or law forbadeits being received in the very terms used by the jury.

Mr. Martin said that it was like the whole play, "Much ado aboutNothing;" that this was a verdict of acquittal; that there was nothingto do but to answer the question of guilty or not guilty; that it wasthe case with every jury in every instance; they had or had notevidence before them.

Colonel Carrington, one of the jury, observed, that it was said amongthemselves that, if the verdict was informal, they would alter it;that it was, in fact, a verdict of acquittal.

The court then directed that the verdict should remain as found by thejury; and that an entry should be made on the record of "NotGuilty."

On the 9th of September a jury was empannelled to try Colonel Burr onthe indictment for misdemeanour, which consisted of seven counts; thesubstance of which were, that Aaron Burr did set on foot a militaryenterprise, to be carried on against the territory of a foreignprince; viz., the province of Mexico, which was within the territoryof the King of Spain, with whom the United States were at peace.

After the prosecution had examined some of their witnesses, and thecourt had decided that the testimony of others was not relevant, thedistrict attorney, Mr. Hay, made a motion that the jury be discharged.To this motion Colonel Burr objected, insisting upon a verdict. Thiswas on the 15th of September. The court being of opinion that the jurycould not in this stage of the case be discharged without the consentof the accused, and that they must give a verdict, they accordinglyretired, and very soon returned with a verdict of "Not Guilty."

Previous to the trial for treason it was industriously circulated thatCommodore Truxton had most honourably repelled Colonel Burr'sadvances, and pointed out the infamy which awaited him. He wassubpoenaed on the part of the United States, and on his examinationsaid—"That Colonel Burr told him (some time in July, 1806) that hecontemplated an expedition to Mexico in the event of a war with Spain,which he thought inevitable. He asked me if the Havannah could beeasily taken in the event of a war. I told him that it would requirethe co-operation of a naval force. Mr. Burr observed to me that thatmight be obtained. He asked me if I had any personal knowledge ofCarthagena and La Vera Cruz, and what would be the best mode ofattacking them by sea and land. I gave him my opinion very freely. Mr.Burr then asked me if I would take the command of a naval expedition.I asked him if the executive of the United States were privy to orconcerned in the project. He answered emphatically that he was not:I asked that question because the executive had been charged with aknowledge of Miranda's expedition. I told Mr. Burr that I would havenothing to do with it; that Miranda's project had been intimated tome, but I declined to have any thing to do with such affairs. Heobserved to me that, in the event of a war, he intended to establishan independent government in Mexico; that Wilkinson, the army, andmany officers of the navy would join. I told Mr. Burr that I could notsee how any officer of the United States could join. He said thatGeneral Wilkinson had projected the expedition, and he had matured it;that many greater men than Wilkinson would join, and that thousands tothe westward would join. I told Colonel Burr that there would be nowar. He was sanguine there would be war. He said, however, that if hewas disappointed as to the event of a war, he was about to complete acontract for a large quantity of land on the Wash*ta; that he intendedto invite his friends to settle it; that in one year he would have athousand families of respectable and fashionable people, and some ofthem of considerable property; that it was a fine country, and thatthey would have a charming society, and in two years he would havedouble the number of settlers; and, being on the frontier, he would beready to move whenever a war took place."

On his cross examination Commodore Truxton added "that he was veryintimate with Colonel Burr; that in their conversations there appearedto be no reserve; that he never heard Colonel Burr speak of a divisionof the Union; that Burr said his Mexican expedition would bebeneficial to the United States; that, so far from doubting Burr'sintention to settle the Wash*ta lands, he was astonished at hearing hehad different views, which accounts were contained in newspapersreceived from the western country."

From among numerous instances of Mr. Jefferson's idea of honour andmorality, as practised by him and by his order pending that trial,only one will be selected as a sample. Dr. Erick Bollman, the friendof Lafayette, was arrested by the order of Wilkinson as aco-conspirator with Burr. He was called as a witness on the part ofthe United States; and in open court, the district attorney, Mr. Hay,by order of Mr. Jefferson, tendered him a pardon, which he indignantlyrefused, asserting his innocence of any act requiring a pardon.Immediately after the trial, he published, under his own signature, anaccount of what occurred between himself and the president. From thatpublication, which was never controverted, sufficient will beextracted to show Mr. Jefferson's feelings and principles.

Bollman says, "In the month of December, 1806, I was seized andarrested at New-Orleans by order of General Wilkinson, but in the nameof the United States. When I arrived at Charleston, Annapolis, andWashington, the newspapers represented Colonel Burr as being at thehead of two thousand men, and they were ringing at the same time withreports of his pretended treason.

"These circ*mstances occasioned in my mind great indignation withregard to the reports just mentioned, and great solicitude lestGeneral Wilkinson's conduct and Burr's situation might lead tooccurrences which Colonel Burr would deprecate, and whichinvoluntarily would put him in the wrong.

"I therefore requested an interview with the president of the UnitedStates for two decided objects. 1st, To remove from his mind the falseimpressions he had received with regard to treason. 2d, To endeavourto convince him that the interests of the United States would be bestconsulted by going to war with Spain, and giving countenance to theexpedition which Colonel Burr had planned.

"It appeared to me that this step might do some good, could do noharm, and, in my situation, ought to be attempted. I saw thepresident, together with Mr. Madison; and having first, whenquestioned on that point, declared to the former that I had nopersonal motives for this interview, spoke to them to the effectjust mentioned. The day after the interview I received the followingnote from the president, the original of which, in his ownhandwriting, now remains in my possession:—

"'The communications which Doctor Bollman made yesterday to ThomasJefferson were certainly interesting; but they were too much for hismemory. From their complexion and tendency, he presumes that DoctorBollman would have no objection to commit them to writing, in all thedetails into which he went yesterday, and such others as he may havethen omitted, Thomas Jefferson giving him his word of honour thatthey shall never be used against himself, and that the paper shallnever go out of his hand.'

January 25, 1807.

"I immediately complied with the president's request; and consideringthe communication, in conformity with the tenour of his note, asstrictly confidential, I had no motive to be unusually guarded, or toweigh every expression with more than ordinary care. The paper,containing nearly twenty pages, was hardly finished, when Iimmediately sent it to the president. I borrowed it from him some timeafterward when in prison, in order to take a copy, and then returnedit.

"The whole of it goes to the two points above mentioned, viz., todisprove treason, and to show the expediency of war. It can give noother ideas to an unbiased reader, unless one or two expressions,improperly used, and for which the allowance ought to be made, thatthe English is not my native tongue, are singled out, are considereddisconnectedly with what precedes and follows, and construed in ahostile manner.

"The president had given 'his word of honour' that this paper shouldnot be used against myself; and yet on it was predicated thepretended necessity of a pardon for my personal safety. The attorneyfor the district (Mr. Hay), in open court, when offering me the patentpardon, referred to it. Nay, when I indignantly refused that pardon,he reminded me of the horrors of an ignominious fate, in order, ifpossible, to change my determination. Is a paper not used against mewhen, on account of its contents being misunderstood, I am thusassailed with the tender of a badge of infamy? Is life, in Mr.Jefferson's opinion, all; and character and reputation, whichalone can render it desirable, nothing? The great inquest of thenation, after hearing a great variety of testimony, and particularlythat of General Wilkinson, by an opinion nearly unanimous on mysubject, have absolved me from guilt! No indictment has beenpreferred against me, though they have indicted various gentlemen indifferent parts of the United States. Was it, then, becoming the firstmagistrate of the Union, whom I had approached with some degree ofconfidence, and with regard to whom neither my conduct nor my languagehave ever been unfriendly—was it becoming in him, in a measure, toforestall the opinion of the grand jury, and to stigmatize me as apardoned criminal?

"The paper was never to get out of the president's hands, but it isnow in the hands of the attorney for the Virginia district. On the23d of June, an occurrence of which the prints have taken no notice,the grand jury came into court. Their foreman stated that one of thewitnesses had mentioned to him an important paper, written by anotherwitness, which was in the possession of Mr. Hay, and of which theywished the delivery. Mr. Hay replied, that this referred to my letterto the president, which was in his possession, but that he did notconsider himself warranted to give it to the grand jury. He alsodeclared it to be his firm persuasion that the paper was written in myown handwriting; it has further appeared that he had occasionedGeneral Wilkinson to read it. Through him he had brought what isfalsely stated to be its contents insidiously before the grand jury.General Wilkinson, when before that body, and, of course, on his oath,did assert that he knew the paper in Mr. Hay's hands; that it was myhandwriting and my signature.

"The history of the proposed pardon will have flown over Europe, andthe impression of treachery to a friend—this more detestable, moreodious crime than any infraction of the laws of the country, becauseessentially fraught with turpitude, will be blended with my name inthe minds of men who may never see this letter. And if all thisinjury could be inflicted by Mr. Jefferson without ill will, merelyfrom want of consideration, under the disturbing influence of passionand resentment against Colonel Burr, notwithstanding his mature ageand the dignity of his station, it will amount to strong proof, atleast, that I, in my humble sphere and with a more youthfulimagination, may have become warmed with the beautiful prospect of theemancipation of an enslaved kingdom; a project which Mr. Jeffersonhimself approved of and connived at when planned, not by Colonel Burr,but by Miranda; and that I may have engaged in it without meaning anyharm to the United States or their president.

"But since the measure of the pardon has proved abortive andridiculous, and since the fact of his breach of the 'word of honour'can no longer be denied, their tone is changed. As usual, I am abused,not for the wrong I did, but for the wrong which has been committedupon me. They insinuate, among other things, that at Washington I hadobtained promises from Mr. Jefferson, and had agreed with him, fora pardon; that I refused it at Richmond, in order to have a pretextfor withholding testimony, on the ground that it would criminatemyself, though it is well known that such promise, such agreementnever took place; and that before the grand jury, during anexamination of upward of two hours, I answered, without a singleexception, every question that was asked me.

"When party spirit and passion go so far, it would be improper toremain silent; and should what I have said in my defence operate tothe prejudice of Mr. Jefferson or wound his feelings, it is not myfault.

"ERICK BOLLMAN."

Footnotes:

1. In July, 1798, Generals Hamilton, Pinckney, and Knox were appointedmajor generals in the standing army raised that summer, nominally,for the purpose of repelling a French invasion, at a moment whenFrance had not a ship of war on the ocean, and while British squadronswere hovering on her whole coast.

2. On the 10th of June, 1835, Dr. Hosack, the friend and physician ofColonel Burr, supposed that he could not continue but a few days,perhaps a few hours. Mr. Burr was so informed, and was then asked byM.L. Davis whether at any time he had contemplated a separation of theUnion. His reply was—"No; I would as soon have thought of takingpossession of the moon, and informing my friends that I intended todivide it among them." While making the reply his indignation seemedto be aroused.

CHAPTER XXI.

The excitement produced by Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Eaton, and Mr. Wilkinsonin relation to Burr's movements, exceeded any thing that can be wellimagined. That grave and dignified body, the Senate of the UnitedStates, were terrified, or they were used for the purpose ofterrifying the good people of the country. On the 22d of January,1807, Mr. Jefferson sent a message to Congress developing thetreasonable designs of Burr and his associates. On the 26th, with theaid of General Wilkinson, a second message was transmitted on the samesubject; and, by accident, about the same time that this message ofthe president was received by the House of Representatives, thathonourable body received a message from the Senate also, announcingthat they had passed a "bill for suspending the writ of habeascorpus," and asking the concurrence of the house. This was carryingthe farce too far, and a motion was therefore made and adopted toreject the bill on its first reading. Ayes 113; nays 19. Thus thebill was rejected.

During the years 1806 and 1807 Herman Blennerhassett kept a privatejournal, in which are recorded the principal incidents arising out ofhis connexion with Colonel Burr. Portions of it are interesting andamusing. The entries confirm in every particular the statements ofTruxton, Bollman, and others, and repudiate the idea of treasonabledesigns. That journal, having been transmitted from England, is beforeme. From it a few brief extracts will be made. It appears that inDecember, 1805, Blennerhassett addressed a letter to Colonel Burr,expressing a wish to participate in any speculation in the westerncountry that might present itself to Burr. A Spanish war was hourlyanticipated, and Blennerhassett proposed to join Burr in anyexpedition that might be undertaken against the Spainish dominions.

In August, 1806, in consequence of this overture, Burr visitedBlennerhassett at his house on the Ohio, and the next day rode withhim to Marietta, and there they separated, Burr being on his way toChilicothe. From Marietta to Blennerhassett's was about fifteen miles.Some time after Burr returned to Blennerhassett's. Burr said that anexpulsion of the Spaniards from the American territory or an invasionof Mexico would be pleasing to the administration; if it could beaccomplished without an open formal war, which would be avoided aslong as possible, from parsimony on the one hand and the dread ofFrance on the other.

Blennerhassett tendered his services to Burr generally. Blennerhassettstates that General Jackson and others were to join, and that thegeneral was in readiness to march whenever he should think himselfauthorized by the position of the government.

EXTRACTS.

"The vivacity of Burr's wit, and the exercise of his proper talents,now (at Richmond) constantly solicited here, in private and publicexhibition, while they display his powers and address at the levee andthe bar, must engross more of his time than he can spare from thedemands of other gratifications; while they display him to the eagereyes of the multitude, like a favourite gladiator, measuring over thearena of his fame with firm step and manly grace, the pledges of easyvictory."

"August 17, 1807. This led me to praise a pamphlet, Agrestis, whichAlston yesterday brought me, being two letters on Wilkinson'sproceedings at New-Orleans, which, for its arrangement and strength,as well as for the imagery of the language, I observed would not beunworthy of a Curran; at the same time inquiring who was the author.Alston said that was not known. I then repeated the question toColonel M'Kee, who said it was a friend of ours; at least, Mr. Alstonwas suspected. I mention this trifling occurrence for the sake ofobserving that Alston was now silent, thereby appropriating to himselfthe merit of the book, which his wife, I have no doubt, mightproduce. To suppose Alston [1] the author would be preposterous."

"August 23, 1807. My revery was soon broken in upon by the appearanceof Mr. Douglas with a stranger. I should rather have said by twoapparitions; for it was now near nightfall, and Douglas no soonerappeared than he turned on his heel, saying, 'Colonel Duane, sir,' andran down stairs. The surprise of this interruption the stranger, whomI had never before seen, did not suffer to endure long enough to allowme to invoke the angels and ministers of grace for my protection. Iwas already within the grasp of this Gabriel of the government. Heseized my hand, and bade me dismiss my surprise, however natural itmight be, on his appearance before me. I handed him a chair, and said'I had lived long enough in this country to be surprised at nothing itcould produce or exhibit, but yet desired to learn from what cause Ihad the favour of this visit.' 'Having heard Mr. Douglas observe,'said he, 'that you would be pleased to see me—' 'Sir, Mr. Douglas hasmade a mistake; he must have meant somebody else.' 'No matter,'continued he; 'having known and seen your present situation, I couldnot as a man, as an Irishman' (here he digressed to show me how heboth was and was not an Irishman), 'I would not leave this town(Richmond) without warning you of the sacrifice now preparing toappease the government by your friends, of which you are destined tobe the victim. You cannot desire any other key to my meaning than thecourse the defence has this week taken. But if you think thegovernment will not cease to pursue that justice they possess themeans of ensuring, and suspect, as you ought, the designs of those youhave too long thought your friends, it might yet appear no better onmy part than a nominal service to give you these cautions: I havetherefore sought you, not to tender you words, but deeds. The onlyreturn on your part will be that care of yourself which will find ashield in my honour' (here he very awkwardly struck his breast, andgrinned a ghastly smile), 'and that confidence I can command in thegovernment whose good faith is not misplaced in the zeal I havetestified to serve it.' To this harangue he added violentprotestations of his wishes to serve me, saying, that for that purposehe would put off his journey back to Philadelphia, which otherwise wasirrevocably fixed for Wednesday, and would now, or at any timehereafter, go to Washington for me, where nothing he should ask wouldbe refused him. In thanking him for the frankness and zeal with whichhe cautioned me against my friends and a negligence of my safety, Iassured him I was not afraid to meet the prosecution, as I expected Ishould before my arrival here, without counsel or friends; but, frompresent appearances, I was more curious than interested to learn whatwere those means the said government possessed of ensuring justice.Finding by his answer that he was now disposed to allure me into aconfession of having written certain papers in the hands of theprosecutors, I told him, the warmth of his offers to serve me couldnot make me forget either his situation or my own with relation to thegovernment; that I cared not what writings should be charged upon me;that I should admit none till fairly proved, which, if any such shouldever appear, I would justify, if necessary, on the scaffold. He nowsummed up the objects of his mission, whatever produced it, with abuseof Burr, Tyler, and Smith, acknowledging that he had been servedgratis by Burr in the most handsome manner; that the others were moreconcerned against the government than I was; but swearing that hebelieved, if I did not follow his advice, they would make a scapegoatsacrifice of me for their deliverance."

"August 25, 1807. I asked Alston, 'Would you wish to see my notes ofwhat passed between Duane and me?' 'Yes,' said he, 'very much.' I thenread to him the minutes I had taken on Sunday evening, with which heseemed highly pleased, and said they ought to be published. To this Itold him I could not accede. * * * * * * I informed him that Duane hadintimated that government had got possession of one of his letters tome. 'One of my letters,' cried he; 'I never wrote to you but two uponbusiness of a private nature; and, by G—d, any other letter they canhave of mine must be a forgery.' 'To be sure,' said I; 'or, at allevents, from the favourable course things are now likely to take, sucha letter could do no harm.' 'But what did the rascal,' continued he,'state to be the purport of the letter?' 'Nothing more,' said I, 'thanthat you and myself were equally involved in all Colonel Burr'sprojects. He then abused Duane, and repeated his wish that my noteswere published."

"September 13, 1807. I visited Burr this morning. He is as gay asusual, and as busy in speculations on reorganizing his projects foraction as if he had never suffered the least interruption. He observedto Major Smith and me, that in six months our schemes could be allremounted; that we could now new model them in a better mould thanformerly, having a better view of the ground and a more perfectknowledge of our men. We were silent. It should yet be granted, thatif Burr possessed sensibility of the right sort, with one hundredthpart of the energies for which, with many, he has obtained suchill-grounded credit, his first and last determination, with themorning and the night, should be the destruction of those enemies whohave so long and so cruelly wreaked their malicious vengeance uponhim."

"September 16, 1807. I was glad to find Burr had at last thought ofasking us to dine with him, as I was rather curious again to see himshine in a partie quarrie, consisting of new characters. Wetherefore walked with him from court; Luther Martin, who lives withhim, accompanying us. * * * * * The dinner was neat, and followed bythree or four sorts of wine. Splendid poverty! During the chit-chat,after the cloth was removed, a letter was handed to Burr, next to whomI sat. I immediately smelt musk. Burr broke the seal, put the cover tohis nose, and then handed it to me, saying—'This amounts to adisclosure!' I smelt the paper, and said, 'I think so.' The wholephysiognomy of the man now assumed an alteration and vivacity that, toa stranger who had never seen him before, would have sunk full fifteenyears of his age. 'This,' said he, 'reminds me of a detection oncevery neatly practised upon me at New-York. One day a lady stepped intomy library while I was reading, came softly behind my chair, andgiving me a slap on the cheek, said, "Come, tell me directly, whatlittle French girl, pray, have you had here?" The abruptness of thequestion and surprise left me little room to doubt the discovery hadbeen completely made. So I thought it best to confess the whole fact;upon which the inquisitress burst out into a loud laugh on the successof her artifice, which she was led to play off upon me from the merecirc*mstance of, having smelt musk in the room.' I have given thisanecdote a place here only to convey an idea of that temperament andaddress which enables this character to uphold his ascendèncy over thesex. After some time Martin and Prevost withdrew, and we passed to thetopics of our late adventures on the Mississippi, in which Burr saidlittle, but declared he did not know of any reason to blame GeneralJackson, of Tennessee, for any thing he had done or omitted. But hedeclares he will not lose a day after the favourable issue at theCapitol (his acquittal), of which he has no doubt, to direct hisentire attention to setting up his projects (which have only beensuspended) on a better model, 'in which work,' he says, 'he has evenhere made some progress.'"

"September 20, 1807. I found Burr, just after a consultation with hiscounsel, secretly writhing under much irritation at the conduct ofJudge Marshall, but affecting an air of contempt for his allegedinconsistencies, as Burr asserted he (the judge) did not, for the lasttwo days, understand either the questions or himself; that he hadwavered in his opinions before yesterday's adjournment, and should, infuture, be put right by strong language. I am afraid to say abuse,though I think I could swear he used that word. I learned from MajorSmith to-day a confirmation of what Colonel de Pestre had alsomentioned to me, that Burr sets off immediately for England after hisliberation to collect money for reorganizing his projects."

"September 22, 1807. I have seen a complete file of all thedepositions made before the grand jury in Burr's possession. It mustbe confessed that few other men in his circ*mstances could haveprocured these documents out of the custody of offices filled by hisinveterate enemies. Burr asserted to-day, in court, that he expecteddocuments that would disqualify Eaton as a witness."

"September 26, 1807. Wilkinson, in his examination, confessed that hehad altered the cipher letter, and sworn that there were noalterations."

"Of Dudley Woodbridge, [2] it must not be concealed from those who mayhave access to these notes that, although he is reputed to havegiven a fair, candid, and to us an advantageous testimony, he has notyet told the whole truth, having suppressed my communication to him ofour designs being unequivocally against Mexico, which I suppose hekept back because he embraced and embarked in the plan on the firstmention of it to him, though he afterward receded from it upon his ownreflections or counsel of others. Such is the address with whichingratitude and dishonesty are made to pass in the garb of integrity,like towcloth under fine muslin."

"October 8, 1807. I called on Burr this morning, when he at lastmentioned to me, during a short tête-à-tête, that he was preparing togo to England; that the time was now auspicious for him, and he wishedto know whether I could give him letters. I answered that I supposed,when he mentioned England, he meant London, as his business wouldprobably be with people in office; that I knew none of the presentministry, nor did I believe I had a single acquaintance in London. Hereplied, that he meant to visit every part of the country, and wouldbe glad to get letters to any one. I said I would think of it, that Imight discover whether I had any friends there whom it would be anobject worth his attention to know, and took leave. We can onlyconjecture his designs. For my part, I am disposed to suspect he hasno serious intent of reviving any of his speculations in America, oreven of returning from Europe if he can get there."

After Colonel Burr's return to the United States from Europe, hereceived several letters from Blennerhassett; in two of them he refersto a suit which he commenced against General Andrew Jackson, in Adamscounty, Mississippi territory, for a balance due Burr. In reply to aninquiry made on the subject under date of the 4th of October, 1812, hesays, "I allude to an account between yourself and Andrew Jackson, inhis own handwriting, on which appears a balance in your favour of$1726 62," &c. He then speaks of other papers, and adds, "As to themanner in which I obtained the papers, it happened to be discoveredthat the portmanteau you left with me, to be transmitted to Mr.Alston, which lay at my disposal in the house of Mr. Harding, nearNatchez, was broken open by his servants. On this discovery I calledfor the portmanteau, found the lock torn off, and some papers tumbledand abused, which had seemingly been all opened. I observed and tookout the above document. The rest, with a silk tent, await thedisposition of your orders."

In another letter, in a paroxysm of passion, he threatens thepublication of a book, which he says is to be entitled,

"A review of the projects and intrigues of Aaron Burr during the years1805, 1806, and 1807, involving therein, as parties or privies, ThomasJefferson, A. Gallatin, Dr. Eustis, Governor Alston, Daniel Clark,Generals Wilkinson, Dearborn, Harrison, Jackson, and Smith, and thelate Spanish ambassador Yrujo, exhibiting original documents andcorrespondence hitherto unpublished. Compiled from the notes andprivate journal kept during the above period by Herman Blennerhassett,LLD."

It has been seen that General Wilkinson altered the letter writtenin cipher by Colonel Burr, and then swore that the translation was atrue copy of the original. This alteration was for the purpose ofestablishing treasonable designs in Burr and his associates, towhich fact the general had also sworn. But while he was thus urgingthe charge of treason at home, he had to give his Spanish employersa different account of the movements and object of Burr. Accordingly,after the trial at Richmond, General Wilkinson despatched CaptainWalter Burling, his aid, to demand of the vice-king of Mexico therepayment of his expenditures and compensation for his services toSpain in defeating Burr's expedition against Mexico. The modesty ofthis demand, being only about two hundred thousand dollars, isworthy of notice. The development of this fact places in a new pointof view Mr. Jefferson's confidential friend (General Wilkinson)—thatfriend whom he recommended to Congress on the 22d of January, 1S07, ashaving acted "with the honour of a soldier and the fidelity of a goodcitizen." The documents are presented without comment.

State of Louisiana, City of New-Orleans.

Before me, William Young Lewis, notary public in and for the city ofNew-Orleans, duly commissioned and sworn, this day personally appearedRichard Raynal Keene, Esq., attorney and counsellor at law of thiscity, who delivered to me, the said notary, and requested the same tobe annexed to the current records of my office, the followingdocuments, to wit:—

First. A certificate of the vice-queen of Mexico, dated at Madrid onthe twenty-fourth day of January, eighteen hundred and sixteen.

Second. A letter from the said Richard R. Keene to the Reverend Dr.Mangan, dated at Madrid on the twenty-first day of July, eighteenhundred and twenty-one.

Third. The reply of the Reverend Dr. Mangan to the aforesaid letter,dated at Madrid on the twenty-third day of July, eighteen hundred andtwenty-one.

All of which said documents I have accordingly annexed to my currentregister, there to remain and serve as the case may be, after havingmarked the same ne varietur, to identify them with this act.

Done and passed at New-Orleans, this twenty-fourth day of December,eighteen hundred and thirty-six, in presence of William T. Lewis andGustavus Harper, both of this city, witnesses, who have hereuntosigned their names with said, and me the said notary. Signed, RichardR. Keene, William T. Lewis, Gustavus Harper.

W. Y. Lewis, Not. Pub.

Certificate of the Vice-queen.

"Whereas his excellency, the Marquis of Campo-Sagrado, minister ofwar, has been pleased to accede to the request of Richard RaynalKeene, colonel of the royal armies, addressed to him under date of the12th instant, with the view of obtaining my declaration respecting themission sent by the Anglo-American brigadier, James Wilkinson, to mylate husband, Don Jose Yturrigaray, lieutenant-general of the royalarmies in Mexico, during the period of his command as viceroy in thatcountry; now, for the purpose required, I do declare and certify,that, having accompanied my said husband to Mexico, and stayed therewith him during the time of his command as viceroy in that country, towit, from the year 1802 to the year 1808, I recollect perfectly wellthe aforesaid mission, which was carried into effect by a person ofthe name of Burling; and although I cannot now undertake to relate allthe details of that mission, nevertheless my memory enables me tostate that, in substance, the exposition made by Keene to the ministerof war, of the artifices and stratagems resorted to by Wilkinson onthat occasion, through his confidential agent, is just and true. Theinterested views manifested by Wilkinson in his reclamation of largesums of money for his alleged disbursem*nts in counteracting thehostile plans of the American vice-president, Burr, against Mexico,appeared to the viceroy to be no less incompatible with the rights ofhis majesty than they were irreconcilable to the honour of an officerand patriot of a foreign state. The viceroy, therefore, did not givea single ducat to Burling, but took immediate steps for having himremoved from the country.

This is what I declare, in compliance with the requisition of hisexcellency the minister of war. Madrid, January 24, 1816.

MARIA INES JAUREGUI DE YTURRIGARAY.

Madrid, July 21, 1821.

REV. SIR,

I send you an exposition of the vice-queen Donna Maria Ines Jaureguide Yturrigaray, of the 24th January, 1816, relative to the intriguewhich the brigadier Wilkinson attempted to carry into effect in 1806or 1807, through the agency of Mr. Burling, for the purpose of gettingmoney from the vice-king of Mexico. The vice-queen told me, in thedifferent conversations I had with her on this subject, that youenjoyed the full and entire confidence of her husband, and that he,besides speaking with you unreservedly about this affair, commissionedyou to interpret the letter which Wilkinson sent him through Mr.Burling, the said letter having been written in English. Thevice-king, had he not died suddenly, would have given me the sameexposition which his widow gave me. It being then, in some sort, amatter of justice that you should give your declaration relative tothe aforesaid exposition of the vice-queen, I therefore pray you to doso.

I will merely add that, in one of my conversations with the vice-king,he told me that, in the aforesaid letter, Wilkinson, in speaking ofhis service rendered in frustrating what he called the invasion ofMexico by the ex-vice-president, Mr. Burr, likened himself toLeonidas in the pass of Thermopylae. Be assured, reverend sir, of myprofound respect.

RICHARD RAYNAL KEENE,

Colonel in the service of H. C. M.

Rev. Dr. MANGAN, Rector of the Irish College in Salamanca. Madrid,
July 23, 1821

MY DEAR SIR,

I have carefully read the exposition you enclosed me in your esteemedfavour of the 21st instant, of the former vice-queen of Mexico, LaSenora Donna Maria Ines Jauregui de Yturrigaray, relative to thefamous embassy of General Wilkinson to her husband Don Joseph deYturrigaray, viceroy of Mexico.

As his excellency was pleased to make use of me as interpreter in theinterview he granted Mr. Walter Burling, the bearer of a letter fromthe aforesaid General Wilkinson, and commissioned by him to manifestto the viceroy the importance of his embassy, I candidly confess that,to the best of my recollection, the exposition of the vice-queen isperfectly correct, for the object of the famous embassy of Mr. Burlingwas to display to the viceroy the great pecuniary sacrifices made byGeneral Wilkinson to frustrate the plan of invasion meditated by theex-vice-president, Mr. Burr, against the kingdom of Mexico, and tosolicit, in consideration of such important services, a pretty roundsum of at least two hundred thousand dollars.

I cannot help observing that the viceroy, Don Joseph de Yturrigaray,received this communication with due contempt and indignation, biddingme to tell Mr. Burling that General Wilkinson, in counteracting anytreasonable plan of Mr. Burr, did no more than comply with his duty;that he (the viceroy) would take good care to defend the kingdom ofMexico against any attack or invasion, and that he did not thinkhimself authorized to give one farthing to General Wilkinson incompensation for his pretended services. He concluded by ordering Mr.Burling to leave the city of Mexico, and had him safely escorted tothe port of Vera Cruz, where he immediately embarked for the UnitedStates.

This is, believe me, the substance (as far as I can recollect) of thefamous embassy of General Wilkinson to the viceroy of Mexico, DonJoseph de Yturrigaray, who certainly was not mistaken in the passagehe mentioned to you of Leonidas, as I recollect well that GeneralWilkinson, after displaying in a pompous style the great difficultieshe had to encounter to render Mr. Burr's plan fruitless, concluded byaffirming—"I, like Leonidas, boldly threw myself in the pass," &c.

I return you the original exposition of the vice-queen, Donna Maria
Ines Jauregui de Yturrigaray, and remain yours,

PATRICK MANGAN, Rector of the Irish College of Salamanca.

RICHARD R. KEENE, Colonel in the service H. C. M.

I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true copy of the originalsannexed to my current register. In witness whereof I grant thesepresents, under my hand and seal, at New-Orleans, this 26th day ofDecember, 1836.

WILLIAM Y. LEWIS, Not. Pub.

The following short extracts from the letters of Colonel Burr to hisdaughter, while he was imprisoned in Richmond, will serve to show thestate of his mind under circ*mstances thus oppressive and mortifying.

TO THEODOSIA.

"Richmond, March 27, 1807.

"My military escort having arrived at Fredericksburgh on our way toWashington, there met a special messenger, with orders to convey me tothis place. Hither we came forthwith, and arrived last evening. Itseems that here the business is to be tried and concluded. I am to besurrendered to the civil authority to-morrow, when the question ofbail will be determined. In the mean time I remain at the Eagletavern."

"April 26, 1807.

"Your letters of the 10th and those preceding seemed to indicate asort of stupor; but now you rise into phrensy. Another ten days will,it is hoped, have brought you back to reason. It ought not, however,to be forgotten that the letter of the 15th was written under aparoxysm of the toothache.

"You have read to very little purpose if you have not remarked thatsuch things happen in all democratic governments. Was there in Greeceor Rome a man of virtue and independence, and supposed to possessgreat talents, who was not the object of vindictive and unrelentingpersecution? Now, madame, I pray you to amuse yourself by collectingand collating all the instances to be found in ancient history, whichyou may connect together, if you please, in an essay, withreflections, comments, and applications. This I may hope to receiveabout the 22d of May. I promise myself great pleasure in the perusal,and I promise you great satisfaction and consolation in thecomposition."

"May 15, 1807.

"Respecting the approaching investigation, I can communicate nothingnew. The grand jury is composed of twenty democrats and fourfederalists. Among the former is W. C. Nicholas, my vindictive andavowed personal enemy—the most so that could be found in this state(Virginia).

The most indefatigable industry is used by the agents of government,and they have money at command without stint. If I were possessed ofthe same means, I could not only foil the prosecutors, but render themridiculous and infamous. The democratic papers teem with abuse againstme and my counsel, and even against the chief justice. Nothing is leftundone or unsaid which can tend to prejudice the public mind, andproduce a conviction without evidence. The machinations of thisdescription which were used against Moreau in France were treated inthis country with indignation. They are practised against me in astill more impudent degree, not only with impunity, but with applause;and the authors and abettors suppose, with reason, that they areacquiring favour with the administration."

"June 3, 1807.

"Still waiting for Wilkinson, and no certain accounts of his approach.The grand jury, the witnesses, and the country grow impatient. It isan ungracious thing, and so deemed, after having for six months beenbranded as a traitor; after directing that Burr and his followersshould be attacked, put to death, and their property seized; after allthe violations of law and constitution which have been practised, thatgovernment should now say it has not proof!

"Busy, busy, busy from morning till night—from night till morning,yet there are daily amusing incidents; things at which you will laugh,also things at which you will pout and scold."

"June 18, 1807.

"On Saturday morning General Wilkinson, with ten or eleven witnessesfrom New Orleans, arrived in Richmond. Four bills were immediatelydelivered to the grand jury against Blennerhassett and Burr; one fortreason and one for misdemeanour against each. The examination of thewitnesses was immediately commenced. They had gone through thirty-twolast evening. There are about forty-six. General Eaton has beenalready examined. He came out of the jury-room in such rage andagitation that he shed tears, and complained bitterly that he had beenquestioned as if he were a villain. How else could he have beenquestioned with any propriety?

"Poor Bollman is placed in a most awkward predicament. Some days agoMr. Hay, the district attorney, in open court tendered him a pardonunder the great seal and with the sign manual of Thomas Jefferson.Bollman refused to receive it. Hay urged it upon him. Bollman saidthat no man could force on him such a badge of infamy. Hay insistedthat he was a pardoned man, whether he would or not; and this questionwill, probably, also come before the court in argument to-day orto-morrow."

"June 22, 1807.

On Friday Mr. Hay complained that Burr had so constantly occupied thecourt for the four weeks past with his extraordinary motions, that he(Mr. Hay) could not get an opportunity of making one on his part; hetherefore gave notice that he should, at the first interval, move forleave to send to the grand jury interrogatories for their instruction,to be put to the witnesses, in order that the whole truth might comeout.

"Burr said it was a thing without example, and which the court couldnot permit without his assent; but he thought there was reason in theproposal of Mr. Hay, and that he should cheerfully assent, with thecondition only that he (Burr) should also send interrogatories, to beput to the same witnesses, the better to extract the 'whole truth.'

"The court said that it certainly could not be permitted to Mr. Hay tosend interrogatories, being against usage and reason; but as Mr. Burrhad assented, there seemed to be no objection that both parties shouldsend in interrogatories; and such permission was granted, whereuponMr. Hay withdrew his motion."

"June 24, 1807.

"While we were engaged to-day in the argument of the question for anattachment against Wilkinson, the grand jury came into court withbills against Blennerhassett and myself for treason and misdemeanour.Two bills against each of us. These indictments for treason arefounded on the following allegations: that Colonel Tyler, with twentyor thirty men, stopped at Blennerhassett's Island on their way downthe Ohio; that though these men were not armed, and had no militaryarray or organization, and though they did neither use force northreaten it, yet, having set out with a view of taking temporarypossession of New-Orleans on their way to Mexico, that such intent wastreasonable, and therefore a war was levied on Blennerhassett's Islandby construction; and that, though Colonel Burr was then at Frankforton his way to Tennessee, yet, having advised the measure, he was, byconstruction of law, present at the island, and levied war there. Infact, the indictment charges that Aaron Burr was on that day presentat the island, though not a man of the jury supposed this to be true.

"This idea of constructive war is, by this jury, carried far beyondthe dictum advanced by Judge Chace in the case of Fries; for Chacelaid down that the actual exertion of force, in a hostile ortraitorous manner, was indispensable to establish treason. Yet theopinions of Chace in this case were complained of by the wholerepublican party, and condemned by all the lawyers of all parties inPhiladelphia, as tending to introduce the odious and unconstitutionaldoctrine of constructive treason.

"Out of fifty witnesses who have been examined before the grand jury,it may be safely alleged that thirty at least have been perjured.

"I beg and expect it of you that you will conduct yourself as becomesmy daughter, and that you manifest no signs of weakness or alarm."

June 30, 1807.

"Of myself you could expect to hear nothing new; yet something new andunexpected was moved yesterday. The counsel for the prosecutionproposed to the court that Aaron Burr should be sent to thepenitentiary for safe keeping, and stated that the governor andcouncil had offered to provide me with an apartment in the third storyof that building. This is extremely kind and obliging in the governorand his council. The distance, however, would render it soinconvenient to my counsel to visit me, that I should prefer to remainwhere I am; yet the rooms proposed are said to be airy and healthy."

July 3, 1807.

"I have three rooms in the third story of the penitentiary, making anextent of one hundred feet. My jailer is quite a polite and civilman—altogether unlike the idea one would form of a jailer. You wouldhave laughed to have heard our compliments the first evening.

"Jailer. I hope, sir, it would not be disagreeable to you if Ishould lock this door after dark.

"Burr. By no means, sir; I should prefer it, to keep out intruders.

"Jailer. It is our custom, sir, to extinguish all lights at nineo'clock; I hope, sir, you will have no objection to conform to that.

"Burr. That, Sir, I am sorry to say, is impossible; for I never goto bed till twelve, and always burn two candles.

"Jailer. Very well, sir, just as you please. I should have been gladif it had been otherwise; but, as you please, sir.

"While I have been writing different servants have arrived withmessages, notes, and inquiries, bringing oranges, lemons, pineapples,raspberries, apricots, cream, butter, ice, and some ordinaryarticles."

"July 6, 1807.

"My friends and acquaintance of both sexes are permitted to visit mewithout interruption, without inquiring their business, and withoutthe presence of a spy. It is well that I have an antechamber, or Ishould often be gênê with visitors.

"If you come I can give you a bedroom and parlour on this floor. Thebedroom has three large closets, and it is a much more commodious onethan you ever had in your life. Remember, no agitations, nocomplaints, no fears or anxieties on the road, or I renounce thee."

"July 24, 1807.

"I want an independent and discerning witness to my conduct and tothat of the government. The scenes which have passed and those aboutto be transacted will exceed all reasonable credibility, and willhereafter be deemed fables, unless attested by very high authority.

"I repeat what has heretofore been written, that I should never inviteany one, much less those so dear to me, to witness my disgrace. I maybe immured in dungeons, chained, murdered in legal form, but I cannotbe humiliated or disgraced. If absent, you will suffer greatsolicitude. In my presence you will feel none, whatever may be themalice or the power of my enemies, and in both they abound."

"July 30, 1807.

"I am informed that some good-natured people here have provided you ahouse, and furnished it, a few steps from my townhouse. I had alsomade a temporary provision for you in my townhouse, whither I shallremove on Sunday; but I will not, if I can possibly avoid it, movebefore your arrival, having a great desire to receive you all in thismansion. Pray, therefore, drive directly out here. You may getadmission at any time from four in the morning till ten at night.Write me by the mail from Petersburgh, that I may know of yourapproach."

[On this letter is endorsed, in Theodosia's handwriting, "Received onour approach to Richmond. How happy it made me!"]

The following was written after Theodosia had left Richmond andreturned to South Carolina.

"Richmond, September 28, 1807.

"It is impossible to predict when this business may terminate, as thechief justice has gradually relaxed from former rules of evidence, andwill now hear any thing, without regard to distance of time or place.Wilkinson has been examined, and had partly gone through thecross-examination when we closed on Saturday. He acknowledged, verymodestly, that he had made certain alterations in the letter receivedfrom me, by erasures, &c., and then swore it to be a true copy. Hehas not yet acknowledged the substitution of names."

"October 9, 1807.

"Major Bruff, who was produced as a witness on my behalf, deposedthat, in a conversation with Dearborn and Rodney, theattorney-general, in March last, he accused Wilkinson of severalcrimes, and gave the names of witnesses who would establish thecharges. Those gentlemen replied that General Wilkinson had stoodvery low in the estimation of the President, but that his energeticconduct at New-Orleans had raised him in estimation; that he now stoodvery high, and that the president would support him; that if thegovernment should now prosecute Wilkinson, or do any thing to impairhis credit, Burr would escape, and that was just what the federalistsand the enemies to the administration wished."

"October 23, 1807.

"After all, this is a sort of drawn battle. The chief justice gave hisopinion on Tuesday. After declaring that there were no grounds ofsuspicion as to the treason, he directed that Burr and Blennerhassettshould give bail in three thousand dollars for further trial in Ohio.This opinion was matter of regret and surprise to the friends of thechief justice, and of ridicule to his enemies—all believing that itwas a sacrifice of principle to conciliate Jack Cade. Mr. Hayimmediately said that he should advise the government to desist fromfurther prosecution. That he has actually so advised there is nodoubt.

"A. BURR."

Footnotes:

1. At this period Blennerhassett was at war with both Colonel Burr andAlston, on the subject of their pecuniary transactions.

2. Former mercantile partner of Blennerhassett, and contractor forbuilding Burr's boats on the Muskingum.

CHAPTER XXII.

On the 7th of June, 1808, Colonel Burr sailed from New-York on boardthe British packet for England, via Halifax. The personal andpolitical prejudices which the influence of power and the death ofHamilton had excited against him; rendered, as he conceived, atemporary absence from this country desirable; and, at the same time,believing that the political situation of Europe offered opportunitiesfor accomplishing the object he had long contemplated, of emancipatingthe Spanish American colonies from the degrading tyranny of Spain, itwas his design to solicit the aid of some European government in suchan undertaking. With these views he embarked for England.

During his residence in Europe he regularly corresponded with hisdaughter, Mrs. Alston, and also kept a private diary; but probablyfrom the apprehension that his papers were at all times subject to thesupervision of the government police, his memoranda are in a greatmeasure restricted to occurrences private and personal. An amusingvolume [1] might be made of these daily records of his privationsand personal adventures during his protracted and forced residence inEurope, but the limits of the present work compel us to pass hastilyover this period of his life.

He arrived in Falmouth on the 15th, and in London on the 16th July;and on the same day, with characteristic promptitude, he presented hisletters of introduction, and, among others, to John Reeves, Esq., thenin the department of the secretary of state, through whom he seems tohave hoped to gain access to the ministry.

During the next three months he made, through Mr. Reeves and others,various unsuccessful efforts to approach the government; but therewere two obstacles in his way, both of which were insuperable. TheSpaniards were then in the commencement of their noble resistance tothe invasion of Napoleon, and the enthusiasm of the British nation infavour of the Spanish patriots, as well as the policy of the Britishgovernment, were absolutely opposed to any scheme for separating thecolonies from Spain. But, in addition to this obstacle, Colonel Burr,from the moment of his landing in England, was an object of suspicionand distrust to the government. The alien-bill was then in sternoperation, and apprehensions were entertained of the emissaries ofFrance; and it is not to be doubted that the same hostility which, aswe shall see, openly displayed itself in the conduct of the UnitedStates' agents towards Colonel Burr in France, had been excited tomisrepresent and anticipate him in his negotiations with the Britishgovernment. After various interviews, that led to nothing, with Mr.Canning, Lord Mulgrave, and Lord Melville, on the 6th November, 1808,the following communication from A. Merry put an end to all hopes ofassistance in his plans from the English ministry:—

Sunday morning, November 6.

DEAR SIR,

Although I could not see Mr. Canning yesterday, from his being goneinto the country, to stay till Tuesday morning, for the recovery ofhis health, I conversed with another person of nearly equal authority,who told me he was sure that what you proposed to me yesterday couldnever be consented to, pointing it out in every way to beimpracticable. I beg you to excuse the haste in which I write, andbelieve me to be, dear sir,

Your most faithful humble servant,

A. MERRY.

In private life in England Colonel Burr received much attention, andfrom no one more than Jeremy Bentham, with whom he formed a warm andintimate friendship. In a letter to his daughter of the 8th September,1808, he speaks of Mr. Bentham:—"I hasten to make you acquainted withJeremy Bentham, author of a work entitled 'Principles of Morals andLegislation' (edited in French by Dumont), and of many other works ofless labour and research. You will well recollect to have heard meplace this man second to no one, ancient or modern, in profoundthinking, in logical and analytic reasoning. On the 8th of August Ireceived a letter from him, containing a most friendly invitation tocome and pass some days with him at a farm (where he passes thesummer) called Barrowgreen, near Gadstone, and twenty miles fromLondon. I was not tardy in profiting of this invitation. He met me atthe gate with the frankness and affection of an old friend. Mr.Bentham's countenance has all that character of intense thought whichyou would expect to find; but it is impossible to conceive aphysiognomy more strongly marked with ingenuousness and philanthropy.I have passed twelve days there, and shall return to-morrow, to staymost probably till he returns to town. His house in the city, which Inow occupy solely and exclusively—[N. B. Three servants in the houseat my command]—is most beautifully situated on St. James's Park, withextensive gardens, and built and fitted up more to my taste than anyone I ever saw. In his library I am now writing."

The friendship of Mr. Bentham was uniform and constant; and if it didnot preserve his friend from severe pecuniary privations and distressin Colonel Burr's second residence in England, it was because theextent of these privations was industriously and ingeniously concealedfrom him. "The benevolent heart of J. B." (Burr remarks in his diary,when apprehending an arrest for debt) "shall never be pained by theexhibition of my distress." Bentham, long after Burr's return to theUnited States, continued to correspond with him.

With William Godwin Mr. Burr also formed an intimate and friendlyacquaintance. In a visit to Edinburgh in the winter of 1809, he seemsto have been treated with great distinction; and his diary issprinkled with the names of visitors the most distinguished in rank,fashion, and letters of the Scottish metropolis. He writes to hisdaughter 12th February, 1809: "Among the literary men of Edinburgh Ihave met M'Kenzie, author of the Man of Feeling, and Scott, author ofthe Minstrel. I met both frequently, and from both received civilitiesand hospitality. M'Kenzie has twelve children—six daughters, all veryinteresting and handsome. He is remarkably sprightly in company,amiable, witty—might pass for forty-two, though certainly much older.Scott, with less softness than M'Kenzie, has still more animation;talks much, and very agreeably."

While in Edinburgh Colonel Burr was informed by Lord Justice Clarkethat Lord Melville had mentioned in a letter that it would benecessary for Mr. Burr to return to London. The government began nowto evince great distrust of him. He seems at one time, and before hehad abandoned all hope of receiving assistance in his politicalschemes, to have resolved to resist the operation of the alien bill,by claiming the rights of a British subject. He probably suggestedthis singular claim at the instance of his friend Reeves. The groundhe took was that, having been born a British subject, he had a rightto reassume his allegiance at pleasure; or rather that it wasindefeasible, and never could be parted with. The claim appears tohave caused some sensation among the crown lawyers. It was certainlyunfounded and injudiciously asserted. Lord Liverpool pronounced itmonstrous; and it probably increased the suspicion and distrustalready existing.

On the 4th April, 1809, the government took active measures againsthim. He writes in his journal of that day—"Having a confusedpresentiment that something was wrong, I packed up my papers andclothes with intent to go out and seek other lodgings. At one o'clockcame in without knocking four coarse-looking men, who said they had astate warrant for seizing me and my papers, but refused to show thewarrant. I was peremptory, and the warrant was produced, signed'Liverpool,' but I was not permitted to read the whole. They tookpossession of my trunks, searched every part of the rooms for papers,threw all the loose articles into a sack, called a coach, and away wewent to the alien office. Before going I wrote a note to Reeves, andon our arrival sent it in—waited one hour in the coach—very cold,but I refused to go in. Wrote in pencil to Reeves another note. Hecame out. We had a little conversation. He could not then explain, butsaid I must have patience. After half an hour more orders were that Imust go with one of the messengers to his house. On this order I firstwent into the office to see Brooks, the under secretary, whom I knew[you may recollect the transaction in July, which must have fixed mein his memory]. He did not know me—none of them knew me—though everydevil of them knew me as well as I know you. Seeing the measure wasresolved on, and having inquired of the sort of restraint to which Iwas doomed, I wrote a note to Koe, which Brooks took to show to LordLiverpool for his approbation to forward it—arrived at my prison, 31Stafford Place, at four." In two days, however, he was released, andhis papers returned unopened; but he was informed he must leave thekingdom. Some days afterward, as he still lingered, a message wasconveyed to him:—"Lord Liverpool expects you to leave Londonto-morrow, and the kingdom in forty-eight hours." And on the 24thApril, 1809, he sailed from Harwich in his B. M. packet Diana forGottenburgh.

On leaving England Mr. Burr seems to have been undetermined as to hisfuture movements. He was unwilling to renounce the projects which hadcarried him to Europe; and all hope of assistance from England beingended, he looked next for aid to Napoleon, whose policy, from theresistance of Spain and the preponderancy of the British navy, was nowin favour of the independence of the Spanish American colonies. Hefinally resolved to wait in Sweden till he received advices fromAmerica, and then proceed to Paris to communicate with the emperor.

We must pass over his residence in Sweden, and his subsequent tourthrough Germany to Paris, during the whole of which period he kept ajournal. He visited Hamburgh, Hanover, Saxe-Gotha, Weimar, andFrankfort; and, though travelling without letters or introduction, itappears from his itinerary that he was everywhere treated withdistinction and attention. At Hamburg, where he arrived the 20thNovember, 1809, De Bourrienne, since known as the author of theMemoirs of Bonaparte, was the French minister. It will be amusing,perhaps, to compare the following extracts from De Bourrienne's workwith a brief memorandum from Colonel Burr's diary, showing in whatlight they reciprocally regarded each other.

"At the height of his glory and power, Bonaparte was so suspiciousthat the veriest trifle sufficed to alarm him. I recollect that aboutthe time the complaints were made respecting the Minerva(newspaper), Colonel Burr, formerly vice-president of the UnitedStates, who had recently arrived at Altona, was pointed out to me as adangerous man, and I received orders to watch him very closely, and toarrest him on the slightest ground of suspicion if he should come toHamburgh. Colonel Burr was one of those in favour of whom I venturedto disobey the orders I received from the restless police of Paris. Assoon as the minister of the police heard of his arrival at Altona, hedirected me to adopt towards him those violent measures which areequivalent to persecution. In answer to these instructions, I statedthat Colonel Burr conducted himself at Altona with much prudence andpropriety; that he kept but little company, and that he was scarcelyspoken of. Far from regarding him as a man who required watching;having learned that he wished to go to Paris, I caused a passport tobe procured for him, which he was to receive at Frankfort; and I neverheard that this dangerous citizen had compromised the safety of thestate in any way." Bourrienne's Memoirs of Napoleon, vol. iv., p.108.

In his journal of November 24, Burr writes:—

"I learn that A. B. is announced in the Paris papers in a manner noway auspicious. Resolved to go direct to the French minister, to seeif he had any orders to give or refuse me passports. Sent in my name,but did not get out of my carriage; after some minutes the servantreturned, saying his excellency was then much engaged, but would beglad to see me at three. At three, to minister's; begged to calltomorrow at twelve. November 25. At twelve, the minister's; was atonce received; he is the transcript of our Mari, [2] only fifteenyears older, but marked with the same characters. His reception wascourteous, but with a mixture of surprise and curiosity. At onceoffered me passports to any frontier town, but has no authority to domore. Passports to go to Paris must come from Paris, and to that end Imust write. Advises that I direct reply to be transmitted to Mayence.Asked me to dine, at his country-house tomorrow."

At Mayence, however, he found no passport; and he was detained insuspense there and at Frankfort for a month, before permission couldbe obtained to go to Paris.

On the 16th February, 1810, he arrived in Paris.

He commenced here a long and most vexatious and wearisome course ofattendance on the minister of foreign relations and other highofficers of state, endeavouring in vain, by personal solicitations andmemorials, to obtain an audience of the emperor and an answer to hispropositions. He attended the levees of the Duc de Cadore, the Duc deRovigo, Jerome Bonaparte, King of Westphalia; but uniformly failed inhis efforts, and was turned off with unmeaning professions. He recordsin his diary, with gratitude, the friendly attentions of Volney,Denon, and the Duc de Bassano; but, with these exceptions, he seems tohave been treated with great coolness, even by those to whom hishospitality had been freely tendered in America. He always suspectedthat the alienation and immutable discountenance of the emperor wereto be ascribed to the representations of Talleyrand and therepresentatives of the United States in France.

Several months neglect and inattention at length discouraged him, andhe resolved to return home; but, on applying for a passport to theUnited States, he was informed by the police that he could not have apassport to go out of the empire. "Me voila [he writes in hisjournal], prisonier d'Etat! et presque sans sous." This event changedthe course of his solicitations; and for the next year we find him,having abandoned all projects of ambition, limiting himself tosolicitation for permission to go home, and without success. Amemorial which he addressed to Napoleon sets forth in these manlyterms the harshness and injustice of his treatment.

"While in Germany last winter I saw in the Moniteur an expression ofyour majesty's assent to the independence of the Spanish Americancolonies. Believing that I could be useful in the execution of thatobject, I hastened to Frankfort, and there addressed myself to yourmajesty's minister, Monsieur Hedouville, who, at my request, wrote tothe minister of exterior relations, stating my views, and asking apassport if those views should be deemed worthy of your majesty'sattention. A passport was transmitted to me. On the day of my arrivalin Paris I announced myself to the Duc de Cadore, and on the dayfollowing had an audience, in which I explained, as fully as the timewould admit, the nature of my projects and the means of execution.Further details were added in subsequent conversations had with one ofthe chiefs of that department. Afterward, at the request of the Duc deCadore, they were reduced to writing, of which memoir one copy wasdelivered to the Duc de Cadore and another to the Duc de Rovigo, to besubmitted to your majesty's perusal. After the lapse of some weeks,having received no reply, nor any intimation that my views accordedwith those of your majesty, being here without occupation and withoutthe means of support, I asked a passport to return to the UnitedStates, where not only the state of the country, but my personalconcerns, demand my presence. This passport has been refused; fornearly four months I have in vain solicited. The only answer I receiveis—'His majesty has not signified his assent.'

"After conduct so frank and loyal on my part, it is with reason that Iam hurt and surprised at this refusal. Not only did the motives of myvisit and my conduct since my residence in France deserve a differentreturn; at all times I have deserved well of your majesty and of theFrench nation. My home in the United States has been always open toFrench citizens, and few of any note who have visited the UnitedStates have not experienced my hospitalities. At a period when theadministration of the government of the United States was hostile toFrance and Frenchmen, they received from me efficient protection.These, sire, are my crimes against France!

"Presuming that a proceeding so distressing and unmerited—so contraryto the laws of hospitality, to the fame of your majesty's magnanimityand justice, and to that of the courtesy of the French nation, must bewithout your majesty's knowledge, and that, amid the mighty concernswhich weigh on your majesty's mind, those of an individual so humbleas myself may have escaped your notice, I venture to intrude into yourpresence, and to ask either a passport to return to the United States,or, if in fact your majesty, with the expectation of rendering meuseful to you, should wish a further delay, that I may be informed ofthe period of that delay, that I may take measures accordingly for mysubsistence."

This memorial passed without notice.

The following correspondence between Colonel Burr and Mr. Jonathan
Russell, then Chargé d'Affaires at Paris, and Mr. M'Rae, American
Consul at Paris, will show the conduct of representatives of the
United States to an American citizen in want and in a foreign land.

TO MR. RUSSELL.

Paris, October 25, 1810.

Mr. Burr presents respectful compliments. As a citizen of the UnitedStates, he requests of Mr. Russell an official certificate to thateffect, and will have the honour of calling for the purpose at anyhour which he may be pleased to name. The fact of Mr. Burr'scitizenship being sufficiently known to Mr. Russell, it is presumedthat other proof will be deemed unnecessary.

FROM MR. RUSSELL.

Paris, October 25, 1810.

In reply to Mr. Burr's note of this morning, Mr. Russell begs leave toinform him that the province of granting passports to citizens of theUnited States belongs to the consul, to whom all wishing for thatprotection must apply.

TO MR. M'RAE.

Paris, October 29, 1810.

Mr. Burr presents compliments. Having addressed himself to Mr. Russellfor a certificate of citizenship, has been informed by him that thebusiness of granting certificates was transferred to the consul. Hetherefore repeats the request to Mr. M'Rae. If a personal attendancebe deemed necessary, Mr. Burr will wait on Mr. M'Rae for the purposeat any hour he may be pleased to appoint.

FROM MR. M'RAE.

Paris, October 29, 1810.

Mr. M'Rae answers to Mr. Burr's note of this morning, that hisknowledge of the circ*mstances under which Mr. Burr left the UnitedStates renders it his duty to decline giving Mr. Burr either apassport or a permis de séjour. If, however, the opinion Mr. M'Rae hasformed and the determination he has adopted on this subject beerroneous, there is a remedy at hand.

Although the business of granting passports and permis de séjourgenerally is confided to the consul, the chargé des affairesunquestionably possesses full authority to grant protection in eitherof those forms to any person to whom it may be improperly denied bythe consul.

TO MR. RUSSELL.

Paris, November 1, 1810.

On receipt of Mr. Russell's note, Mr. Burr applied to the consul; acopy of his reply is herewith enclosed. It cannot be material toinquire what are the "circ*mstances" referred to by the consul, norwhether true or false. Mr. Burr is ignorant of any statute orinstruction which authorizes a foreign minister or agent to inquireinto any circ*mstances other than those which tend to establish thefact of citizen or not. If, however, Mr. Russell should be of adifferent opinion, Mr. Burr is ready to satisfy him that nocirc*mstances exist which can, by any construction, in the slightestdegree impair his rights as a citizen, and that the conclusions of theconsul are founded in error, either in point of fact or of inference.Yet, conceiving that every citizen has a right to demand a certificateor passport, Mr. Burr is constrained to renew his application to Mr.Russell, to whom the consul has been pleased to refer the decision.

FROM MR. RUSSELL.

Paris, November 4, 1810.

Without subscribing to the opinion of Mr. M'Rae with regard to theappeal that lays from the erroneous decisions of the consul to thechargé d'affaires, Mr. Russell has no objection to judging the casewhich Mr. Burr has presented to him.

The man who evades the offended laws of his country, abandons, for thetime, the right to their protection. This fugitive from justice,during his voluntary exile, has a claim to no other passport than onewhich shall enable him to surrender himself for trial for the offenceswith which he stands charged. Such a passport Mr. Russell will furnishto Mr. Burr, but no other.

In the winter of 1810 and 1811, being cut off from remittances fromAmerica, it appears from his journal that he suffered sad privationsfrom the want of money.

In his diary of November 23, he writes—"Nothing from America, andreally I shall starve. Borrowed three francs to-day. Four or fivelittle debts keep me in constant alarm; all together, about twoLouis."

December 1, 1810. "——- came in upon me this morning, just as I wasout of bed, for twenty-seven livres. Paid him, which took literally mylast sous. When at Denon's, thought I might as well go to St.Pelasgie; set off, but recollected I owed the woman who sits in thepassage two sous for a segar, so turned about to pursue my way by Pontdes Arts, which was within fifty paces; remembered I had not wherewithto pay the toll, being one sous; had to go all the way round by thePont Royal, more than half a mile."

His journal for a year is filled with similar details, and would be amelancholy narration were it not that it exhibits him under everyvicissitude, suspected and watched by the French government,misrepresented by the representatives of his own country, treated withalmost universal coldness and neglect, cut off from all communicationwith America, without money, without occupation, and without anyreasonable hope of a termination of his troubles, uniformly composed,firm, and cheerful. Not a discontented or fretful expression is to befound in his voluminous memoranda.

At length, in July, 1811, a ship being about sailing in ballast forAmerica, with Napoleon's permission, Colonel Burr, through theinfluence of the Duc de Bassano, received permission to leave Paris.He arrived at Amsterdam on the 3d of August; and after a month'sdelay, apparently from the capricious tyranny of the Frenchauthorities, he sailed for America in the ship Vigilant on the 20th ofSeptember; and, escaping from the toils of one of the greatbelligerants, he fell into the power of the other, and was on the nextday captured by an English frigate and carried into Yarmouth.

The Vigilant and the effects of her passengers were taken possessionof by the government for trial in the admiralty; and as Burr had paidfor passage to America, and was reduced very low in funds, he wasobliged to remain in England. He continued in England from the 9th ofOctober, 1811, till the 6th of March, 1812, when he sailed for Americain the ship Aurora, and arrived in New-York, via Boston, on the 8th ofJune, 1812, just four years after his departure from America. Duringhis second sojourn in England he enjoyed the society and friendship ofBentham and Godwin; but the latter could not alleviate his pecuniarydistress, and the former was probably never fully aware of it. Thediary contains a protracted record of privations, sometimesthreatening absolute and hopeless want, but endured throughout withundisturbed and characteristic fortitude and gayety. He seems to havemissed the attentions and society which he found on his first visit toLondon, and the following extract from his journal of 26th March,1812, shows that he left England without feeling affection or regret.

"I shake the dust off my feet. Adieu, John Bull! Insulainhospitabilis, as you were truly called 1800 years ago."

Footnotes:

1. It is highly probable that portions of Colonel Burr's journal, withhis correspondence while in Europe, may hereafter be published in asingle volume, as a separate and distinct work.

2. Joseph Alston, son-in-law of Colonel Burr.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Immediately after Colonel Burr's arrival in the city of New-York, heopened an office and commenced the practice of law. The high anddistinguished reputation with which he had retired from the bar in1801 secured to him, on his return, an extensive and profitablebusiness. A few individuals of the profession, under the influence offormer prejudices, some of them hereditary, and as ancient as the 4thof July, 1776, endeavoured to throw impediments in his way; but theseefforts were of short duration, and productive of but little effect.In general, he was courteously, if not kindly received, by gentlemenof the profession. In reference to this subject it was his request,that while no individual should be censured, the name of his friend,Colonel Robert Troup, should be recorded as meriting and receiving hismost grateful acknowledgments. It has been seen that their intimacywas formed while they were yet but boys, at a period and undercirc*mstances "that tried men's souls." On Burr's opening his office,Colonel Troup, having abandoned the practice of law, generouslytendered him the use of his library until it should be required forhis (Troup's) own son; which, to Burr, was a most acceptable kindness,as he was destitute of the means of supplying even his most pressingwants. His prospects, for the moment, were cheering and auspicious.But they were soon "o'er-clouded with wo."

In his daughter (Mrs. Alston) and her son were centred all his hopes,all his affections, all the ties that bound him to this life. Thefollowing appears to have been the first letter, after his arrival inthe United States, that Burr received from his son-in-law Alston.

FROM JOSEPH ALSTON.

July 26, 1812.

A few miserable weeks since, my dear sir, and in spite of all theembarrassments, the troubles, and disappointments which have fallen toour lot since we parted, I would have congratulated you on your returnin the language of happiness. With my wife on one side and my boy onthe other, I felt myself superior to depression. The present wasenjoyed, the future was anticipated with enthusiasm. One dreadful blowhas destroyed us; reduced us to the veriest, the most sublimatedwretchedness. That boy, on whom all rested; our companion, ourfriend—he who was to have transmitted down the mingled blood ofTheodosia and myself—he who was to have redeemed all your glory, andshed new lustre upon our families—that boy, at once our happiness andour pride, is taken from us—is dead. We saw him dead. My own handsurrendered him to the grave; yet we are alive. But it is past. I willnot conceal from you that life is a burden, which, heavy as it is, weshall both support, if not with dignity, at least with decency andfirmness. Theodosia has endured all that a human being could endure;but her admirable mind will triumph. She supports herself in a mannerworthy of your daughter.

We have not yet been able to form any definite plan of life. Mypresent wish is that Theodosia should join you, with or without me, assoon as possible. My command here, as brigadier-general, embarrassesme a good deal in the disposal of myself. I would part withTheodosia reluctantly; but if I find myself detained here, I shallcertainly do so. I not only recognise your claim to her after such aseparation, but change of scene and your society will aid her, I amconscious, in recovering at least that tone of mind which we aredestined to carry through life with us.

I have great anxiety to be employed against Quebec, should an army beordered thither, and have letters prepared asking of the president abrigade in that army. From the support which that request will have,if not obtained now, I doubt not it will be at the first increase ofthe military force, which, if the war be seriously carried on, must beas soon as Congress meet. Then, be the event what it may, I shall atleast gain something. Adieu.

Yours, with respect and regard,

JOSEPH ALSTON.

The effect upon Burr of this blow may be imagined by those who havenoticed his constant and unceasing anxiety for his grandson, AaronBurr Alston. In his intercourse, however, with the world, and in hisbusiness pursuits, there was a promptitude and an apparentcheerfulness which seemed to indicate a tranquillity of mind. But notso in his lone and solitary hours. When in the society of a singlefriend, if an accidental reference was made to the event, the manlytear would be seen slowly stealing down his furrowed cheek, until, asif awakening from a slumber, he would suddenly check those emotions ofthe heart, and all would again become subdued, calm, dignified.

During this autumn (1812) Theodosia's health continued to beprecarious. Deep-settled grief, in addition to her protracted disease,was rapidly wasting her away. She continued to correspond with herfather; but at length, in November, it was determined that she shouldjoin him in New-York. A few short extracts of letters will unfold andclose this melancholy tale.

FROM TIMOTHY GREEN.

Charleston, S. C., December 7, 1812.

I arrived here from New-York on the 28th ult., and on the 29th startedfor Columbia. Mr. Alston seemed rather hurt that you should conceiveit necessary to send a person here, as he or one of his brothers wouldattend Mrs. Alston to New-York. I told him you had some opinion of mymedical talents; that you had learned your daughter was in a low stateof health, and required unusual attention, and medical attention onher voyage; that I had torn myself from my family to perform thisservice for my friend. He said that he was inclined to charter avessel to take her on. I informed him that I should return toCharleston, where I should remain a day or two, and then proceed toGeorgetown (S. C.) and wait his arrival.

Georgetown, S. C., December 22, 1812.

I have engaged a passage to New-York for your daughter in a pilot-boatthat has been out privateering, but has come in here, and is refittingmerely to get to New-York. My only fears are that Governor Alston maythink the mode of conveyance too undignified, and object to it; butMrs. Alston is fully bent on going. You must not be surprised to seeher very low, feeble, and emaciated. Her complaint is an almostincessant nervous fever. We shall sail in about eight days.

TIMOTHY GREEN.

FROM JOSEPH ALSTON TO THEODOSIA.

Columbia, S. C., January 15, 1813.

Another mail, and still no letter! I hear, too, rumours of a gale offCape Hatteras the beginning of the month! The state of my mind isdreadful. Let no man, wretched as he may be, presume to think himselfbeyond the reach of another blow. I shall count the hours till noonto-morrow. If I do not hear then, there will be no hope till Tuesday.To feelings like mine, what an interval! May God grant me one wordfrom you to-morrow. Adieu. All that I have left of heart is yours. Allmy prayers are for your safety and well-being.

January 19, 1813.

Forebodings! wretched, heart-rending forebodings distract my mind. Imay no longer have a wife; and yet my impatient restlessness addressesher a letter. To-morrow will be three weeks since our separation, andnot yet one line. Gracious God! for what am I reserved?

JOSEPH ALSTON.

FROM JOSEPH ALSTON TO COL. BURR.

Columbia, January 19, 1813.

To-morrow will be three weeks since, in obedience to your wishes,Theodosia left me. It is three weeks, and not yet one line from her.My mind is tortured. I wrote you on the 29th ult., the day beforeTheo. sailed, that on the next day she would embark in the privateerPatriot, a pilot-boat-built schooner, commanded by CaptainOverstocks, with an old New-York pilot as sailing-master. The vesselhad dismissed her crew, and was returning home with her guns underdeck. Her reputed swiftness in sailing inspired such confidence of avoyage of not more than five or six days, that the three weeks withouta letter fill me with an unhappiness—a wretchedness I can neitherdescribe nor conquer. Gracious God! Is my wife, too, taken from me? Ido not know why I write, but I feel that I am miserable.

Charleston, January 31, 1813.

A call of business to this place for a few days occasioned your letterof the 20th not to be received till this morning. Not a moment is lostin replying to it. Yet wherefore? You ask of me to relieve yoursuspense. Alas! it was to you I looked for similar relief. I havewritten you twice since my letter of December 29. I can add nothing tothe information then given. I parted with our Theo. near the bar aboutnoon on Thursday, the last of December. The wind was moderate andfair. She was in the pilot-boat-built schooner Patriot, CaptainOverstocks, with an experienced New-York pilot, Coon, assailing-master. This vessel, the same which had been sent bygovernment last summer in pursuit of Commodore Rodgers's squadron, hadbeen selected as one which, from her reputed excellence and swiftnessin sailing, would ensure a passage of not more than five or six days.From that moment I have heard nothing of the schooner nor my wife. Ihave been the prey of feelings which you only can imagine. When Iturned from the grave of my boy I deemed myself no longer vulnerable.Misfortune had no more a blow for me. I was wrong. It is true, I nolonger feel, I never shall feel as I was wont; but I have been taughtthat there was still one being in whom I was inexpressibly interested.I have in vain endeavoured to build upon the hope of long passage.Thirty days are decisive. My wife is either captured or lost. What adestiny is mine! and I live under it, engage in business, appear tothe world as though all was tranquil, easy. 'Tis so, but it cannotendure. A short time since, and the idea of capture would have beenthe source of painful, terrible apprehension; it now furnishes me theonly ray of comfort, or rather of hope, that I have. Each mail isanticipated with impatient, yet fearful and appalling anxiety. Shouldyou hear aught relative to the object of this our common solicitude,do not, I pray, forget me.

JOSEPH ALSTON.

FROM JOSEPH ALSTON.

February 25, 1813.

Your letter of the 10th, my friend, is received. This assurance of myfate was not wanting. Authentic accounts from Bermuda and Nassau, aslate as January 30, connected with your letter from New-York of the28th, had already forced upon me the dreadful conviction that we hadno more to hope. Without this victim, too, the desolation would nothave been complete. My boy—my wife—gone, both! This, then, is theend of all the hopes we had formed. You may well observe that you feelsevered from the human race. She was the last tie that bound us to thespecies. What have we left? In surviving the 30th of June [1] Ithought I could meet all other afflictions with ease, yet I havestaggered under this in a manner that I am glad had not a witness.Your letter of January 28 was not received till February 9. The Oaks,for some months visited only at intervals, when the feelings the worldthought gone by were not to be controlled, was the asylum I sought. Itwas there, in the chamber of my wife, where every thing was disposedas usual; with the clothes, the books, the play-things of my boyaround me, that I sustained this second shock, doubled in a mannerthat I could not account for. My son seemed to have been reanimated,to have been restored to me, and to have just perished again with hismother. It was the loss of both pressing upon me at the same moment.

Should it be my misfortune to live a Century, the 30th of June and the10th of February are so impressed upon my mind that they will alwaysseem to have just passed. I visited the grave of my boy. The littleplans we had all three formed rushed upon my memory. Where now was theboy? The mother I cherished with so much pride? I felt like the veryspirit of desolation. If it had not been for a kind of stupefactionand confusion of mind which followed, God knows how I should haveborne it. Oh, my friend, if there be such a thing as the sublime ofmisery, it is for us that it has been reserved.

You are the only person in the world with whom I can commune on thissubject; for you are the only person whose feelings can have anycommunity with mine. You knew those we loved. With you, therefore, itwill be no weakness to feel their loss. Here, none knew them; nonevalued them as they deserved. The talents of my boy, his rareelevation of character, his already extensive reputation for so earlyan age, made his death regretted by the pride of my family; but,though certain of the loss of my not less admirable wife, they seem toconsider it like the loss of an ordinary woman. Alas! they knownothing of my heart. They never have known any thing of it. Yet, afterall, he is a poor actor who cannot sustain his little hour upon thestage, be his part what it may. But the man who has been deemed worthyof the heart of Theodosia Burr, and who has felt what it was to beblessed with such a woman's, will never forget his elevation.

JOSEPH ALSTON.

This distressing correspondence between Colonel Burr and GovernorAlston was continued during the year 1813; but the unfortunateTheodosia was never again heard of, except in idle rumours andexaggerated tales of her capture and murder by pirates. These reports,it is believed, were without foundation. The schooner on board whichshe had taken passage probably foundered, and every soul perished in aheavy gale which was experienced along our whole coast a few daysafter her departure from Georgetown.

Colonel Burr, on his return to the United States, mingled but littlein society. He only knew those who first recognised him. In theordinary conflicts of the political parties of the day he seemed tofeel but little interest, and rarely interfered. From them he soughtneither honour nor emolument. He pursued his profession, however, withgreat ardour and some success; but was continually embarrassed, andsometimes experienced great difficulty from the pressure of his olddebts. The following extract will afford some general idea of hissituation.

TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, October 16, 1815.

I have found it so difficult to answer that part of your letter whichregards myself and my concerns, that it has been deferred, thoughoften in my mind. At some other time I may give you, in detail, asketch of the sad period which has elapsed since my return. For thepresent, it will suffice to say that my business affords me a decentsupport. If I had not been interrupted in the career which I began, Ishould, before this, have paid all my debts and been at ease.

My old creditors (principally the holders of the Mexican debts) cameupon me last winter with vindictive fury. I was held to bail in largesums, and saw no probability of keeping out of prison for six months.This danger is still menacing, but not quite so imminent. I shallneither borrow nor receive from any one, not even from you. I havedetermined not to begin to pay unless I see a prospect of paying all.

A. BURR.

When any great political question agitated the country, such as apresidential election, Mr. Burr seemed to feel it his duty to expresshis opinion to those whom he supposed confided in his discernment orhis patriotism. On these occasions he spake with great freedom andboldness. Many of his letters exhibit all that sagacity and talent forwhich he was so pre-eminently distinguished. It has been seen by theextract from Blennerhassett's private journal, that he did notcomplain in 1807 of any act done by General Andrew Jackson. Thefollowing will show that he remained under the influence of similarfeelings in 1815.

TO GOVERNOR JOSEPH ALSTON.

New-York, November 20, 1815.

A congressional caucus will, in the course of the ensuing month,nominate James Monroe for President of the United States, and willcall on all good republicans to support the nomination.

Whether we consider the measure itself, the character and talents ofthe man, or the state whence he comes, this nomination is equallyexceptionable and odious.

I have often heard your opinion of these congressional nominations.They are hostile to all freedom and independence of suffrage. Acertain junto of actual and factitious Virginians, having hadpossession of the government for twenty-four years, consider theUnited States as their property, and, by bawling "Support theAdministration," have so long succeeded in duping the republicanpublic. One of their principal arts, and which has been systematicallytaught by Jefferson, is that of promoting state dissensions, notbetween republican and federal—that would do them no good—butschisms in the republican party. By looking round you will see how theattention of leading men in the different states has thus been turnedfrom general and state politics. Let not this disgraceful dominationcontinue.

Independently of the manner of the nomination and the location of thecandidate, the man himself is one of the most improper and incompetentthat could be selected. Naturally dull and stupid; extremelyilliterate; indecisive to a degree that would be incredible to one whodid not know him; pusillanimous, and, of course, hypocritical; has noopinion on any subject, and will be always under the government of theworst men; pretends, as I am told, to some knowledge of militarymatters, but never commanded a platoon, nor was ever fit to commandone. "He served in the Revolutionary War!"—that is, he acted ashort time as aid-de-camp to Lord Stirling, who was regularly********. Monroe's whole duty was to fill his lordship's tankard, andhear, with indications of admiration, his lordship's long storiesabout himself. Such is Monroe's military experience. I was with myregiment in the same division at the time. As a lawyer, Monroe was farbelow mediocrity.

He never rose to the honour of trying a cause of the value of ahundred pounds. This is a character exactly suited to the views of theVirginia junto.

To this junto you have twice sacrificed yourself, and what have yougot by it? Their hatred and abhorrence. Did you ever know them tocountenance a man of talents and independence? Never—nor ever will.

It is time that you manifested that you had some individual character;some opinion of your own; some influence to support that opinion. Makethem fear you, and they will be at your feet. Thus far they havereason to believe that you fear them.

The moment is extremely auspicious for breaking down this degradingsystem. The best citizens of our country acknowledge the feebleness ofour administration. They acknowledge that offices are bestowed merelyto preserve power, and without the smallest regard to fitness. If,then, there be a man in the United States of firmness and decision,and having standing enough to afford even a hope of success, it isyour duty to hold him up to public view: that man is Andrew Jackson.Nothing is wanting but a respectable nomination, made before theproclamation of the Virginia caucus, and Jackson's success isinevitable.

If this project should accord with your views, I could wish to seeyou prominent in the execution of it. It must be known to be yourwork. Whether a formal and open nomination should now be made, orwhether you should, for the present, content yourself with barelydenouncing, by a joint resolution of both houses of your legislature,congressional caucuses and nominations, you only can judge. Oneconsideration inclines me to hesitate about the policy of a presentnomination. It is this—that Jackson ought first to be admonished tobe passive: for, the moment he shall be announced as a candidate, hewill be assailed by the Virginia junto with menaces, and withinsidious promises of boons and favours. There is danger that Jacksonmight be wrought upon by such practices. If an open nomination bemade, an express should be instantly sent to him.

This suggestion has not arisen from any exclusive attachment toJackson. The object is to break down this vile combination which rulesand degrades the United States. If you should think that any other mancould be held up with better prospect of success, name that man. Iknow of no such. But the business must be accomplished, and on thisoccasion, and by you. So long as the present system prevails, you willbe struggling against wind and tide to preserve a precariousinfluence. You will never be forgiven for the crime of having talentsand independence.

Exhibit yourself, then, and emerge from this state of nullity. You oweit to yourself, you owe it to me, you owe it to your country, you oweit to the memory of the dead.

I have talked of this matter to your late secretary, but he has notseen this letter.

A. BURR.

Your secretary was to have delivered this personally, but has changedhis course on hearing that Jackson is on his way to Washington. If youshould have any confidential friend among the members of Congress fromyour state, charge him to caution Jackson against the perfidiouscaresses with which he will be overwhelmed at Washington.

A. B.

New-York, December 11, 1815.

A copy of the preceding went under cover to Dr. Wragg. Since that datethings are wonderfully advanced, as your secretary will write or tellyou. These will require a written message (letter) from yourself andothers (or yourself alone, but three names would look more formal),advising Jackson what is doing; that communications have been had withthe Northern states, requiring him only to be passive, and asking fromhim a list of persons in the Western states to whom you may addressyour letters.

A. BURR.

FROM JOSEPH ALSTON.

Charleston, February 16, 1816.

Your letter of the 20th of November, entrusted to Mr. Phillips, wasreceived through the postoffice about the middle of last month. Itwas, of course, too late, had circ*mstances been ever so favourable,to be acted upon in the manner proposed. Had it even been received,however, in due season, it would have found me utterly incapable ofexertion. On my way to Columbia, in November, I had another severeattack of illness, which rendered absolutely impracticable either theimmediate prosecution of my journey or my attendance during thesession of the legislature. As soon as I was able to bear the motionof a carriage, I was brought by short stages to this place, where Ihave been confined ever since. Yesterday was the first time for twomonths that I have been out of the house. So much for the miserableremnant of myself.

With regard to the subject of your letter of the 20th of November, Ifully coincide with you in sentiment; but the spirit, the energy, thehealth necessary to give practical effect to sentiment, are all gone.I feel too much alone, too entirely unconnected with the world, totake much interest in any thing. Yet, without the smallest solicitudeabout the result, I shall certainly not fail to discharge my publicduty, whenever the opportunity occurs, by giving a very strong andfrank expression of my opinion on the subject suggested.

Vanderlyn, I perceive from the papers, has returned to New-York.Nothing, I trust, has prevented his bringing back the portrait [2] youleft with him. Let me again entreat you to use your influence with himin procuring me a good copy. I received some days since, through thekindness of Mr. John B. Prevost, a miniature, which appears to havebeen taken from Vanderlyn's portrait. The execution is good, but inexpression it is by no means equal to the portrait. There was a smallportrait of Natalie which you took with you, of which, if Vanderlynembraces that kind of painting in his present plan, I should be gladalso to obtain of him a copy. The original picture, I think, was thebest portrait I ever saw.

Yours affectionately,

JOSEPH ALSTON.

In this depressed state of mind and debilitated state of body GovernorAlston remained until summer, when he died. Whatever may have beenappearances to the contrary, it is highly probable that, after thedeath of his son and wife, he never enjoyed happiness. Their losscontinually preyed upon him. To Colonel Burr, and, it would seem, tohim alone, he unbosomed himself. All his letters breathe a deep andsettled gloom, bordering on despondency—a gloom which time could notsubdue or change.

FROM WILLIAM A. ALSTON.

Rosehill, near Georgetown, October 4, 1916.

SIR,

It was enjoined on me, and my brother John A. Alston, verbally, by ourlate brother Joseph Alston, to send a certain trunk to you, which henever had the courage to open, containing, as he said, some thingsthat belonged to your daughter Theodosia; and to send a certaincollection of other articles (of dress, I believe), that had also beenhers, to the eldest daughter of Mr. J. B. Prevost. Pray point you outthe way, sir, in which our trust is to be executed.

In his will, of which a copy shall be sent you if desired, my brotherhas given all demands up to you that he had against you. Veryrespectfully,

WILLIAM A. ALSTON.

P. S. These are alone the words relating to you in the will: "To myfather-in-law, Aaron Burr, I give, devise, and bequeath all demands Imay have against him, whether by judgment or otherwise."

The trunk and other articles above referred to were subsequentlytransmitted to Colonel Burr. Among the private papers of Theodosiathere are some fragments and scraps of much interest. In the summer of1805 she was dangerously ill, and she appears, from the followingletter, to have been greatly depressed in mind.

FROM THEODOSIA TO JOSEPH ALSTON.

August 6, 1805.

Whether it is the effect of extreme debility and disordered nerves, orwhether it is really presentiment, the existence of which I have beenoften told of, and always doubted, I cannot tell; but somethingwhispers me that my end approaches. In vain I reason with myself; invain I occupy my mind, and seek to fix my attention on other subjects; there is about me that dreadful heaviness and sinking of the heart,that awful foreboding, of which it is impossible to divest myself.Perhaps I am now standing on the brink of eternity; and, ere I plungein the fearful abyss, I have some few requests to make.

I wish your sisters (one of them, it is immaterial which) would selectfrom my clothes certain things which they will easily perceivebelonged to my mother. These, with whatever lace they find in a largetrunk in a garret-room of the Oaks house, added to a little satinwoodbox (the largest, and having a lock and key), and a black satinembroidered box, with a pincushion; all these things I wish they wouldput together in one trunk, and send them to Frederic, with theenclosed letter. I prefer him, because Bartow's wife would have littlerespect for what, however trifling it may appear, I nevertheless deemsacred.

I beg Sister Maria will accept of my watch-ring. She will find alocket which she gave me, containing the hair of her mother; she hadbetter take it. If the lace in my wardrobe at the Oaks will be of anyuse to Charlotte, I beg she will take it, or any thing else shewishes. My heart is with those dear amiable sisters, to give themsomething worth preserving in recollection of me; but they know that awarm friendship is all I have to give.

Return to mamma the eagle she gave me. Should an opportunity toCatharine Brown ever occur, send her a pearl necklace, a small diamondring, a little pair of coral tablets, which are among my trinkets atthe Oaks. I pray you, my dear husband, send Bartow's daughter somepresent for me, and to himself and Frederic a lock of my hair. ReturnNatalie the little desk she gave me, accompanied by assurances of myaffectionate recollection, and a ring of my hair. Remember me toSally, who is truly amiable, and whom I sincerely esteem.

I beg, also, you will write immediately to New-York, for warding somemoney for the comfortable support of Peggy until my father canprovide for her. Do not permit grief at the loss of me to render youforgetful of this, for the poor creature may expire of want in themean time. I beg this may be attended to without delay.

To you, my beloved, I leave our child; the child of my bosom, who wasonce a part of myself, and from whom I shall shortly be separated bythe cold grave. You love him now; henceforth love him for me also. Andoh, my husband, attend to this last prayer of a doting mother. Never,never listen to what any other person tells you of him. Be yourselfhis judge on all occasions. He has faults; see them, and correct themyourself. Desist not an instant from your endeavours to secure hisconfidence. It is a work which requires as much uniformity of conductas warmth of affection towards him. I know, my beloved, that you canperceive what is right on this subject as on every other. Butrecollect, these are the last words I can ever utter. It willtranquillize my last moments to have disburdened myself of them.

I fear you will scarcely be able to read this scrawl, but I feelhurried and agitated. Death is not welcome to me. I confess it is everdreaded. You have made me too fond of life. Adieu, then, thou kind,thou tender husband. Adieu, friend of my heart. May Heaven prosperyou, and may we meet hereafter. Adieu; perhaps we may never see eachother again in this world. You are away, I wished to hold you fast,and prevented you from going this morning. But He who is wisdom itselfordains events; we must submit to them. Least of all should I murmur.I, on whom so many blessings have been showered—whose days have beennumbered by bounties—who have had such a husband, such a child, andsuch a father. Oh pardon me, my God, if I regret leaving these. Iresign myself. Adieu, once more, and for the last time, my beloved.Speak of me often to our son. Let him love the memory of his mother,and let him know how he was loved by her. Your wife, your fond wife,

THEO.

Let my father see my son sometimes. Do not be unkind towards him whomI have loved so much, I beseech you. Burn all my papers except myfather's letters, which I beg you to return him. Adieu, my sweet boy.Love your father; be grateful and affectionate to him while he lives;be the pride of his meridian, the support of his departing days. Beall that he wishes; for he made your mother happy. Oh! my heavenlyFather, bless them both. If it is permitted, I will hover round you,and guard you, and intercede for you. I hope for happiness in the nextworld, for I have not been bad in this.

I had nearly forgotten to say that I charge you not to allow me to bestripped and washed, as is usual. I am pure enough thus to return todust. Why, then, expose my person? Pray see to this. If it does notappear contradictory or silly, I beg to be kept as long as possiblebefore I am consigned to the earth.

[Directed—"My husband. To be delivered after my death. I wish thisto be read immediately, and before my burial."]

Although Colonel Burr seldom interfered in the politics of his owncountry, yet he continued to feel a deep and abiding interest in theemancipation of South America. He was constantly projecting somemeasure which in his opinion was calculated to promote this object. Heencouraged the friends of freedom in that benighted land. Hecorresponded with those who were connected with any enterprisefavouring the revolution, and consulted and advised with all whovisited the United States, and sought his advice on the subject. Thefollowing letter will show the wishes of distinguished Mexicans in theyear 1816.

FROM GENERAL TOLEDO.

TRANSLATION.

New-York, September 20, 1816.

Sir,

Although I have not the honour of knowing you personally, thereputation of your talents and good wishes for the cause of Americahave made your name familiar among us; and since this will dispensethe accustomed forms of introduction, I dare present to yourconsideration the actual state of our revolution, our evils, and theremedies which we believe may be applied to them.

It is six years since that, almost simultaneously, the standard ofliberty was raised by different provinces of Spanish America, and thecry of independence was heard from the territory of Mexico to theextremities of Chili. The inhabitants, determined to resist theirEuropean oppressors, formed themselves in groups under the name ofarmies, and placed at the head of them persons of the firstreputation. Hundreds of battles have been fought, decided solely bydint of valour, without the assistance of military art or skill; theyouth and most illustrious families have been sacrificed, and evenentire populations have disappeared in a struggle so just, butunfortunately conducted with inaptitude or marked with cruelty.

I, among others, have been honoured with the confidence of the commandof the Mexican troops; and at the close of so many sacrifices we haveonly come to a knowledge of the character of the people and ofourselves. Both are well disposed, and there is only wanting, tocomplete our wishes, that these dispositions be directed withcalculation and wisdom for the public good.

My voyage to this country has for its object not only to obtain themeans for continuing the war, but to seek the person best capable ofemploying them. This is the desire of that people; and I can assureyou that their wish and mine would be satisfied at the same time, ifwe should have the fortune of your assuming the management of ourpolitical and military affairs in the dangerous crisis in which wefind ourselves.

I hope that, in behalf of the cause of America and of humanity, youwill accept this offer, which I have the honour to make you in thename of that people, and

I am, sir,

With the greatest respect and consideration,

Yours,

JOSE ALVAREZ DE TOLEDO.

The invitation of General Toledo was not accepted. Colonel Burr,however, continued to act with his accustomed zeal in behalf of theSouth American patriots; and in 1819 the Republic of Venezuela grantedhim the following commission:—

TRANSLATION.

Republic of Venezuela, Palace of the Governor, Angostura, October 9,1819.

John Baptiste Arismendi, of the Order of Liberators,

Captain-general of the Armies, and Vice-president of the State, &c.,&c., &c.

Whereas Aaron Burr, citizen of the United States of North America, hasproved, to the satisfaction of this government, his ardent love forthe cause of liberty and independence, and his desire to be activelyemployed in its service, as one most worthy of a freeman and aphilanthropist, and most glorious for an American who has fought forthe rights of his native land:

Therefore, in compliance with his (noble) praiseworthy wishes, and infulfilment of a duty imposed upon me by the absence of the presidentof the republic in the territory of New Grenada, and impressed withthe necessity of rendering assistance to all other countries of SouthAmerica and Mexico now contending against the civil and religioustyranny of the Spanish government,

I hereby authorize the above-named Aaron Burr (without violation ofestablished laws and customs) to raise troops for sea and landservice, to aid this government or any other now struggling in thesame cause against the despotism of Spain; provided that, in thuscontending against the common enemy, he conform to establishedordinances, the laws of nations, and the acknowledged usages amongcountries that aspire to emancipation and liberty.

And I declare that, it not being possible to organize gratuitouslynaval or land expeditions in all parts of the country, the propertytaken from the enemy being insufficient to defray the expenses, thisrepublic and any other that may be benefited or assisted by the saidAaron Burr shall hold their funds responsible for any debts contractedby him in the premises.

Therefore, that he may proceed with that order which the exigence ofthe case requires, the "commissioned" (A. B.) shall render anaccount, and advise of all contracts entered into by him in thefulfilment of his commission, in order that they may be examined andapproved in anticipation (of payment). But it will be understood thatthe government is unable at this time to pay its troops regularly; andthe latter will not be justified in relying on any thing more than abare subsistence or an occasional provision, more or less, accordingto circ*mstances. This notice to be given to all enlisting under hisbanners. This measure is rendered necessary, lest the good faith ofthe government should be compromised. An account of all militarystipends will be kept by the government, that they may be liquidatedin proportion to the increase of its resources. The republic exactsthis service only during the continuance of the war. At itstermination each soldier shall receive as a bounty a landed estate ofthe value of five hundred dollars; and all officers shall be paid inproportion, in conformity with the provisions of the law, or thedecree for the division of national property, in addition to thepersonal rights with which the gratitude of Venezuela constitutionallyrecognises the services performed in its cause.

And that the above-named Aaron Burr may legally exert himself infavour of the emancipation and liberty of Venezuela and New Grenada,and all other countries of South America and Mexico now contendingagainst the arbitrary and oppressive power of Spain, without in anymanner giving offence to friendly or neutral powers, so long as theyshall preserve their amity and neutrality, I grant to him thiscommission, signed with my hand, sealed with the provisional seal ofthe republic, and countersigned by the secretary of state and foreignaffairs, in the place, day, month, and year above named.

J. BAPTISTE ARISMENDI.

(Seal)

JUAN G. ROSCW, Secretary of State and F.A.

It was thus that Colonel Burr was employed after his return fromEurope until near the close of his life. During his leisure hours, ifany such he had, his mind was occupied for several years in directingthe education of two young ladies (Misses Eden) who were his wards,and for whom, in a protracted lawsuit, he had recovered a valuableestate. His regular and constant correspondence with these ladies,pointing out their errors, their improvements, and the studies whichthey were to pursue from day to day, was to them invaluable, and wellcalculated to "teach the young idea how to shoot." Copies of theseletters are preserved, and it was originally intended to havepublished portions of them in this work, but no space remains. Theywould form a pleasing and interesting treatise on female education.

Although Colonel Burr's pecuniary means were limited, yet he was notdestitute. He had an annual income of a few hundred dollars, inaddition to his half-pay as a colonel in the revolutionary army. Fortwo or three years before his death he suffered under the effects of aparalysis. Much of the time he was in a measure helpless, so far aslocomotion was concerned. His general health, however, was tolerablygood, by using great precaution in his diet. He had long abstainedfrom the use of either tea or coffee as affecting his nervous system.His mind retained much of its vigour, and his memory, as to events oflong standing, seemed to be unimpaired. Few octogenarians had aslittle of what is termed the garrulity of age as Colonel Burr. Henever was a great talker, and in the decline of life retained much ofthat dignified sedateness which had characterized his meridian. Whenvisited by strangers he received them with courtesy, unless his pridebecame awakened by a suspicion that the visit was one of idle orimpertinent curiosity. On such occasions his manner was formal, cold,repulsive. Under sufferings of body or mind he seldom complained; but,during the last year of his life, he became more restive andimpatient. The friends of his youth had gone before him. All the tiesof consanguinity which could operate in uniting him to the world weresevered asunder. To him there remained no brother, no sister, nochild, no lineal descendant. He had numbered four-score years, and wasincapable, from disease, of moving abroad, or even dressing himself.He therefore became restless, and seemed anxious for the arrival ofthe hour when his eyes should be closed in everlasting sleep. Atlength that hour came, and his mortal career terminated without astruggle on Wednesday, the 14th of September, 1836, in theeighty-first year of his age, on Staten Island, Richmond county, stateof New-York, whither he had been removed for the benefit of pure airduring the warm season. In conformity with his wish, his body wasremoved to Princeton, New-Jersey. The New-York Courier and Enquirer ofthe 19th of September gives the following account of his funeral.

From the Courier and Enquirer.

"On Friday morning, the 16th of September, the body of the lateColonel Aaron Burr was put on board a steamboat at Staten Island, andconveyed, with a number of his friends and relatives, from New-York toAmboy. Here it, with the followers, was received by the railroad carsand taken to Hightstown, nine miles from Princeton. A hearse andcarriage having been previously prepared, the remains, with thefriends of the departed, proceeded immediately to Princeton College,where the body was deposited until the hour of interment shouldarrive—half past three o'clock.

"At the appointed hour, the professors, collegians, and citizenshaving assembled, the ceremony commenced by a prayer to the Throne ofGrace. It was succeeded by a most eloquent, appropriate, and judicioussermon, delivered by the president of the college; after which theprocession was formed on the college green, and proceeded to theburying-ground under an escort of the military, accompanied by martialmusic. He was interred with the honours of war. The firing over thegrave was performed by a well-disciplined infantry corps, designatedas the Mercer Guards. The professors and students of the college, andsome of the clergy and citizens, united with the relatives and friendsof the deceased in the procession.

"The interment was in the college burying-place, near the tombs of hisancestors, in his native state, under the superintendence of thefathers of that seat of learning where the budding of his mighty mindfirst displayed itself, where it was cultivated and matured, and wherethe foundation was laid for those intellectual endowments which heafterward exhibited on the great theatre of life. He has shed a haloof literary glory around Nassau Hall. Through a long pilgrimage heloved her as the disciplinarian of his youthful mind. He vaunted thathe was one of her earliest and most attached sons. He joyed in hersuccess and sorrowed in her misfortunes. In this her last act ofrespect to his memory, she has repaid those kind feelings in which heindulged during a long life; and heartless must be the friend of thedeceased who remembers not with gratitude this testimony of regard forthe giant mind of him who must fill a large space in the history ofhis country. Peace be to his manes."

Extract from the Minutes of the Cliosophic Society.

"The Cliosophic Society having this morning received the mournfulintelligence of the decease of Colonel Aaron Burr, formerlyVice-president of the United States, an eminent member, and one of thefounders of our institution, would, in consideration of his eminenceand talents, as well as the zeal with which he has promoted theinterests of our association, pay to his memory a tribute of respectexpressive of our admiration of his greatness and regret at hisdemise. Be it therefore

"Resolved, That the efforts of this individual in behalf of oursociety during her infant struggle, and the affectionate interestwhich he has at all times manifested for her success, claim from us anexpression of condolence for his loss and gratitude for his services.

"2d. That the whole society follow his remains to the grave asmourners.

"3d. That, as a feeble testimony of our respect, the members wearcrape on the left arm for the space of thirty days.

"4th. That these resolutions be published in the Princeton Whig,New-York Courier and Enquirer, New-York Gazette, CommercialAdvertiser, United States Gazette, and United States Telegraph."

Footnotes:

1. The day on which his son died.

2. The portrait of Theodosia.

THE END.